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Jacques  de  Morgan 

Former  Director-General  of  the  Egyptian 

Department  of  Archaeology  and  former  General 

Delegate  in  Persia  of  the  French 

Ministry  of  Education 

^he  HISTORY  OF  THE 
ARMENIAN  PEOPLE 


From  the  Remotest  Times 
to  the  Present  Day 


Preface  by  GUST  AVE  SCHLUMBERGER 

of  the  Academy  of  Ancient 

Monuments  and  of  Literature 

Victrix  causa  diis  placult, 
sed  victa  Catoni. 

(Lucan,  Pharsala,  L  128) 

Illustrated  With  296  Maps,  Plans,  and  Documentary  Sketches 

by  the  Author. 

Translated  by 

ERNEST  F.  BARRY 


YRL  ^ 


DEDICATION 


To  youy  Armenians,  I  dedicate  this  book,  in  memory 
of  those  happy  days  of  my  youth  spent  in  your  picturesque 
mountain  villages,  in  your  enchanting  forests,  among  your 
fiower-spangled  meadows  all  glistening  in  the  beautiful 
Eastern  sunshine. 

May  this  story  of  the  deeds  of  your  forefathers  bring 
to  your  thought  the  dauntless  and  upright  men  of  the  past 
who  have  bequeathed  you  their  nobility  of  heart  and  their 
unconquerable  love  of  national  freedom,  and  remind  you 
of  your  ancient  lineage,  one  of  the  most  ancient  among 
the  illustrious  peoples  of  the  earth,  also  of  the  twenty-five 
hundred  years  that  your  fathers  have  valiantly  struggled 
to  uphold  the  honor  of  your  great  Hdik. 

May  this  dedication  recall  to  some  among  you  the 
traveler  who  found  such  charm  in  your  delightful 
country-side,  in  the  silvery  laughter  of  your  children,  the 
happy  songs  of  your  shepherds,  your  village  festivals,  the 
zourna  of  your  country-folk,  and  the  singing  of  your 
maidens. 

O  martyred  people!  may  you,  by  the  time  this  book 
appears,  see  the  dawn  of  your  final  day  of  freedom:  may 
you  with  your  poet  Tchobanian  sing: 

Behold  the  fire  springing  anew  from  out  the  night; 
The  redding  glow  of  the  mountain  tops; 

«    •    • 

'Tis  the  sweetest  hour  of  all, 

the  lovely  reawakening  to  Life! 


PREFACE 


During  this  seemingly  endless  war,  the  worst  ever  to 
afflict  mankind,  Armenia  has  undoubtedly  been  the  most  unfortunate 
of  all  lands,  the  most  racked  and  tortured,  more  so  even  than  Belgium, 
more  so  than  Serbia!  Victim  of  the  frightful  massacres  by  the 
Turks,  subjected  to  the  crudest  horrors,  partly  delivered  by  the  Rus- 
sians and  then  woefully  abandoned  by  them,  Armenia  has  seen  her 
fine  and  industrious  rural  population  decimated  to  an  unthinkable  ex- 
tent through  a  most  abominable  series  of  slaughters.  Not  only  is  she 
the  unhappiest  of  nations,  but  no  national  history  is  so  little  known 
as  is  hers,  despite  the  fact  that  this  history  was  once  so  famous. 
The  reason  for  this  is  that  for  several  centuries  Armenia  has  been 
constantly  held  down  beneath  the  most  unbearable  of  servitudes,  the 
bloody  Ottoman  yoke.  In  our  western  civilization  hardly  any  but  a 
very  few  scholars  know  the  early  history  of  the  Armenians,  those 
ancient  and  medieval  times  when  this  then  warlike  race  played  a  most 
important  role  in  the  hinterland  of  the  Eastern  world,  first  the  Roman 
and  then  the  Christian. 

A  few  noble-minded  men  of  this  long  and  sorely  tried  na- 
tion, along  with  some  French  friends  devoted  to  their  cause,  felt  it 
urgent  to  bring  Armenia's  hitherto  neglected  history  to  the 
knowledge  of  the  general  French  public  and  that  of  our  Allies,  through 
a  published  work  of  high  standing  and  practical  value.  This  they  deemed 
one  of  the  best  ways  to  interest  the  world,  and  France  in  particular,  in 
the  salvation  of  so  worthy  a  people.  These  friends  of  Armenia,  choos- 
ing as  spokesman  one  of  the  best  among  them,  the  great  patriot  Archag 
Tchobanian,  kindly  asked  my  advice  as  to  whom  they  should  appeal  to 
carry  out  this  difficult  task.  One  name  came  at  once  to  my  thought, 
that  of  my  friend  Jacques  de  Morgan,  the  intrepid  explorer,  the 
scholarly  and  enthusiastic  traveler  and  great  archaeologist,  renowned 
for  his  excavations  at  Susa  and  in  Egypt.     No  one  is  better  acquainted 


with  the  vast  regions  around  Armenia,  and  with  Armenia  itself,  which 
he  has  traveled  over  more  than  anyone.  No  one  has  more  carefully 
studied  the  mysterious  beginnings  and  the  history  of  those  races  that 
settled  over  the  magnificent  lands  south  of  the  Caucasus.  Many  years 
of  incessant  labor  had  impaired  his  health,  yet  when  upon  my  advice 
my  Armenian  friends  asked  him  to  write  the  history  of  their  nation 
and  to  compass  its  glorious  but  forgotten  annals  in  a  volume  of  strik- 
ing interest,  to  be  widely  disseminated  in  behalf  of  this  sacred  cause,  he 
at  once  accepted,  despite  his  poor  health  and  comparative  reclusion. 
He  set  to  work  immediately,  happy  to  be  able  still  to  serve  the  sublime 
cause  of  oppressed  peoples.  In  two  years  of  ardent  labor  he  completed 
this  important  work,  of  such  great  interest  to  a  vast  public  so  lacking 
in  knowledge  about  Armenia.  I  have  been  done  the  great  honor  of 
being  asked  to  write  a  few  introductory  lines  to  this  volume.  For  this 
honor  I  am  perhaps  indebted  to  my  own  works  on  the  Crusades  and 
Byzantine  history,  in  which  I  so  often  had  to  refer  to  the  valorous 
deeds  in  the  East  of  the  illustrious  Armenian  race.  "This  is  the  first 
time,"  wrote  Jacques  de  Morgan  to  me,,  "that  I  am  not  writing  the  pre- 
face myself  to  one  of  my  books!"  I  accepted,  however,  this  pleasurable 
task,  with  the  stated  intention  of  writing  briefly,  not  to  re-introduce  to 
the  public  my  friend  Morgan  already  so  well  known,  but  if  possible  to 
draw  the  further  attention  of  all  the  allied  nations  to  the  unhappy 
Armenian  people  and  to  the  abominable  injustice  they  have  endured 
for  centuries. 

I  fondly  hope  that  very  many  French  people,  and  very  many  of 
our  allies,  will  read  this  admirable  and  clear  outline,  so  understand- 
ingly  set  forth,  of  the  history  of  Armenia,  a  history  of  centuries  of 
valor,  of  energy,  and  of  suffering,  lived  under  the  shadow  of  the  two 
mountains  of  Ararat,  the  giants  that  tower  over  the  land.  For  my  part, 
I  feel  that  of  all  the  different  periods  of  this  people's  constantly  sub- 
lime and  tragic  history,  none  offers  more  interest  than  that  of  the 
Armenian  nation  during  the  Crusades  and  the  large  part  their  doughty 
sovereigns  took  by  the  side  of  the  Latin  princes  for  the  cause  of 
Christendom  overseas.  I  wish  this  splendid  volume  the  very  great  suc- 
cess it  deserves.  May  it  contribute,  upon  the  final  victory  now  so  near, 
towards  the  entry  of  Armenia,  freed  from  the  unbearable  Turkish  yoke, 
into  the  rightful  and  definite  place  to  which  she  is  entitled  in  the  future 
Society  of  Nations! 

GUSTAVE  SCHLUMBERGER 
September,    1918. 


FOREWORD 


To  my  friend  Gustave  Schlumberger,  member  of  the  Institute  of 
France,  the  eminent  Byzantinist,  and  to  the  great  Armenian  poet  Archag 
Tchobanian,  I  am  indebted  for  the  idea  of  writing  this  history  of  Armenia. 
It  was  with  some  hesitation  that  I  undertook  so  bold  and,  I  do  not  mind 
saying,  arduous  task.  Arduous  on  account  of  the  multiplicity  and  un- 
fortunate tangle  of  sources  of  information,  and  of  the  fact  that  these  are 
available  so  often  only  in  Armenian,  a  fact  that  closed  to  me  a  number 
of  doors.  However,  at  my  friends'  urgent  request.  I  set  about  the  work,  and 
endeavored  to  write  a  history  which  should  be  within  the  range  of  all 
readers  without  departing  from  the  strict  limits  of  accurate  scholarship. 
At  the  same  time  I  crave  the  reader's  indulgence  because  for  many  rea- 
sons outside  the  author's  will  it  is  necessarily  incomplete.  For  one  thing, 
the  storehouses  of  data  in  the  libraries  of  Russia,  the  Caucasus,  and  Con- 
stantinople, are  not  at  my  disposal,  and  also  there  is  so  much  written  in 
languages  I  do  not  know  and  not  yet  translated,  consequently  unavail- 
able. As  for  archaeological  material,  it  is  practically  non-existent.  In  Rus- 
sian Armenia  the  excavations  which  I  began  in  1887-88  were  subsequently 
forbidden  by  the  Imperial  Government,  and  have  hardly  yet  been  re- 
sumed by  a  Russian  Commission, — whilst  in  Turkish  Armenia  due  to  the 
innumerable  difficulties  raised  by  the  Ottoman  government  no  searches 
have  been  attempted  beyond  a  few  excavations  of  small  extent  at  Van. 
We  arc  consequently  obliged  to  fall  back,  so  far  as  the  earliest  periods  are 
concerned,  on  the  statements  of  classical  Greek  and  Latin  authors,  minus 
any  archaeological  support. 

As  with  the  history  of  all  Oriental  peoples,  especially  in  the  Middle 
Ages,  the  annals  of  Armenia  are  extremely  complex.  The  interlaced  events 
are  not  only  intimately  related  to  the  evolution  of  the  peoples  of  Asia,  but 
also  frequently  depend  on  the  politics  of  western  nations;  so  that  one 
must  often  deal  with  general  history  to  explain  the  cause  and  effect  of 
purely  Armenian  happenings.  As  for  the  facts  themselves,  the  relevant 

—  9  — 


documents  are  in  most  cases  very  widely  scattered,  spread  among  the 
histories  and  chronicles  of  foreign  nations.  They  had  to  be  discovered,  dis- 
cussed, and  compared, — a  task  frequently  difficult,  they  being  often  nar- 
rated differently  by  the  various  chroniclers. 

As  early  as  1889  /  was  interested  in  Armenian  history,  and  I  made  a 
brief  incursion  into  this  interesting  subject  in  a  volume  entitl ediMlssion 
scientifique  au  Caucase,  fitudes  archeologlques  et  historiques.  Tome  II. 
Recherches  sur  les  origines  des  peuples  du  Caucase,  But,  as  the  title  shows, 
this  research  was  not  restricted  to  the  Armenians,  and  the  history  of 
Armenia  was  only  included  in  its  main  aspects,  my  attention  being  more 
particularly  directed  to  the  questions  as  to  the  origins  of  the  Kartvelian 
peoples. 

Nevertheless,  I  had  examined  the  matter  of  Armenia  very  carefully 
both  as  regards  its  records  and  the  character  of  the  Armenian  people,  whom 
I  knew  from  having  lived  a  long  time  among  them.  These  are  the  reasons 
why  Messrs.  G.  Schlumberger  and  A.  Tchobanian  urged  me  to  write,  and 
why  1  yielded  to  their  wishes. 

Moreover,  in  the  present  circumstances,  writing  a  history  of  Armenia 
is  not  only  in  the  interests  of  science,  biit  it  is  fulfilling  a  duty  to  humanity, 
to  a  people  far  too  little  known,  remembered  only  for  its  woes,  and  de- 
serving of  a  happier  destiny. 

During  the  nearly  thirty  years  that  have  elapsed  since  my  book  on 
the  Caucasus  appeared,  numerous  works  have  dealt  with  the  question  of 
the  Armenian  people's  first  beginnings,  for  the  study  of  mankind's  earliest 
times  has  actively  engaged  mens  thoughts  and  the  Armenians  have  not 
been  left  out  in  these  investigations.  However,  a  few  books  in  particular  a/re 
specially  to  be  commended  for  the  safe  scientific  method  their  authors 
have  followed;  they  all  reach  the  same  cojiclusions  from  different  view- 
points. A.  MEILLET,  in  his  Grammaire  comparee  de  rArmenien  clas- 
sique  (1903),  deduces  from  his  analysis  of  the  language  irrefutable  proofs 
of  the  Indo-European  origin  of  the  people;  Messrs.  Noel  DOLENS  and 
A.  KHATCH  in  their  Histoire  des  anciens  Armeniens  (1907)  and  M. 
Kevork  ASIAN  in  his  fitudes  sur  le  Peuple  armenien  (1909)  all  vigorously 
espouse  and  clarify  my  own  arguments  of  1889,  and  so  dispose  of  the 
main  problem. 

While  I  was  finally  reviewing  the  manuscript  of  the  present  History 
of  the  Armenian  People,  there  appeared  (1917)  in  Rome  a  book  of  some 
importance  by  J.  SANDALGIAN,  Histoire  documentaire  de  I'Armenie  des 
temps  du  paganisme,  in  which  the  writer  arrives  at  conclusions  contrary 

—  10  — 


to  those  of  MeUlet,  N.  Dolens,  A.  Khatch,  and  K.  Asian.  Unfortunately 
the  author  of  this  voluminous  work  has  accepted  deceiving  etymological 
analogies  that  have  led  him  astray  from  scientific  conclusions. 

The  sources  of  Armenian  history  are  very  numerous;  they  divide 
naturally  into  three  classes,  according  to  the  periods.  The  chronicles 
of  the  Ararat  region  go  back  to  very  remote  antiquity.  The  first  events 
there  are  related  in  the  Ninivite  inscriptions  and  in  those  of  Urartu  (Van), 
but  antedate  considerably  the  arrival  of  the  Armenians  on  the  plateau 
of  Erzerum.  To  discuss  the  peoples  conquered  amd  assimilated  by  the 
later  arrivals  would  be  to  take  up  the  history  of  Western  Asia  from 
the  ISth  or  lOth  centuries  B.C.,  thus  going  outside  the  framework  of  this 
volume.  The  reader  will  find  in  the  Histoire  ancienne  des  Peuples  de 
rOrient,  by  G.  MASPERO,  and  in  my  Premieres  Civilisations,  all  the 
guidance  he  may  desire  on  these  questions;  I  shall  therefore  deal  with 
them  only  indirectly. 

Regarding  the  very  earliest  times  of  the  Armenians,  we  have  in 
the  West:  the  Achaemenian  inscriptions  of  Behistun,  {published  and 
translated  by  J.  OPPERT),  HERODOTUS,  the  narratives  of  XENO- 
PHON,  and  the  traditions  handed  down  to  us  by  PLINY,  STRABO,  and 
PTOLEMY;  also  in  the  East,  the  writings  of  MOSES  of  KHOREN  with 
a  few  passages  from  other  Eastern  authors. 

As  we  enter  the  Alexandrian  era  we  are  more  abundantly  documented, 
for  both  Greek  and  Latin  writers  tell  us,  chiefly  during  the  Seleucidan 
period,  of  the  wars  tvaged  by  the  Senate  of  the  Eternal  City  against  the 
rulers  of  Syria,  Pontus,  and  Armenia.  ARRIAN,  DIODORUS  OF 
SICILY,  STRABO,  APPIAN,  JUSTIN,  JOSEPHUS,  PLINY,  PLUT- 
ARCH, TACITUS,  SPARTIAN,  SUETONIUS,  DION  CASSIUS,  EU- 
TROPIUS,  FLORUS,  VELLEIUS  PATERCULUS,  are  authoritative  not 
only  for  data  on  the  Seleucidan  period  but  also  for  our  knowledge  of  events 
in  the  Parthian  era.  These  Western  writers  enable  us  to  verify  and  fill  in 
the  statements  left  us  by  AGANTHANGELUS,  by  MOSES  OF 
KHOREN,  and  other  Eastern  authors,  whose  relation  of  happenings 
they  did  not  witness  are  often  questionable. 

During  the  time  of  the  Roman  Empire,  when  the  legions  were  con- 
stantly fighting  the  Arsacid  Persians  and  waging  war  in  Armenia,  the 
various  emperors  caused  coins  to  be  struck  commemorating  the  chief 
political  or  military  events  in  the  East.  These  coins  are  sometimes  very 
useful  in  accurately  establishing  dates. 

Unfortunately  not  a  single  one  remains  of  the  many  historical  works 

—  11  — 


that  were  written  in  the  Pehlevi  language  under  the  Sassanid  kings.  For 
that  period  our  chief  sources  are  Armenian,  Syrian,  Latin,  and  Greek, 
MOSES  OF  K  HO  REN,  EVAGRIUS,  JOHN  MAMIGONIAN, 
AGATHANGELUS,  SOZOMEN,  MICHAEL  THE  SYRIAN,  FAUS- 
TUS,  EUSEBIUS,  ZENOBIUS  OF  GLAK,  ELISHA  V  ART  ABED, 
SEBEOS,  LAZARUS  OF  PHARP,  A  MM  I  AN  MARCELLINUS,  are  the 
'most  important  authorities. 

For  the  time  of  the  Bagratides  dynasty  we  come  to  MATTHEW 
OF  EDESSA,  Catholicos  JOHN  VI,  ASSOGHIK,  TH.  ARTZRUNI, 
SAMUEL  OF  ANI,  ARISTACES  OF  LASTIVERT,  the  Arabian  his- 
torians MAKRISI  and  IBN-AL-ATHYR,  along  with  others,  and  the 
Greek  chroniclers  CEDRENUS,  ZONARAS,  GLYCAS,  etc. 

In  writing  the  history  of  Armeno-Cilicia  (New  Armenia),  I  have 
drawn  mainly  on  Historiens  des  Croisades,  documents  armeniens,  by  E. 
DULAURIER,  and  on  Sissouan,  by  L.  ALISHAN. 

Finally,  for  modern  times,  I  have  consulted  the  books  and  numerous 
pamphlets  published  of  late  years,  such  as:  A.  J.  TOYNBEE,  The  Murder 
of  a  Nation;  A.  TCHOBANIAN,  Chants  populaires  armeniens  (Intro- 
duction), I'Armenie  sous  le  joug  turc;  Les  publications  du  Comite  armenien 
d'Angleterre,  de  New  York;  E.  DOUMERGUE,  L'Armenie,  les  Mas- 
sacres et  la  Question  d'Orient,  K.  J.  BASMADJIAN,  Histoire  modeme 
des  Armeniens;  Viscount  BRYCE,  The  Treatment  of  Armenians  in  the 
Ottoman  Empire,  1915-1916;  Marcel  LEAPT,  La  Question  armenienne 
a  la  lumiere  des  documents,  etc. 

To  these  special  works  should  be  added  some  writings  of  a  mor\e 
general  nature,  such  as:  H.F.B.  LYNCH,  Armenia;  MICHAEL 
CHAMICH,  History  of  Armenia;  Fr.  TOURNEBISE,  Histoire  politique 
et  rellgieuse  de  I'Armenie;  Viscount  BRYCE,  Transcaucasia  and  Ararat; 
Noel  and  Harold  BUXTON,  Travels  and  Politics  in  Armenia;  Reinhold 
ROH RIGHT,  Geschichte  des  Konigreichs  Jerusalem;  SAINT-MARTIN, 
Memoires  sur  I'Armenie;  No'el  DO  LENS  and  A.  KHATCH,  Histoire  des 
anciens  Armeniens,  Geneva,  1907;  KEVORK  ASLAN,  fitudes  historiques 
sur  le  peuple  armenien,  Paris  1909;  id.,  L'Armenie  et  les  Armeniens, 
Constantinople,  1914. 

As  regards  chronology,  I  have  made  use  of  the  very  thorough  work 
by  K.  J.  BASMADJIAN,  Chronologie  de  I'Histoire  de  I'Armenie,  and 
in  my  survey  of  religious  questions,  I  have  in  addition  to  the  above  works 
taken  largely  from  the  article  of  R.  JANIN  in  Les  echos  d'Orient:  Les 
Armeniens,  also  L'figlise  armenienne  by  Mgr.  M.  ORMANIAN. 

—  12  — 


Finally,  the  writing  and  valuable  advice  of  A.  Tchobanian  have 
been  my  main  source  in  acquainting  my  readers  with  Armenian  litera- 
ture and  poetry. 

Besides  these  main  sources  I  have  also  consulted  a  large  number 
of  scattered  documents  in  various  reviews  and  newspapers. 

My  acquaintance  with  the  country  and  with  Eastern  life  has  been 
moreover  very  helpful  to  me  me  in  compiling  this  work,  enabling  me 
often  to  understand  the  cause  and  effect  of  events.  Writing  a  history  has 
meant  going  into  innumerable  details,  but  in  regard  to  each  principal 
period  I  have  striven  to  show  the  main  lines  of  the  evolution  of  the 
Armenian  people  and  their  relation  to  the  outside  world  at  each  period, 
for  from  the  remotest  times  Armenia  by  reason  of  its  geographical  posi- 
tion had  a  very  large  role  to  play  in  the  outlook  of  the  major  powers 
concerning  Western  Asia. 

The  reader  will  perhaps  be  often  puzzled  by  the  seemingly  uncouth 
names  and  places  in  the  volume.  These  I  have  had  to  use,  however,  for 
we  must  not  forget  that  throughout  the  centuries  we  have  here  to  deal 
with  strictly  Oriental  nomenclatures,  in  the  Armenian,  Arabic,  ancient 
and  modern  Persian,  Turkish,  Kurdish,  and  Georgian  languages.  These 
names,  so  strange  to  European  ears,  become  much  simpler  when  their 
meaning  is  known.  Vagharschapat,  for  instance,  means  "built  by  Val- 
arsace;"  Sarkis  is  "Sergius";  Karapet,  "forerunner";  Alagheuz,  "blue 
eye";  Arpa-tchai,  "barley  river" ;  Gheuk-tchai,  "blue  river";  while  Vram- 
chapouh  is  the  Armenian  pronunciation  of  the  Persian  (Sassanides) 
double  name  Varahran-C hapour  (Sapor) ;  and  so  on.  Sometimes  also  the 
names  assume  the  most  varied  forms;  George  I,  king  of  Iberia  {Georgia) 
becomes,  according  to  different  writers  and  countries,  Gorige,  Korke, 
Keorke,  Keorki,  Giorgi,  Korike,  Kourken.  Therefore  the  sounds  I  have 
had  to  keep  to,  in^  order  to  preserve  the  linguistic  character  of  proper 
names,  should  not  look  too  formidable.  Their  use  was  unavoidable. 

The  geography  of  Western  Asia  is  not  generally  known  beyond  its 
main  outlines,  and  here  again  the  reader  will  be  confronted  with  un- 
avoidable difficulties.  But  they  have  been  mine  also,  for  they  have  neces- 
sitated much  research  on  my  part,  the  forms  which  the  geographical 
names  assume  being  so  numerous.  Erzerum  of  the  Turks,  or  Qaliqala,  is 
the  Theodosiopolis  of  the  Byzantines ;  the  Armenians  call  it  Karin.  The 
kingdom  of  Albania  is  A ghouania,  the  Aghouanq  of  the  Armenians ; 
Azerbaidjan  of  the  Turks  and  Persians  is  Atrpatakan  in  Armenian, 
Atropatenes  in  Greek,  not  to  speak  of  its  names  in  Achaemenian  and 

—  13  — 


Pehlevi.  But,  for  the  reader's  guidance,  I  have  generally  indicated  in  foot- 
notes the  names  most  commonly  found  on  current  maps,  and  have  not 
hesitated  to  repeat  myself  occasionally  to  save  having  to  turn  back  to  pre- 
ceding pages;  and  in  addition  I  have  illustrated  m,y  text  with  a  large 
number  of  maps  drawn  most  carefully  by  myself,  containing  just  the  data 
needed  for  each  particular  period. 

Though  the  reader  probably  knows  the  history  of  the  principal 
Asiatic  peoples,  I  have  referred  to  their  chief  historical  events  and  dates 
wherever  I  have  thought  it  helpful  to  clarify  the  story.  No  one  is  expected 
to  know  the  order  of  succession  of  the  Caliphs,  or  the  Sassanid  kings  of 
Persia,  any  more  than  that  of  the  Byzantine  emperors;  and  as  for  his- 
torical concordances,  they  are  even  less  known,  and  ignorance  in  these 
connections  is  definitely  excusable.  I  must  confess,  moreover,  very  frankly 
that  had  I  to  read  the  history  of  China,  I  should  be  grateful  if  the  author 
explained  to  me  innumerable  details  of  geography,  language,  and  chron- 
ology. 

To  give  more  color  to  my  narrative  of  subjects  and  events  so  un- 
familiar to  European  readers,  I  have  illustrated  my  text  with  all  the  in- 
teresting documentation  I  have  been  able  to  obtain,  such  as  coins,  seals, 
autographs,  signatures  of  rulers,  coats  of  arms,  archaeological  objects, 
ruins  of  castles  and  towns,  the  most  notable  structural  remains^  etc.  I 
have  added  topographical  plans  and  sketches,  all  from  the  most  varied 
sources,  and  I  have  made  it  my  care  to  draw  all  these  illustrations  myself 
and  to  prepare  the  drafts  for  the  map-specialist.  In  my  published  scien- 
tific works  I  have  always  avoided  so  far  as  possible  relying  on  professional 
draughtsmen  for  my  illustrations,  because  despite  their  skill  they  do  not 
attain  to  the  absolute  documentary  accuracy  needed  to  convey  the  author's 
exact  purpose.  My  illustrations ,  it  is  true,  are  far  from  the  professional 
perfection  of  a  skilled  draughtsman,  but  I  trust  the  reader  will  overlook 
this  as  he  realizes  the  truly  scientific  character  of  my  documentation. 
In  the  appendix  to  this  volume  will  be  found  chronological  tables. 
I  have  thus  endeavored  to  assist  in  every  way  possible  the  perusal  of 
this  book,  and  I  hope,  as  I  commit  it  to  press,  that  it  will  acquaint  very 
many  people  with  the  background  and  glorious  history  of  a  nation  of 
whom  so  little  is  knozvn  beyond  the  fact  of  its  long  martyrdom,  under  the 
Turkish  yoke.  These  pages  will  show  the  world  how  little  the  Armenian 
people  deserved  the  terrible  fate  that  has  hitherto  been  their  cruel  lot. 


—  14 


The  two  Ararats,  as  seen  from  the  valley  of  the  Araxes 


CHAPTER  I 


Physical  features  of  Armenia  —  Geography  —  Generalities 


In  the  regions  of  Ararat,  in  that  land  of  mystery  in 
ARARAT  which  earliest  tradition  locates  our  nebulous  human  origin, 
the  Armenians  have  dwelt  for  about  twenty-five  centuries. 
In  this  mountain  mass,  in  this  welter  of  great  peaks,  the  Armenian  people 
planted  themselves,  on  this  soil  they  became  a  nation.  But  the  land  was 
already  sacred,  a  land  renowned  to  the  peoples  of  ancient  times,  for  to 
their  religious  sentiment  this  was  the  scene  of  mankind's  rebirth  following 
the  most  awful  cataclysm  that  through  the  dim  corridor  of  memory  has 
remained   in   the    minds    of   men   through  countless  generations. 

In  the  imagination  of  the  ancients,  Ararat  seemed  a  wonder,  the  work 
of  a  supernatural  power,  and  the  colossus  became  sacred,  the  abode  of 
genii  known  as  "Dragon's  Sons."  (1)  Its  snowy  summit  was  associated 
with  the  dim  memories  of  forgotten  ages,  with  stories  enhanced  by  tradi- 
tion, and  Ararat,  the  work  of  divine  hands,  stood  in  contrast  to  that  other 
fabulous  tower  which  mortals  had  sought  in  vain  to  build  to  heaven.  Such 
power  and  grandeur,  such  commanding  poetry,  emanate  from  the  volcano's 


(1)  Vichapaznnk. 


15  — 


majesty,  that  simple  minds  have  ever  been  struck  with  overwhelming  awe 
and  admiration  in  the  presence  of  this  natural  wonder,  when  in  the 
midst  of  the  night's  darkness,  the  Giant's  summit  shines  forth  in  all  its 
luminous  glory.  This  is  the  moment  when  Ararat,  the  messenger  of  the 
powers  of  heaven,  announces  to  men  that  the  God  of  Zoroaster  is  getting 
ready  to  cause  his  golden  disk  to  rise  upon  the  old  world.  The  Masis  (1) 
is  the  wonder  mountain  of  Western  Asia,  towering  over,  crushing  all 
around  It,  seeming  to  have  been  forged  by  Vulcan  to  discomfit  the  soul  of 
the  beholder. 

When  towards  the  east  the  sky  Is  aglow  with  the  fires  that  herald 
the  dawn,  while  all  Armenia  Is  still  slumbering  deep  in  darkness,  a  blood- 
colored  patch  appears  in  the  cloud,  bright  as  the  steel  aglow  on  the  black- 
smith's anvil.  Slowly  this  patch  spreads,  lengthens,  and  takes  the  form  of 
the  sharp-pointed  head  of  a  giant  arrow,  directed  threateningly  to  heaven. 
This  is  the  snowy  peak  of  Great  Ararat,  made  crimson  by  the  first  rays 
of  the  sun,  while  the  orb  Itself,  still  hidden  to  mortals,  announces  its  com- 
ing by  the  gleams  It  sheds  in  the  cloud  beyond  the  Black  Mountains.  (2) 
Only  the  Giant's  summit  is  lit  with  the  ardent  glow  of  dawn:  it  seems  to 
melt  and  pass  slowly  away  while  Phoebus'  chariot  rises  on  the  horizon. 

To  the  left  of  the  Giant  rises  another  peak,  lower  but  just  as  sharp 
in  outline,  and  also  bathed  in  blood,  namely,  the  Lesser  Ararat.  It  like- 
wise Is  touched  by  the  first  glows  of  daylight,  and  this  vision,  evocative  of 
the  time  when  the  two  craters  together  belched  forth  flames  and  lava  (3), 
soon  disappears.  Then,  towards  the  west,  there  comes  soon  into  view  the 
summit     of     another     extinct     volcano,     the     brother     of      the     two 

Ararats,  the  Alagheuz  (4)  whose  eternal  snow  ap- 
THE  ALAGHEUZ      pears  pink  in  the  now  azured  sky  and  stands  out 

against  the  dark  huddle  of  the  mountains  of  West- 
CD  Name  given  by  the  Armenians  to  Ararat,  the  Arghi-dagh  of  the  Turks,  the 
Kouh-i-Nouh  (mountain  of  Noah's  ark)   of  the  Persians. 

(2)  The   Qara-dagh  and  the  Qara-bagh. 

(3)  In  Turkish:  Ala-gheuz   (Blue  Eye)  ;    in  Armenian:  Aragadz. 

(4)  The  table-land  of  Iran  and  that  of  Erzeroum  emerged  at  the  end  of  the 
tertiary  period,  together  with  the  volcanoes  (Ararat,  Alagheuz,  Lelwar,  etc;  Savalan, 
Sahend,  Demavend,  etc.)  During  the  latter  part  of  this  geological  period  (Plaisan- 
cian),  Azerbaidjan  and  the  adjoining  regions,  not  yet  raised,  enjoyed  a  climate  similar 
to  that  of  the  present  tropical  zones,  and  maintained  the  elephant,  the  rhinoceros, 
and  all  the  animals  of  warm  and  moist  lands  (fossU  fauna  of  Maragha).  At  the 
end  of  the  Pliocene  period  the  raised  surfaces  were  formed,  and  during  the  qua- 
ternary period,  Iran,  Armenia,  and  the  Caucasus  were  covered  with  snow.  Ihe 
volcanoes  remained  active  long  after  their  fi"teruPtions  and  lasted  perhaps  until 
men  peopled  these  regions  freed  from  snow.  (Cf.  J.  DE  MORGAN,  Les  Premieres 
Civilisations,  p.  57  sq.,  91  sq.,  164  sq.) . 

—  16  — 


ern  Armenia.  Gradually,  hundreds  of  peaks  come  out  of  the  darkness, 
announcing  to  every  valley  the  coming  of  Day,  while  shadow  and  morning 
mist  still  surround  the  whole  Araxes  plain,  including  Erivan,  the  ancient 
town  founded  by  King  Ervand,  and  Etchmiadzin,  the  holy  city  of  the 
Armenians.  In  the  distance  are  heard  the  church  bells  ringing  the  Angelus, 
the  bleating  of  herds  leaving  the  villages,  the  singing  of  shepherds,  the 
barking  of  dogs:  Armenia  is  awaking  to  return  to  its  daily  labors  in  its 
fertile  fields. 

Now  the  sun  pours  its  joyous  smile  on  the  workers  who  have  been  up 
before  dawn,  dispels  the  shades  of  the  mist,  tinges  with  blue  the  light 
smoke  hovering  over  the  villages,  and  sends  forth  its  waves  of  warmth. 
Women  clad  in  blue  or  red,  carrying  a  jar  on  head  or  shoulder,  come  out 
chattering  from  their  houses  of  yellow  clay,  while  the  men,  wearing  heavy 
sheepskin  caps  like  the  Tartars,  come  and  go,  take  the  horses  to  water, 
and  lead  the  oxen  to  the  plow.  Heedless  of  Nature's  awakening,  they  sing, 
chant  love-songs  or  old  legends  preserved  by  the  minstrels,  and  do  not 
even  look  at  the  Giant  majestically  standing  beyond  the  plain,  an  object 
of  admiration  for  the  traveler,  but  of  no  concern  to  the  countryman  who 
has  seen  it  ever  since  he  was  born. 

Ararat  (1)  whose  summit  stands  in  the  clouds  like  an  immense  reg- 
ular cone,  is  over  13,000  feet  (2)  higher  than  the  waters  of  the  Araxes.  Its 
barren  sides,  burned  and  furrowed  by  lava  outflows,  incline  abruptly 
downward  in  slopes  covered  with  crumbling  scoria  and  fragments  of  vol- 
canic bombs.  No  abutment,  no  minor  mountain,  hides  the  Giant's  base 
to  take  away  from  its  grandeur.  It  stands  in  isolation,  as  though  it  had 
risen  at  one  thrust  from  the  bowels  of  the  earth  by  the  force  of  an  al- 
mighty fiat.  Beside  it  stands  the  Lesser  Ararat  which,  despite  its  tre- 
mendous stature  (3)  gives  one  the  impression  of  a  child  alongside  its 
father,  waiting  on  his  orders.  About  twelve  miles,  as  the  crow  flies,  is 
the  distance  to  the  top  of  the  Great  Ararat  from  the  bed  of  the  Araxes; 
consequently  the  mountain  seems  to  crush  with  all  its  weight  the  valley 
of  Erivan:  a  sight  unequaled,  if  not  in  the  universe,  at  least  in  the  Old 
World.  For  Mont-Blanc  (4),  Kazbek  (5),  Demavend  (6),  Everest  (7), 
and  almost  all  the  highest  summits  in  our  own  lands,  rise  from  huge  bases 


Alt. 

(5)  16,545  ft. 

(6)  19,950  ft. 

(7)  29,000  ft. 


Alt. 

(1) 

16,930 

ft. 

(2) 

14,140 

ft. 

(3) 

13,220 

ft. 

(4) 

15,780 

ft. 

—  17  — 


surrounded  by  large  peaks,  so  that  much  of  their  majesty  is  lost  to  the 
spectator.  The  Elburz  Mountain  (8)  alone,  seen  from  the  Russian  steppes, 
appears  in  all  its  magnificence,  although  resting  on  an  enormous  pedestal. 
To  the  south  of  Armenia,  in  the  Kurdish  chain  forming  the  border 
of  Iran,  are  numerous  heights  varying  from  13,000  to  16,500  feet,  but  all 
these  peaks  are  enclosed  among  very  high  mountains,  so  that  they  are  lost 
in  the  ensemble  of  that  gigantic  wall  and  never  drew  the  attention 
of  the  early  inhabitants:  Zagros  (1)  overlooking  Bagdad,  Zerd  e  Kouh  (2) 
the  snow  of  which  is  seen  from  everywhere  in  Susiana,  have  not  played 
in  popular  imagination  the  part  they  should.  Demavend  alone,  among 
these  ancient  civilizations,  Demavend,  the  "Mountain  of  the  Genii," 
is  comparable  to  Ararat  as  regards  the  impression  made  on  the 
traveler.  But  although  this  peak  is  about  3,330  feet  higher  than  the  Ar- 
menian volcano,  it  does  not  strike  one  so  forcibly  because  it  stands  in  the 
middle  of  the  Elburz,  a  chain  higher  than  the  Alps.  Ararat  itself  when 
viewed  fro  mthe  south,  from  Khoi  or  Bayazid,  does  not  give  that  feeling  of 
grandeur  one  has  when  looking  at  it  from  Erivan  or  Vagharchapat.  (3) 

Ararat  rises  in  the  centre  of  Greater  Armenia;  it  overlooks  on  the 
east  the  region  of  Lake  Urumiah,  (4)  the  Atropatenes  of  the  ancients  (5), 
on  the  south  the  region  of  Lake  Van  (6),  the  Urartu  (7),  on  the  west  and 
south-west  the  watersheds  of  the  Tigris,  the  Euphrates,  and  the  Araxes, 
rivers  whose  names  are  linked  with  that  of  the  cradle  of  mankind.  The 
Masis  reigns  over  these  celebrated  regions,  just  as  the  Kazbek  does  over  the 
two  slopes  of  the  great  Caucasian  wall,  as  the  Demavend  is  seen  over  the 
Caspian  Sea  and  the  land  of  the  Iranians,  and  as  the  great  peaks  of  the 
Himalayas  stand  supreme  between  the  frozen  tablelands  of  Tibet  and  the 
rich  plains  of  India. 

In  all  lands,  the  sight  of  giant  mountains  has  always  aroused  mystical 
feelings  in  peoples'  souls,  and  just  as  Fuji-yama  is  sacred  to  the  Japanese, 
and  Mt.  Olympus  became  the  abode  of  the  Greek  gods,  so  in  our  time 
Ararat  is  still  a  holy  site  both  to  Christians  and  Moslems.    Even  prior  to 


(8)  18.525  ft. 

(1)  Delaho  Konh  in  southern  Kurdistan. 

(2)  In  the  country  of  the  Bakthyaris. 

(3)  Etchmiadzin,  founded  and  built  by  King  Valarsace  (Vagharchak) . 

(4)  Alt.  4,000  ft. 

(5)  Azerbadjan 

(6)  5.400  ft. 

(7)  The  Ararat  of  the  Bible  is  the  same  name  as  Oarartsa  in  Assyrian. 

—  18  — 


the  arrival  of  the  Armenian  Haik  in  the  region,  the  volcano  was  undoubt- 
edly deified  by  the  people  dwelling  under  its  shadow.  (8) 

As  always  happens  to  the  heritage  of  peoples  for  many  centuries  de- 
prived of  political  independence,  Armenia  is  today  without  precisely 
defined  frontiers,  both  in  its  districts  ruled  by  the  Czar  and  those  in 
Persian  or  Ottoman  territory.  Tifiis,  in  ancient  times  the  capital  of  the 
kings  of  Karthli,  (1)  contains  today  many  Armenian  families,  and  so  do 
Maku,  Batum,  Trebizond,  etc.  In  ancient  times,  as  in  the  Middle  Ages, 
during  the  different  periods  of  Armenian  independence,  the  frontiers  of 
Greater  and  Lesser  Armenia  were  exceedingly  unsettled;  nevertheless, 
as  regards  the  Transcaucasian  regions,  the  mountains  to  the  south 
of  the  Kura  river  should  be  considered  as  belonging  to  the  Armenian 
domain,  while  the  valley  of  the  Cyrus  (2)  keeps  its  Georgian  nationality. 

Not  many  years  ago,  the  traveler  going  from  Tiflis  (3)  to  Erivan  (4), 
used  to  cross  the  highest  and  most  picturesque  part  of  the  massif  of  the 
Lesser  Caucasus.  After  leaving  the  capital  of  Karthli,  he  first  followed 
down  the  Cyrus  right  bank;  then,  leaving  the  Georgian  river  at  its  junc- 
tion with  the  Akstafa-tcha'i,  he  ascended  the  valley  of  the  latter  torrent  as 
far  as  the  village  of  Delidjan,  inside  the  northern  districts  of  Armenia. 
There,  at  the  mountain  pass  near  the  village,  he  left  behind  the  Kura 
watershed  and  entered  into  that  of  the  Araxes.  Then,  along  the  shore 
of  the  great  Transcaucasian  lake  (5),  he  reached  Yelenovka,  a  small 
Russian  village  from  where  one  goes  down  to  Erivan  by  the  valley  of  the 
Zenghi-tchai   (6),  the   river  feeding  the  Araxes  from  the  lake's  overflow. 

This  journey  from  Akstafa  to  Erivan,  formerly  undertaken  by  car- 
riage, was  one  of  the  most  delightful  drives  one  could  take  among 
the  picturesque  mountains  of  the  Lesser  Caucasus.  The  road,  today  very 
neglected,  winds  amid  wild  and  endlessly  changing  scenery.     Sometimes 


(8)  Near  the  natural  deposits  of  volcanic  glass  at  the  foot  of  the  Alagheuz,  I 
found  locations  of  cut  obsidian  that  must  be  ascribed  to  neolithic  workmanship. 
Some  of  the  objects  belong  apparently,  however,  to  the  quaternary  (Magdalenian) 
period;  these  are  the  oldest  traces  of  man  in  this  region,  which  in  the  glacial  period 
was  certainly  not  inhabited,  any  more  than  was  the  whole  of  the  Iran  plateau,  or 
the  tablelands  of  Armenia  and  Transcaucasia. 

(1)  Native  name  for  Georgia. 

(2)  Ancient  name  for  the  river  Kara. 

(3)  Alt.  1,475  ft. 

(4)  Alt.  2.800  ft. 

(5)  Cheuk-tchai  in  Turkish,  Goktcha  in  Russian,  Sevan  in  Armenian.     Alt.  6^30. 

(6)  River  Zangui  in  Armenian. 


19  — 


it  climbs  forest-covered  slopes,  then  it  slips  through  bare  rocks,  or  creeps 
along  the  foot  of  basaltic  cliffs,  of  many-hued  lava-flows,  of  swollen 
scoria  or  beds  of  black  red-veined  obsidian,  the  volcanic  glass  sparkling 
in  the  sunlight.  Further  on  it  sinks  into  deep  and  forbidding  gorges 
brightened  only  by  the  bubbling  waters  of  countless  torrents,  and  now 
and  then,  fastened  like  an  eagle's  nest  to  the  mountain-side,  there  appears 
a  village  of  clay  dwellings  terraced  with  beaten  earth  and  inhabited  by 
hospitable  farm  folk,  mostly  Armenians.  Apart  from  this  road,  or 
"causeway"  as  the  Russians  call  it,  there  are  only  mule-paths  from  village 
to  village,  just  as  in  the  Middle  Ages  and  in  the  earliest  times. 

Lake  Sevanga  (1),  one  of  the  largest  and  finest 

THE  in  the  Old  World,  the  fresh  blue  water  of  which  is  ever 

GHEUK-TCHAI     transparent,   is  about  44  miles  long  and   19  at  its 

OR  SEVANGA      widest  point.    An  amphitheatre  of  verdant  mountains, 

rising  over  3,000  feet  high,  encircles  it  and  feeds  it 

from  a  thousand  streams,  watering  the  many  villages  on  its  shore.    The 

lakeside  dwellers  live  off  their  crops  and  to  a  lesser  extent  off  their  fishing, 

for  the  Gheuk-tchai  is  very  deep  and  well-stocked,  being  noted  for  its  fine 

trout. 

During  the  summer  the  Sevanga  region  is  delightfully  cool  and  the 
countryside  rich  and  smiling,  but  as  soon  as  the  cold  sets  in  and  the  north 
wind  strips  the  trees,  the  land  situated  as  it  is  over  6,000  feet  above  sea- 
level  is  covered  with  a  thick  pall  of  snow,  the  surface  of  the  freshwater  lake 
Is  ice-bound,  and  the  peasant  stays  inside  his  village.  The  herds  go  under- 
ground, while  around  every  dwelling,  underneath  the  snow,  stand  piles 
of  wood,  argols  (manure-fuel),  and  straw  needed  to  weather  the  frosts. 
The  village  is  as  though  dead,  for  four  or  five  months  of  the  year.  All 
is  buried  under  the  great  white  shroud,  and  the  site  of  the  locality  is  in- 
distinguishable save  for  the  light  wreaths  of  smoke  that  seem  to  issue 
from  the  frozen  bowels  of  the  earth. 

In  the  days  of  the  carriage-drive  from  Tiflis  to  Erivan,  should  the 
traveler  arriving  from  Tchoubouqlou  and  Yelenovka  be  fortunate  enough 
to  reach  the  village  of  Akhta  a  few  moments  ere  the  break  of  dawn,  he 
was  met  with  the  awe-inspiring  spectacle  of  Ararat  ablaze,  a  scene  which 
would  remain  with  him  as  the  most  marvelous  human  eye  could  witness. 
But  this  wonderful  road  is  today  forsaken,  now  that  a  prosaic  railroad 


(1)  Lake  Sevan,  formerly  called  Lake  Cegham. 

—  20  — 


links  the  capital  of  Georgia  to  that  of  Azerbaidjan  via  Alexandropol  and 
Erivan.  Progress  has  swept  along  these  enchanting  mountains,  and  the 
wayfarer  no  longer  sees  Lake  Sevanga,  he  no  longer  witnesses  the  sunrise 
over  Ararat,  nor  does  he  now  behold  the  awful  gorges  of  Dariall  (2),  nor 
the  glaciers  of  the  Kazbak,  the  monarch  of  the  Caucasus,  now  that  the 
"Grouzinskeaya-daroga"  is  no  more  the  great  thoroughfare  between  the 
northern  steppes  and  Transcaucasia. 

The  Imperial  government  has  laid  down  some  roads  in  the  Armenian 
mountains,  but  these  roads  have  nearly  all  been  built  for  political  or 
strategic  reasons,  and  the  bulk  of  the  country  has  still  to  put  up  with  its 
old-time  means  of  communication.  However  much  one  may  regret  this 
from  a  commercial  standpoint,  it  is  quite  an  advantage  as  regards  the  pres- 
ervation of  the  ancestral  traditions,  customs,  sentiments,  and  language  of 
the  inhabitants,  and  it  is  due  to  this  isolation  that  Armenian  communities 
have  been  able  to  keep  intact  their  national  spirit.  Secluded  in  their 
deep  valleys,  amidst  their  forests,  and  surrounded  by  often  impassible 
heights,  these  mountaineers  live  happily,  richly  endowed  by  nature,  and 
seldom  leave  their  natal  roof,  unless  it  be  for  a  pilgrimage  to  Etchmiadzin, 
This  secluded  existence,  this  life  away  from  the  world,  is  the  lot  of  all 
Eastern  peasants;  consequently  one  finds  among  them  family  sentiment 
far  more  strongly  developed  than  it  is  among  our  own  country-people,  who 
are  losing  it  more  and  more  under  outside  influences. 

The  Araxes,  which  is  fed  by  the  streams  of  the 
THE  ARAXES  southern  slopes  of  the  Little  Caucasus  and  runs  at 
the  foot  of  Ararat,  is  the  great  river  of  northern 
Armenia.  It  takes  its  rise  in  the  mountains  overlooking  the  east  of 
Erzerum  (1),  9  miles  from  that  city.  Its  waters  come  down  from 
Palandeukendagh  (2)  and  Karghabazar-dagh  (3),  mountains  belonging 
to  the  divide  between  the  versants  of  the  Persian  Gulf  and  the  Caspian 
Sea,  for  it  is  near  Erzerum  that  the  western  Euphrates  itself  takes  its 
rise. 

Not  so  far  along  its  course  the  Araxes  is  joined  by  a  larger  tributary 
than  itself,  the  Pasin-sou,  which  comes  down  from  a  fertile  but  cold  and 
bare  tableland,  recently  made  famous  by  the  victories  of  the  Russian 
army  over  the  Turks. 


(2)     The  "Gate  of  the  Alans"  of  the  ancients. 

(1)  Theodosiopolis   of  the  Greeks  and  Romans,  Garin  of  the  Armenians. 

(2)  Alt.  10,335  ft. 

(3)  Alt.  8,300  ft. 

—  21  — 


Leaving  these  gloomy  solitudes,  the  Araxes  makes  its  way  through  a 
labyrinth  of  mountains,  for  the  most  part  wooded,  and  flows  to  the 
east  in  a  dashing  torrent,  the  muddy  waters  of  which  rush  through  deep 
gorges,  fall  in  cascades,  and  thus  drop  5,000  feet  before  reaching  the 
plain  of  Erivan.  On  this  plain,  in  a  vastly  wider  valley,  the  river  re- 
ceives a  number  of  tributaries  from  the  northern  mountains,  among  them 
being  the  Arpa-tchai  (1),  the  Ani,  the  Silav,  the  Karpi-tchai  or  Abaran- 
sou  which  waters  Etchmiadzin,  and  the  Zenghi-tchai  flowing  from  lake 
Sevanga  past  Erivan.  Likewise  the  snows  of  Ararat,  of  Alagheuz  and  of 
all  the  great  mountains  of  Armenian  Caucasus  send  down  thousands  of 
springs  and  streams  which  keep  cool  the  valleys  and  dales  during  the 
summer  heat,  water  the  orchards  and  fields,  and  only  join  the  Araxes  at 
the  time  of  the  heavy  Spring  rains. 

Formerly  all  the  mountains  in  northern  Armenia  were  covered  with 
forests,  both  north  and  south  of  the  Araxes.  Today,  however,  there  are 
to  be  seen  in  these  parts  only  scanty  bushes,  which  the  shepherds  rob  year 
by  year,  cutting  down,  every  spring,  the  new  growth  to  feed  their  herds.  As 
for  the  valleys,  they  are  all  extremely  fertile  due  to  the  abundance  of 
water  and  the  warmth  of  the  sun  in  this  latitude  (2).  In  the  dales,  the 
vegetation  is  nearly  always  ahead  of  that  of  the  country  just  outside 
Erivan,  because  although  well  sheltered  from  the  north  wind,  the  latter 
wide  plain  suffers  hard  winters.  The  vine  and  fruit-trees  grow  here,  how- 
ever, in  abundance,  and  from  the  vineyards  of  the  Masis  there  are  still 
made  those  excellent  wines  of  which  we  are  told  the  patriarch  Noah 
imbibed  to  excess. 

The  middle  valley  of  the  Araxes  has  always  played 
THE  PLAIN  a  considerable  part  in  the  national  life  of  the  Armenians. 
OF  ERIVAN  At  the  foot  of  Ararat,  not  far  from  the  left  bank  of  the 
Araxes,  is  the  chief  seat  of  the  Armenian  Church,  at 
Etchmiadzin.  In  this  neighborhood  also  stood  the  ancient  capitals, 
Armavir  and  Artaxata,  and  in  the  Middle  Ages  Ani,  the  residence  of  the 
last  sovereigns  of  Greater  Armenia.  Here  too  the  Persians  fortified 
Erivan,  to  guard  the  possessions  of  the  Shah-an-Shah  north  of  the  Araxes. 
Erivan  became  Russian  in  1828,  and  today  its  population  is  almost  en- 
tirely  Armenian. 

The  historian  Lazarus  of  Pharp  (3)  has  left  us  a  charming  descrip- 


(1)  Barley  river. 

(2)  Lat.  N.  40°   (Taranto,  Sardinia,  Valencia,  Lisbon). 

(3)  Tranal.  vide  LANGLOIS,  Hist.  Arm.,  Vol.  II,  p.  263. 

—  22  — 


tion  of  the  province  of  Erivan  in  the  fifth  century  of  our  era  and  of  the 
life  led  by  the  Armenian  lords  at  that  time: 

"  .  .  .  .  The  magnificent,  renowned,  and  illustrious  province  of 
"Ararat  produces  every  kind  of  plant;  a  fertile  and  fruitful  province, 
"abounding  in  useful  things,  and  well  supplied  with  all  that  man  needs 
"for  a  life  of  happiness  and  bliss.  Its  plains  are  vast  and  teem  with  game; 
"'the  surrounding  mountains,  pleasantly  situated  and  offering  abundant 
"pasture  land,  are  full  of  ruminant,  cloven-footed,  and  other  animals. 
"From  its  mountain-tops  flow  plentiful  streams  that  water  the  fields 
"needing  no  fertilizing;  thus  the  city  is  assured  of  abundant  bread  and 
"wine,  delicious  sweet-tasting  vegetables,  and  a  variety  of  oil-yielding 
"seeds,  for  its  large  population.  As  one  looks  for  the  first  time  in  the 
"direction  of  the  mountain  slopes  and  the  smooth  surfaces  of  the  hills, 
"the  multicolored  flowers  appear  like  embroidered  cloth;  their  fertile 
"seeds  enrich  the  sweet-smelling  pastures  where  the  abundant  grass  feeds 
"countless  herds  of  donkeys  and  untamed  deer.  The  scented  flowers 
"exhale  a  keen  fragrance  that  is  health-giving  both  to  the  skillful  bowmen 
"and  huntsmen,  and  to  the  shepherds  dwelling  in  the  open  field;  the 
"atmosphere  is  strengthening  and  bracing  to  the  mind. 

"  .  .  .  .  These  fields  are  found  not  only  to  provide  for  men's  needs, 
"but  they  disclose  to  ardent  seekers  treasures  in  the  bosom  of  the  earth, 
"procuring,  for  profit  and  mundane  enjoyment,  also  for  regal  display  and 
"the  royal  exchequer,  gold,  copper,  iron,  and  precious  stones  that  the 
"craftsmen  turn  into  majestic  ornaments  for  monarchs,  into  jewels  spark- 
"ling  on  tiaras,  or  into  crowns  or  gold  embroidery  for  vestments. 

"  .  .  .  .  The  rivers  provide  the  table  with  fish  of  many  kinds,  both 
"large  and  small,  and  of  all  sorts  of  shapes  and  tastes  .  .  .  The  soil  also 
"feeds  innumerable  birds  for  the  pleasure  and  amusement  of  the  hunting 
"noblemen;  coveys  of  sweetly  cooing  partridges  and  francolins,  fond  of 
"steep  places,  hide  in  the  rocks  and  nest  in  the  nooks;  while  families  of 
"wild  birds,  fat  and  appetizing,  frequent  all  reedy  places  and  hide  in  the 
"groves  and  bushes,  and  large  fat  aquatic  birds  feed  on  seeds  and  water- 
"weeds,  together  with  countless  other  land  and  water  fowl.  Here  the 
"satraps  with  their  highborn  offspring  enjoy  hunting  with  trap  or  net; 
"others  pursue  the  wild  ass  or  the  deer,  discussing  bowmen  and  marksman- 
"ship  among  themselves;  others  again  gallop  after  herds  of  stags  and 
"buffaloes  and  excel  as  archers;  still  others  armed  like  gladiators  with 
"daggers  drive  large  herds  of  boars  down  steep  inclines  and  kill  them, 

—  23  — 


"Some  of  the  satrap's  sons  with  their  tutors  and  friends  supplement  the 
"return  banquet  with  various  birds  caught  by  the  sparrow-hawk;  everyone 
"thus  comes  happily  laden  from  the  hunt.  The  fishermen's  children^ 
"catching  fish  and  swimming  in  the  water,  await  the  noblemen's  return 
"as  is  customary,  and  running  to  meet  them  present  them  with  their 
"catch,  and  with  various  wild  birds  and  eggs  they  have  found  in  the 
"river-islands.  The  satraps,  accepting  with  pleasure  a  part  of  their 
"offerings,  reciprocate  with  a  bountiful  gift  from  what  they  have  taken 
"hunting.  Thus  all,  laden  with  good  things,  go  to  their  homes.  It  is  a 
"sight,  for  those  who  love  fish  and  viands,  to  behold  each  festal  board 
"piled  high  with  the  produce  of  the  hunt. 

Leaving  the  plain  of  Erivan,  the  Araxes  river 
QARA-BAGH  bends  off  to  the  south-east  and  cuts  the  southern 
&  QARA-DAGH  edge  of  the  mountainous  massif  of  which  Lake 
Sevan  is  the  centre.  It  passes  then  into  very  nar- 
row gorges,  leaving  to  its  left  Qara-bagh,  or  Black  Garden,  which  is  on 
Russian  territory,  and  to  its  right  Qara-dagh  (the  Black  Mountain)  be- 
longing to  Persia.  In  this  region  stood,  before  our  era,  the  city  of 
Naxuana. 

Towards  Julfa,  the  frontier  station  of  the  railroad  that  has  for  the 
last  few  years  connected  Tiflis  and  Tabriz,  the  valley  is  still  some 
miles  wide;  but  downstream  it  shrinks  gradually  until  it  soon  narrows 
to  the  limits  of  the  river-bed,  the  Araxes  flowing  most  of  the  time  along- 
side cliffs,  hemmed  in  by  high  mountains.  Here  and  there,  torrents  rushing 
down  steep  slopes  form  small  alluvial  deltas  in  the  main  valley,  whereon 
well-sheltered  from  the  wind  there  grows  the  most  luxuriant  vegetation. 
Wheat  grows  in  these  gorges  surprisingly  well,  while  vine-branches  entwine 
the  tallest  trees,  reach  the  top  of  huge-trunked  walnut-trees,  and  spread 
out  into  gigantic  wreaths  above  impenetrable  thickets  of  centuries  of 
growth.  The  villages  are  lost  to  sight  under  the  verdure,  buried  in 
veritable  forests  of  fruit-trees, — incomparable  orchards  replete  with  peach- 
trees,  plum-trees,  apricot-trees,  fig-trees,  pomegranate-trees,  apple-trees, 
and  pear-trees,  bringing  rich  harvests  to  the  inhabitants  who  dry  the  fruit 
in  the  sun  and  export  it  (not  without  considerable  difficulty)  to  the  towns 
of  Azerbaidjan  and  Transcaucasia. 

Each  small  valley  of  any  note  has  its  little  town  or  hamlet;  the 
houses,  however,  cleave  to  the  rocks,  for  there  is  little  ground  available 
for  cultivation,  and  it  has  to  be  most  carefully  parceled  out  and  arranged 

—  24  — 


in  terraces  up.iciu  oy  walls  of  dry  stones.  The  mountain  torrents  di- 
verted at  high  altitudes  send,  through  countless  streamlets,  their  water  to 
the  smallest  plot  of  land,  cooling  and  enriching  the  earth. 

These  oases  are  often  at  quite  a  distance  from  one  another,  and  their 
inhabitants  are  dependent  for  inter-communication  on  the  good  pleasure 
of  the  torrent.  Today  as  in  ancient  times,  they  make  for  themselves 
in  their  villages  all  the  necessities  of  life,  woolen  and  cotton  cloth,  farming 
instruments,  horse-saddles,  pottery,  and  copper  utensils.  Nature  provides 
them  with  cereals,  vegetables,  fruit,  and  cotton.  The  herds  feeding  on 
their  mountains  supply  them  with  wool,  meat,  dairy  products,  and  hides. 
Game  abounds,  and  living  in  such  affluence,  they  disdain  the  fish  which 
swarm  in  the  Araxes, — carp,  salmon,  sturgeon,  all  of  them  sometimes  of 
giant  size.  As  for  their  needs  from  outside,  these  are  restricted  to  fire- 
arms, cartridges,  powder,  and  salt.  Such  people  are  poor,  some  may  say, 
because  they  have  but  little  money,  but  really  they  are  rich,  very  rich, 
for  they  fear  neither  hunger  nor  cold,  and  their  needs  are  more  bounti- 
fully supplied  than  those  of  our  own  townfolk  at  home. 

At  Qara-dagh  as  well  as  at  Qara-bagh,  the  highest  parts  of  the 
country  are  sometimes  terribly  bare;  one  sees  hardly  any  but  a  few  weakly 
fruit-trees  around  the  villages,  and  for  lack  of  wood  the  people  are 
obliged  to  burn  dried  manure.  However,  in  these  regions  of  rigorous 
climate,  most  often  fog-covered  and  wrapped  in  clouds,  rains  are  frequent 
and  the  dew  falls  every  day,  ensuring  abundant  cereal  crops  which,  with  the 
care  of  the  herds,  form  the  mountaineers'  sole  occupation.  There  is  nothing 
gloomier  than  these  high  tablelands,  that  are  the  same  in  all  latitudes. 
Even  in  midsummer  it  is  icy  cold  at  night,  and  the  damp  piercing;  the  bare 
hills  follow  one  another  as  far  as  the  eye  can  reach,  and  the  very  few 
trees  one  finds  bending  before  the  wind  around  the  villages  remind  one  of 
the  sparse  woods  of  our  ocean  coasts  in  the  parts  of  Brittany  most  ex- 
posed to  the  storms,  or  of  the  steppes  in  southern  Russia. 

Elsewhere,  whether  on  Persian  or  Russian  territory,  the  heights  are 
covered  with  forests; — in  the  eastern  Qara-dagh,  for  instance,  where 
there  are  Armenian  colonies;  but  in  those  districts  too,  the  cultivation, 
restricted  to  the  small  valleys,  is  that  of  the  colder  countries.  The  vine 
grows  with  difficulty  at  these  altitudes  and  can  only  endure  the  big 
winter  frosts  by  being  hidden  underground  for  four  or  five  months  of 
the  year, —  as  is  the  case  moreover  throughout  the  tableland  of  Iran. 
Due  to  the  forests,  that  retain  the  moisture,  springs  abound.  A  small 
district  to  the  east  of  lake  Sevan  is  called  Kirk-boulaq,  "forty  springs", 

—  25  — 


on  account  of  the  many  streams  carrying  their  clear  water  from  its 
mountains  to  the  Gheuk-tchai;  and  this  term  would  well  fit  many  of  the 
cantons  of  Qara-dagh,  of  the  region  of  Kars,  of  that  of  the  Joruk  and 
many  other  districts  of  Armenia. 

But  Qara-bagh,  a  medley  of  wooded  mountains,  of  abrupt  peaks, 
and  bare  plateaus,  with  only  the  valleys  at  all  fertile,  is  a  region  of  very 
limited  resources,  where  the  inhabitants  are  necessarily  restricted  to  the 
limits  set  by  the  scanty  amount  of  soil  lit  for  cultivation.  Some  writers, 
however,  who  surely  have  never  gone  outside  their  atlas,  have  considered 
this  massif  as  the  cradle  of  the  whole  Aryan  race.  This  hypothesis  is  un- 
tenable, not  only  because  Qara-bagh  lacks  space  for  any  such  expansion 
of  a  human  family  of  this  size,  but  also  because  all  the  data  obtainable 
from  languages,   history,  and  archaeology,  contradict  it.  (1) 

We  shall  see  in  the  next  chapter  that  before  the  arrival  of  the 
Armenians  and  the  Tartars  in  these  mountains,  the  peoples  inhabiting 
them  belonged  most  probably  to  an  ethnic  group  that  was  non-Semitic 
and  non-Aryan,  akin  to  the  Kartvelian  family,  i.e.  to  the  Georgians,  the 
Mingrelians,  the  Lazi,  and  other  Caucasians  of  ancient  stock,  and  that 
the  same  thing  holds  for  most  nations  of  the  north  of  Western  Asia;  that 
the  Urartaeans,  the  people  of  Nairi,  the  tribes  who  preceded  the  Iranians 
in  Atropatenes,  probably  belonged  to  one  and  the  same  ethnic  group, 
Those  among  these  people  who  were  not  absorbed  by  the  Semitic  con- 
querors of  Assyria,  the  Medes  or  the  Armenians,  were  concentrated  in  the 
valleys  and  mountains  of  the  Cyrus,  of  the  Phasis,  or  the  Joruk,  and 
occupy  the  countries  in  which  they  are  still  to  be  found  today.  (2) 

Archaeological  discoveries  prove  that  there  were  some  Aryan  in- 
vasions across  the  Lesser  Caucasus  in  very  ancient  times,  but  those 
movements  of  people  left  no  lasting  colonies  apart  from  that  of  the 
Ossetes  from  the  south  who  took  up  their  abode  in  the  center  of  the 
Great  Caucasus.  These  Aryans  came  from  quite  distant  regions,  some 
by  the  southern  shore  of  the  Caspian  Sea,  by  the  Derbend  pass  (3),  others 
by  the  defile  of  Dariall.  They  all  originated,  however,  from  populations 
to  the  north-east,  very  far  from  Qara-bagh. 


(1)  In  my  Premieres  Civilisations  (p.  58  sq.).  in  1909,  I  discussed  this  interesting 
question  with  all  its  ramifications. 

(2)  Cf.  J.  DE  MORGAN,  Recherches  sur  Us  Origines  des  peuples  du  Caucase, 
(1889),  in  which  work  I  went  in  great  detail  into  these  movements  of  population  in 
Transcaucasia,  Persia  and  Armenia. 

(3)  In   Persian:   "which   closes  the    door." 

—  26  — 


Some  writers  have  imagined  the  Araxes  valley  to  be  one  of  the 
great  highways  that  armies  and  migrations  have  been  wont  to  follow, 
but  that  is  an  unfounded  supposition,  for  even  still  today  that  route  is 
impassable,  and  caravans  consisting  of  a  few  mules  only  get  into  serious 
difficulties  when  they  venture  onto  either  of  the  river's  banks.  The 
massif  crossed  by  the  Araxes  forms  an  almost  impossible  barrier  between 
the  lower  valley  and  the  middle  section  of  the  river,  and  served  eminently 
as  a  natural  protection  for  the  Armenian  capitals  located  in  the  country 
of  Ararat;  consequently,  the  men  occupying  the  plain  of  Erivan  have 
always  striven  to  gain  dominion  over  the  inhabitants  of  these  mountains. 

Continuing   its   course,    the   Araxes,    on    leaving 
THE  the  above  gorges,  widens  its  valley  and  then  comes 

PLAIN  out   into  a   vast    plain,  the   steppe  of  Moughan, — 

OF  MOUGHAN  first  being  joined,  however,  on  its  right  (3)  by  the 
Qara-Sou  (4),  a  tributary  from  the  plateau  of  Ardebil 
(5).  In  this  low-lying  plain  the  Araxes  joins  the  Kura,  and  the  two 
rivers,  mingling  as  one,  meander  across  their  own  alluvial  soil  before 
emptying  their  waters  into  the  Caspian  Sea.  (6)  The  Moughan  plain,  not 
the  Araxes  valley,  was  the  former  great  thoroughfare  between  the  civilized 
States  of  Asia  and  Eastern  Europe,  and  it  was  also  over  this  plain  that 
the  nomad  tribes  pouring  into  Transcaucasia  by  the  passes  of  Derbend 
or  those  of  Dariall  were  able  to  bear  down  on  the  old  Asiatic  empires. 
Both  Persians  and  Romans,  however,  kept  jealous  watch  always  on  the 
Caspian  Gates  and  the  "Gate  of  the  Alans"  (7).  From  Iberia,  the  legions 
reached  the  passes  by  going  down  the  valley  of  the  Cyrus,  whilst  from  Iran 
this  very  Important  point  was  reached  by  way  of  the  plateau  of  Ardebil,  the 
valley  of  Qara-Sou  (the  country  of  the  Cadusii),  the  steppe  of  Moughan, 
and  Baku — the  city  of  the  Caspl,  then  renowned  for  its  temple  of  fire,  as 
it  is  today  for  its  oil  fields.  The  two  rival  powers,  Rome  and  Persia,  had 
agreed  to  a  joint  watch  of  the  gateways  to  the  East,  but  their  concern  did 
not  extend  to  Armenia  nor  to  the  movement  of  armies  and  peoples  be- 
tween the  northern  steppes  and  Asia. 


(3)  Alt.  of  junction  at  Sudjeil:  623  ft. 

(4)  In  Turkish:  The  Black  River. 

(5)  Alt.  4,265  ft. 

(6)  The  level  of  the  Caspian  is  88  feet  below  sea-level. 

(7)  Derbend  and  Dariall  (Der-i-Alan,  in  Persian,  the  Gate  of  the  Alans), 


27 


To  the  south-east  of  Ararat  stretches  the  present 
AZERBAIDJAN  Persian  province  of  Azerbaidjan,  the  Atropatenes 
of  the  ancient  Persians,  formerly  the  land  of  the 
Medes,  and  today  inhabited  by  Turks,  Armenians,  Kurds,  Mazdeans, 
and  Chaldeans.  Here  Zoroaster  Is  said  to  have  been  born,  and  it  is  here 
that  originated  the  religion  of  the  Avesta,  a  thousand  years  or  so  before 
the  Ascanian  people  arrived  in  the  Masis  region.  (1) 

This  province  is  fertile  in  some  parts  of  its  plains  and  in  its  valleys, 
but  dry  and  barren  in  its  mountains.  It  is  an  immense  inland  basin, 
the  bottom  of  which  is  lake  Urumiah  (2),  with  Ararat  in  the  north-west, 
and  Sahend,  a  large  volcanic  cone  with  extinct  crater,  to  the  east.  The 
chain  of  Kurdistan  bounds  Azerbaidjan  on  the  west,  while  to  the  east 
this  province  connects  with  the  Iranian  tableland  properly  speaking  by 
the  high  valley  of  the  Kizil-Ouzen  or  Sefidroud,  the  largest  river  in  Persia, 
running  into  the  Caspian  Sea. 

Lake  Urumiah  is  fed  by  many  streams  and  a  few  large  rivers.  (This 
lake  was  known  to  the  ancients  by  the  name  of  Mateanas.)  Many  of  its 
tributaries,  however,  carry  salt  water,  so  that  by  degrees  the  lake  has 
become  a  vast  reservoir  of  salt  which  like  the  Dead  Sea  contains  no 
life.  In  the  dry  season  when  its  level  sinks,  it  Is  ringed  with  saline  de- 
posits as  white  as  snow,  which  shining  in  the  burning  sun,  form  a  dazz- 
ling belt  all  around  the  blue  surface  of  Mateanas. 

In  reality,  Azerbaidjan  like  all  the  Persian  plateau  Is  a  vast  desert 
with  very  many  scattered  oases.  Each  spring,  each  stream,  very  skillfully 
diverted  by  the  natives,  spreads  fertility  through  this  wilderness.  But, 
beyond  the  fields  made  arable  by  watering,  there  Is  only  stony  sunburnt 
ground,  growing  just  a  few  scanty  prickly  plants.  The  mountains  are 
dry,  bare,  often  impregnated  with  salt,  sometimes  covered  with  patches  of 
motley  flowers  of  the  brightest  hues.  Ruddy  heights  overlook  the  city  of 
Tabriz.  Elsewhere  the  hillsides  show  tiers  of  clay, — grey,  white,  yellow, 
purple,   and  green, — intermingled  with  beds  of  sandstone  or  limestone 


(1)  In  northern  Azerbaidjan.  there  are  no  traces  of  neolithic  man;  the  oldest 
burial  places  are  dolmens  of  the  Bronze  Age ;  iron  is  found  from  the  beginning  of  the 
12th  century  B.C.  Later,  burial  sites  give  way  to  Mazdean  frames  for  exposing  dead 
bodies.  This  change  took  place  apparently  about  the  8th  century  at  the  time  that 
Zoroaster's  religion  spread  in  Atropatenes,  and  the  Median  empire  was  formed. 
Hence,  no  further  tombs  are  found  untU  Moslem  burial  sites  appear.  (Cf.  J.  DE 
MORGAN,  Mission  scientifique  en  Perse,  vol.  IV,  1st  part;  H.  DE  MORGAN, 
Memoires  de  la  Delegation  scientifique  en  Perse,  vol.  VIII,  p.  251  sq.). 

(2)  Alt.  4,000  ft. 

—  28  — 


as  multicolored  as  an  artist's  palette.  Then  towards  the  Sahend  are 
found  thick  flows  of  dark  lava,  and  at  the  foot  of  that  volcano  immense 
heaps  of  yellowish  phosphorites  containing  a  medley  of  remains  of  en- 
tirely lost  fauna:  (1)  elephants,  rhinoceros,  huge  boars,  prehistoric  horses, 
monkeys,  giant  tortoises,  and  large  birds,  which  lived  hereabouts  in  the 
tertiary  period.  Whereas  this  was  before  the  upheaval  of  the  Iran 
plateau,  when  these  lands  scarcely  emerged  from  the  ocean  had  a  climate 
like  that  of  India  today,  here  and  there  one  finds,  on  this  chaotic  desert 
tableland,  green  valleys  forested  with  poplars,  white-trunked  tebrizis,  with 
compact  upright  branches;  these  trees  planted  in  profusion  are  the 
country's  only  source  of  wood  for  building  and  heating.  Tall,  slim,  and 
pale-leaved,  their  colorful  forms  add  an  original  and  cheerful  note  to  the 
otherwise  gloomy  landscapes  of  Azerbaidjan. 

On  the  heights,  on  Sahend,  and  in  the  Kurdistan  chain,  are  the 
summer  pasture-lands  of  the  nomads  which  have  caused  constant  strife 
and  barbarous  wars  between  neighboring  tribes  for  centuries  and  cen- 
turies. Down  on  the  plain,  however,  it  is  over  spring  and  streams  that 
villages  quarrel,  for  in  these  lands  the  smallest  stream  is  looked  on  as  most 
precious  property;  no  single  drop  of  water  it  supplies  is  wasted,  and  the 
Turkish,  Persians,  and  Armenian  farmers  are  pastmasters  in  the  science 
of  irrigation.  Both  the  distribution  of  the  water  supply  and  the  ap- 
portionment of  pasture-land,  it  is  true,  are  governed  by  customs  dating 
back  to  the  first  settlements  of  the  region;  nevertheless  respect  for  these 
customs  rests  upon  force,  and  generally  might  is  right. 

The  chief  towns  of  the  Medes  in  Atropatenes,  Gazaka  and  Phraaspa, 
were  situated  far  to  the  south  in  what  were  at  that  time  the  populous 
districts  of  Moukri  and  Gherrous  in  present-day  Kurdistan,  whereas  the 
north  was  more  sparsely  inhabited,  not  offering  sufficient  natural  re- 
sources for  a  large  population. 

Between  Dilman  and  Ouchnouw,  on  the  western 

PERSIAN  shore  of  lake  Urumiah,  at  the  foot  of  the  Kurdish 

KURDISTAN  mountains  abounding  in  streams,  the  whole  country 

is  verdant,  and  the  highlands,  shaded  by  forests,  are 


(1)  Cf.  R.  DE  MECQUENEM,  Annales  de  la  Delegation  scientifique  en  Perse^ 
concerning  the  fossil  vertebrata  of  the  Maragha  deposit. 

—  29  — 


covered  with  fat  pastures.  The  same  is  true  of  the 
region  of  the  river  Kialvi  (the  lower  Zab),  and  all 
the  western  slope  of  these  mountains,  in  Ottoman 
territory,  is  likewise  wooded,  well  watered,  and  fer- 
tile in  the  valleys.  But  these  districts  have  always 
been  in  the  possession  of  the  Medes  or  their  descen- 
dants, the  Kurds,  and  if  they  had  sought  to  venture 
into  them,  the  Armenians  would  have  come  up  against 
countless  difficulties.  They  therefore  turned  away 
from  the  mountains  and  colonized  only  the  plain, 
around  Dilman,  Salmas,  and  Urumiah.  The  Ghader- 
tcha'i  is  their  extreme  limit  in  the  south. 

The  Armenians  did  not  find  in  Atropatenes  the 
same  facilities  to  expand  that  they  found  in  the  countries  north,  west, 
and  south-west  of  Ararat,  and  moreover  they  met,  on  the  shores  of  lake 
Urumiah  and  in  the  region  of  the  upper  Zab,  with  the  resistance  of  a 
powerful  and  warlike  people.  On  the  other  hand,  in  Transcaucasia  the 
older  populations  were  divided,  and  to  the  west  the  Assyrian  and  Urartian 
provinces,  disorganized  by  the  downfall  of  their  capital  cities,  were  in- 
capable of  resistance.  Armenian  expansion  in  Atropatenes  was  therefore 
very  limited;  there  were  a  few  settlements,  but  these  farming  colonies 
were  never  more  than  sporadic,  and  the  chief  centers  of  the  nation  in 
Persia  developed  only  later  in  the  towns  where  commerce  and  industry 
gave  the  newcomers  means  of  livelihood. 


THE  TOWN  OF 
SAMOSATA  AND 
THE  EUPHRATES 
(Allegorical  figure 
on  an  old   coin.) 


THE  PLATEAU  OP 
ERZERUM 


To  the  west  and  south-west  of  the  Masis 
stretches  Turkish  Armenia,  the  largest  of  the 
three  modern  political  divisions  of  the  Ascan- 
ian  people.  Its  chief  center  is  on  a  very  high 
plateau  containing  today  the  towns  of  Erzerum  (1),  Van  (2),  ancient 
Thospia,  Bitlis  (3),  ancient  Batatesa,  Mouch  (4),  all  names  renowned  in 
history;  the  center  of  this  province  is  the  Bin-Gheul-dagh  (5),  a  very 
squat  mountain  sending  forth  many  streams  through  its  countless  gullies. 
It  is  on  this   plateau  commanding  the  whole  of  Western   Asia  that  the 


(1)  Alt.  6,168  ft. 

(2)  Alt.  5.413  ft. 

(3)  Alt.  5,020  ft. 

(4)  Alt  4,593  ft. 

(5)  Alt.  10,500  ft. 


—  30 


most  famous  rivers  of  early  legends  take  their  rise.  The  Araxes,  just 
mentioned,  the  western  Euphrates  (or  Qara-tchai  in  Turkish)  which  rises 
not  more  than  25  miles  north  of  the  city  of  Erzerum  near  the  village 
of  Kizail-Kilissa  (1),  the  eastern  Euphrates  or  Mourad-tchai,  the  ancient 
Arsanias,  flowing  down  from  the  Agri-dagh  (2),  the  height  forming  the 
frontier  outpost  of  Russian  territory  prior  to  1914,  and  finally  the  Tigris 
composed  of  a  hundred  or  more  streams  issuing  from  the  great  land  eleva- 


REGION  OF  LAKE  VAN 

tion  situated  to  the  south  of  lake  Van,  namely,  the  Armenian  Taurus. 

Just  as  each  Russian  and  Persian  provmce  of  Armenia  has  its  lake, 
so  has  Turkish  Armenia, — the  Dzov  Vana  of  the  Armenians,  the  lake  Van 
of  the  Turks  and  Europeans,  and  the  Thospitis  (3)  of  the  ancient  world, 
a  vast  sheet  of  slightly  salty  water,  75  miles  long,  and  56  wide  in  its 


(1)  The  Yellow  Church,  in  Tarkish.     Alt.  7,440  ft, 

(2)  Alt.  10,630  ft. 

(3)  Alt.  5,413  ft. 


31 


southern  part,  fed  by  the  massif  of  Ararat,  the  Kurdistan  chain,  and  the 
Armenian  Taurus.  Here  formerly,  on  the  eastern  shore  of  lake  Thospitis 
stood  the  capital  of  the  kings  of  Urartu,  and  here  upon  the  rocks  the 
Sardur  and  Argistis  dynasties  engraved  the  story  of  their  exploits 
against  their  terrible  subjects  of  Ashur,  against  the  inhabitants  of  Media. 
The  territories  of  these  rulers  then  extended  from  the  regions  around 
Gheuk-tchai  on  the  north  and  the  Kurdistan  mountains  on  the  east,  as 
far  as  and  sometimes  beyond  the  Armenian  Taurus  on  the  south.  These 
lords  of  Urartu  were  mighty  monarchs;  they  waged  unceasing  war  often 
victoriously,  against  their  eastern  and  southern  neighbors.  Their  country, 
moreover,  despite  its  cold  climate  due  to  high  altitudes,  produced  all  the 
supplies  needful  for  the  life  of  a  State  in  those  times.  Its  valleys  are 
fertile,  its  pasture-lands  rich,  and  its  mountains  well  wooded  and  abound- 
ing in  metals. 

If  the  traveler  crosses  the  pass  of  Kel-i-chin  (1)  by  the  path  leading 
from  Ouchnouw  to  Revandouz,  he  enters  Turkish  Kurdistan,  an  un- 
cultivated but  physically  favored  land,  covered  with  immense  forests  of 
sweet  acorn-bearing  oak-trees.  Whereas  if  he  leaves  Persia  by  the  passes 
of  Khoi,  he  meets  only  with  meadows  and  well  watered  farm-lands.  This 
is  because  in  spite  of  its  centuries  and  centuries  of  neglect,  in  spite  of  a 
lamentable  government,  the  region  is  still  one  of  the  most  fertile  of 
Asiatic  Turkey,  thanks  to  the  industry  of  the  Armenians  who  since  they 
arrived  In  the  land  have  always  striven  to  develop  the  natural  riches 
of  the  soil.  The  new-comers  alone  endeavored  to  improve  their  native 
land,  whereas  the  pillaging  Kurds  and  the  lazy  Kartvelians  made  no  at- 
tempt to  enhance  their  province,  and  the  only  ambition  of  the  Arabian  or 
Turkish  masters  was  to  live  off  the  work  of  their  Christian  serfs. 

To  the  north-west  of  the  Armenian  plateau, 
LAZITAN  AND  the  river  Tcharoukh  of  the  Turks,  the  Jorokh 

THE  PONTIC  ALPS  of  the  Armenians,  makes  a  deep  separation  be- 
tween the  lands  of  the  Christian  Aryans  and 
those  of  the  Moslem  Lazi.  This  stream,  rising  in  the  neighborhood  of 
Baibourt  (2),  runs  parallel  to  the  Black  Sea  coast,  crosses  the  Parkhal 
mountains,  the  ancient  Paryadres,  near  Artvin  (3)  and  empties  itself  into 


(1)  In  Kurdish:  the  Bine  Stone,  a  name  taken  from  a  stele  of  diorite  rock  placed 
there  once  by  a  king  of  Urartu, 

(2)  Alt,  5,085  ft. 

(3)  Alt,  2,100  ft. 

—  32  — 


the  Black  Sea  a  little  to  the  south-west  of  Batum,  after  traveling  about 
220  miles.  It  is  a  rushing  torrent  from  its  source  to  its  mouth;  at  a 
hundred  or  more  different  points  it  has  dug  itself  deep  and  impass- 
able gorges,  and  following  its  valley  it  is  easy  to  understand  the  im- 
portant part  it  played  as  a  ditch  dug  by  Nature  between  the  Armenian 
States  and  the  Greco-Roman  territory  of  the  Pontus. 

Formerly  the  Pontic  Alps  north  of  the  Tcharoukh  belonged  to 
tribes  called  the  Macrones  and  the  Moschi;  today  the  Lazi  occupy  these 
mountains,  and  it  is  quite  certain  that  the  Lazi  are  none  other  than  the 
descendants  of  the  tribes  that  Xenophon's  Greeks  once  visited,  for  these 
people,  speaking  a  Caucasian  tongue,  undoubtedly  are  still  dwelling  in 
the  land  of  their  ancestors. 

There  is  nothing  more  interesting,  for  anyone  who  is  fortunate 
enough  to  be  able  to  visit  Lazistan  and  to  read  once  more  the  Anabasis 
as  he  makes  his  way  through  this  mountain  chaos,  than  to  observe  the 
customs  of  these  uncivilized  peoples.  Except  for  their  religious  beliefs, 
no  change  has  come  to  the  life  of  these  mountaineers  during  the  twenty- 
five  centuries  separating  us  from  the  time  of  Cyrus  the  Younger.  The 
villages  are  still  today  as  they  were  when  the  Ten  Thousand  passed 
through,  and  the  people  have  remained  just  as  fierce  and  inhospitable  as 
they  were  in  the  past.  On  this  side  Armenian  expansion  came  up  against 
the  precipices  of  the  Tcharoukh,  and  at  the  giant  wall  of  the  Pontic  Alps 
(of  which  many  peaks  reach  13,000  feet)  met  with  inpenetrable  forests 
and,  above  all,  with  warlike,  energetic  inhabitants  absolutely  determined 
to  drive  back  any  foreign  intruders. 

It  is  because  of  the  Lazi  on  her  north-west  border  that  Armenia 
never  had  any  outlet  to  the  sea,  and  this  impossibility  of  having  di- 
rect communication  with  the  centers  of  Greek  civilization  played  an 
important  and  baneful  role  in  her  destiny.  For  had  they  been  in  pos- 
session of  the  coast,  had  they  settled  at  the  mouth  of  the  Tcharoukh^ 
at  Rizeh,  or  at  Trebizond,  the  Armenians  would  have  been  able  to  take 
part  in  the  general  life  of  the  Greek  world  and  Armenia  would  have 
formed  a  great  State  able  to  resist  the  mighty  Eastern  and  Western  em- 
pires centuries  before  the  Romans  appeared  in  Western  Asia.  To  under- 
stand what  Armenia  would  have  become  in  Roman  times  for  instance, 
one  need  only  read  the  annals  remaining  to  us  of  the  great  Mithidrates  and 

—  33  — 


other  rulers  of  his  dynasty;  for  the  kings  of  the  Pontus  accomplished 
great  feats,  and  yet  the  people  under  them  were  less  gifted  than  the 
Armenian  nation. 

Like  all  high-lying  lands,  the  climate  of  the  plateau 

CLIMATE  of  Erzerum  is  very  severe.     The  winter  is  frigid,   and 

OF  THE  the  very  deep  snow  remains  on  the  ground  for  months. 

ARMENIAN       On  the  other  hand,  due  to  the  latitude,  the   summers 

PLATEAU         are  torrid,  and  the  great  heat  in  conjunction  with  the 

plenteous  water  supply  and  the  natural  fertility  of  the 

soil,  make  Armenia  a  fruitful  land. 

As  in  the  northern  plains  of  Europe,  vegetation  grows  very  fast,  and 
it  can  be  said  that,  like  in  Scandinavia,  "you  can  hear  the  wheat  grow." 


POSITION  OF  THE  ARMENIAN  PLATEAU  COMPARED  TO 
NEIGHBORING  COUNTRIES 

As  for  the  orchards,  they  are  as  fruitful  as  any  of  our  European  gardens, 
for  the  snow  covering  the  mountain-tops  both  in  Kurdistan  and  in  the 
Armenian  Taurus  remains  throughout  the  summer  and  the  gardens  can 
be  well  watered  during  the  whole  dry  season. 


—  34  — 


To  the  north  of  Erzerum,  in  the  upper  part  of  the  western  Euphrates, 
are  Immense  marshes  locally  called  "sazluk."  These  expanses  of  stagnant 
water  were  once  more  extensive  still,  before  men  cut  down  the  forests 
and  stripped  most  of  the  hillsides.  These  earlier  marshes  have  left  in  most 
of  the  valleys  a  black  humus  that  is  rich  in  organic  remains  and  yields 
without  manuring  luxuriant  yearly  crops. 

But  the  unusual  position  of  the  Armenian 
THE  ARMENIAN  plateau  affects  not  only  the  climate  of  the  region 
STRONGHOLD  and  the  soil's  generous  productivity;  it  gives  its 
inhabitants  a  place  of  special  importance  from  a 
political  and  military  standpoint,  with  regard  to  the  districts  of  Iran  and 
the  large  Turkish  valleys  lying  below  the  level  of  this  massif.  Armenia  is 
in  itself  a  veritable  fortress  commanding  all  Western  Asia  together  with 
the  great  arteries  of  the  two  Euphrates  and  the  Tigris  rivers.  This  prime 
characteristic  has  always  made  it  a  citadel  coveted  by  neighboring  States. 
Assyria  was  for  very  many  centuries  at  war  with  the  rulers  of  Van,  when 
the   kings  of  Urartu   controlled  the  mountain  region  that  later  became 


THE  ARMENIAN  STRONGHOLD 


the  realm  of  the  Armenians.  A  formidable  wall,  the  Taurus  of  Armenia, 
standing  between  the  Ninivites  and  their  northern  enemies,  then  pro- 
tected the  kingdom  of  Van  against  the  assaults  of  Ashur.  Later  on,  when 
the  Parthians  and  Sassanids  were  contending  with  the  Romans  for  the 


—  35  — 


overlordship  of  Armenia,  the  ramparts  of  Roman  territory  were  at 
Nisibis,  Tigranocerta,  and  Amida,  at  the  southern  foot  of  the  Armenian 
Taurus,  but  the  political  center  and  strategic  base  were  further  north 
on  the  plateau  itself.  The  great  Theodosius  (1)  had  no  illusions  regarding 
the  importance  of  the  Armenian  citadel,  when  he  ordered  one  of  his  legates 
to  build  right  in  the  middle  of  this  region  the  city  of  Erzerum  which  ever 
since  has  been  the  heart  of  Armenia.  Moses  of  Khoren  (2)  has  left  us  an 
account  of  the  founding  of  Theodosiopolis  (Erzerum)  along  with  a  des- 
cription of  the  site  selected  by  the  Romans : 

"General  Anatolus,  upon  receiving  the  order  from  the  Emperor, 
"came  into  our  land;  he  traveled  over  many  of  our  provinces  and  de- 
"cided  to  build  in  the  District  of  Karin,  (1)  the  center  of  the  country, 
"possessing  a  well-watered,  rich,  and  fertile  soil.  This  center  is  not  very 
"far  from  where  the  springs  of  one  part  of  the  Euphrates  take  their  rise, 
"and  these  springs  in  their  quiet  flow  spread  out  into  a  vast  marsh  or 
"inland  sea.  (2)  There  were  great  quantities  of  fish  and  of  all  kinds  of 
"birds,  and  the  inhabitants  lived  entirely  on  eggs.  The  edges  of  this  marsh 
"are  covered  with  rushes  and  reeds.  The  plains  grow  grass  and  seed- 
"fruits.  The  mountains  abound  with  cloven-footed  and  ruminating  an- 
"imals.  The  herds  breed  rapidly,  are  large  and  strong,  and  fatten  won- 
"derfully. 

"At  the  foot  of  this  pleasant  mountain  (3)  are  many  clear  springs. 
"This  is  the  point  which  Anatolus  chose  for  the  site  of  the  city;  he  sur- 
"rounded  it  with  a  wide  ditch,  laid  very  deep  the  foundations  of  the 
"walls,  and  erected  on  the  ramparts  a  number  of  tall  and  tremendous 
"towers,  the  first  of  which  he  called  Theodosia  in  honor  of  Theodosius. 
"Further  out  he  built  other  towers  with  projections  like  ships'  prows,  and 
"he  also  dug  passages  opposite  the  mountain.  He  did  the  same  on  the 
"side  of  the  plain  towards  the  north;  and  both  on  the  east  and  on  the 
"west  he  constructed  round-shaped  towers.  In  the  middle  of  the  city,  on 
"an  eminence,  he  built  a  number  of  warehouses,  and  called  the  spot 
"Augusteum  in  honor  of  Augustus    (Theodosius).     He  conveyed  water 


(1)  379-395  A.D. 

(2)  Vol.  Ill,  LIX;  transl.  vol.  II,  p.  166. 

(1)  Caranitis  of  Pliny. 

(2)  Sazlonk  of  the  Turks,  i.e.  place  of  the  reeds. 

(3)  Top-dagh  or  "Cannon  mountain",  of  the  Turks;  sourp-khatch  or  "the  holy 
s"  of  the  Armenians. 

—  36  — 


"to  different  points  by  underground  conduits.  He  filled  the  city  with  arms 
"and  troops,  and  gave  it  the  name  of  Theodosiopolis,  so  that  its  name 
"should  immortalize  that  of  Theodosius.  Finally,  Anatolus  erected  edifices 
"of  freestone  over  the  thermal  springs.  (4) 

The  perpetual  wars  which  the  Armenian  people  had  to  wage  to  pre- 
serve their  independence,  together  with  the  harshness  of  their  native 
chmate,  made  them  a  race  of  sturdy,  hardy,  and  brave  warriors,  whose 
love  of  country  and  national  freedom  increased  in  proportion  as  they  shed 
their  blood  preserving  their  heritage.  To  this  special  situation  of  Armenia 
is  due  the  ardent  patriotism  in  the  heart  of  every  Armenian.  It  is  also 
the  reason  why  for  centuries  the  kingdom  of  Urartu  lasted,  while  all  the 
great  Eastern  States  fell  successively,  under  the  Assyrian  assault.  In  this 
history,  the  reader  will  see  the  Armenian  nation  ever  fighting  to  keep  their 
land,  their  freedom,  their  traditions,  and  their  religion,  and  ever  being  at- 
tacked from  every  point  of  the  compass  because  fate  had  placed  them  in 
the  most  vital  strategic  position  of  all  Asia. 

During  the  great  wars  of  the  Romans  and  the  Byzantines  against  the 
Persians,  hostilities  almost  always  broke  out  in  Armenia  where,  if  the 
Empire  was  directing  its  chief  effort  against  Ctesiphon,  the  Armenian  arm- 
ies fighting  alongside  the  legions  constituted  a  threat  on  the  north  to 
the  King  of  Kings,  compelling  him  to  divide  his  army.  Was  not  the 
capture  of  Erzerum  by  the  Russians  in  1878,  and  again  recently,  re- 
garded as  a  fatal  blow  to  Turkey?  This  peculiar  position  of  the  Armenian 
homeland  explains  not  only  the  main  phases  of  this  valiant  people's 
history,  but  their  development  of  physical  and  moral  character. 

Although  at  different  periods  the  Armenian  domain 
SOUTHERN  greatly  varied  in  extent,  it  appears  (except  for  the  time 
ARMENIA  of  Tigranes  the  Great)  never  to  have  gone  further  south 
than  the  left  bank  of  the  Tigris  between  Diarbekir  and 
Djeziret-ibn-Omar;  and  in  the  Armenian  Taurus  the  Armenians  seem  to 
be  a  minority  compared  to  the  Kurdish  population.  Moreover  the  vast 
mountain  massif  of  the  Djoudi-dagh  at  the  south  of  lake  Van  has  hardly 
been  explored  geographically.  A  few  travelers  at  the  most  have  noted 
the  general  direction  of  the  main  streams  running  down  from  it.  Two 
large  rivers,  tributaries  of  the  Tigris,  take  their  rise  in  these  mountains. 


(4)   Cf.  PROCOPIUS,  De  Aedif.,  vol.  Ill,  p.  5.  Karin  of  the  Armenians,  Erzenim 
of  the  Tnrks  (Arz-Rum  or  Arz-er-Rum,  "the  citadel  of  the  Greeks"). 

—  37  — 


namely,  the  Bohtan-tchai  into  which  there  runs  the  Bitlis  torrent,  and 
the  Khabour,  issuing  from  the  heights  of  the  Persian  frontier,  at  about  the 
latitude  of  Dilman.  Between  these  two  rivers  the  maps  show  nothing; 
the  reason  is  that  this  massif  is  inhabited  by  the  most  inhospitable  tribes 
of  these  parts,  by  the  notorious  massacring  Kurds  who,  let  loose  in  recent 
years  against  the  Armenians,  descended  on  Bitlis,  Van,  and  Mouch, 
with  their  adjacent  countryside,  and  spread  death  and  devastation  in  the 
villages  and  towns. 

All  the  mountain  region  of  the  left  bank  of  the  Tigris,  from  Diarbekir 
to  the  outskirts  of  Bagdad,  is  still  steeped  in  the  most  frightful  savagery. 
Every  valley,  every  little  district,  has  its  independent  Kurdish  tribe,  often 
at  war  with  its  neighbors.  They  are  all  more  or  less  emancipated  from 
Turkish  or  Persian  authority;  many  have  never  been  subdued.  So  much 
is  this  the  case  that  officials  of  the  Shah  or  the  Sultan  hardly  ever  venture 
into  this  labyrinth  of  mountains,  rocks,  forests,  precipices,  and  deep 
gorges,  where  the  Kurds,  far  from  the  outside  world  and  sure  of  impunity 
for  their  crimes,  live  to  themselves  on  their  loot,  maintain  the  fierce  in- 
stincts of  their  ancestors,  the  Carducii,  and  repulse  any  foreign  interfer- 
ence, be  the  intruders  coreligionists  or  not.  One  can  easily  under- 
stand the  enthusiasm  with  which  the  bloody  orders  of  Abdul-Hamid 
and  the  Young  Turks  were  greeted  in  these  mountains;  it  was  a  terrible 
revival  of  barbarity,  a  delirium  of  murder,  pillage,  and  sadism. 

The  center  of  Kurdistan  is  indeed  in  this  vast 
TURKISH  region,  where  the  tribes,  (whose  annals  have  been 
KURDISTAN  written  by  Sherif  nameh)  (1),  have  kept  their  ancient 
character  and  customs  with  undiminished  harshness 
and  abandon.  These  clans  encroach  widely  on  Persian  territory,  towards 
Moukri,  Serdecht,  and  Sineh,  in  the  Avroman  region;  but  they  occupy 
mainly  the  Armenian  Taurus  and  the  mountains  from  which  flow  the  two 
Zab  rivers,  the  Zab-ala  or  upper  Zab  (2),  and  the  Zab-el-asfal,  or  lower 
Zab.  (3)  This  country  is  one  of  the  chief  recruiting  sources  for  the  Turkish 
government  of  its  famous  Hamidiyehs,  notorious  for  the  horrors  they 
commit  daily  against  Christians. 


(1)  Cf.  Transl.  Desire  CHAMROY  (St.  Petersburg). 

(2)  Zabas  major 

(3)  Zabas  minor 

—  38  — 


Towards    the    west,    in    the    valleys    of    the   two 
WESTERN  Euphrates,  the    Armenians  expanded  more  vigorously 

ARMENIA  than  towards  the  south.     There,  in  the    regions    once 

crossed  by  their  forefathers  as  they  made  their  way 
to  Ararat,  they  founded  very  many  flourishing  colonies,  both  in  the  open 
country  and  in  the  small  towns  and  cities.  One  need  mention  only  the 
"Armenistans"  of  Erzindjan  on  the  eastern  Euphrates  and  Kharput  on  the 
Arsanias,  to  have  a  proper  idea  of  the  expansive  force  of  the  Armenian  race. 
The  scattered  colonies  linking  Greater  Armenia  with  Armeno-Cilicia  are 
very  numerous;  they  constitute  a  sort  of  archipelago  between  Erzerum  and 
the  mountains  of  the  Amanus.  Everywhere  on  this  long  route,  these 
Christians  founded  villages  deep  in  Moslem  lands,  and  they  parceled  out 
the  soil,  in  spite  of  the  dangerous  proximity  of  Kurds,  Turks,  and  Cir- 
cassians. Most  of  the  tributaries  of  the  Euphrates  run  in  fertile  valleys, 
and  these  lands  had  been  generally  abandoned  when  gradually  during  the 
centuries  the  Armenians  came  and  developed  them. 

In  the  principal  valley,  the  arable  lands  do  not  follow  accurately 
the  river  banks,  but  crop  up  in  islets  of  all  sizes,  running  like  a  string  of 
oases  from  one  bank  of  the  river  to  the  other  according  to  the  whim  of 
the  current.  Elsewhere  the  river  forms  rapids,  and  rushes  through  deep 
gorges  which  are  often  flanked  with  high  cliffs.  One  of  these  gorges,  the 
Kamagh-'Boghaz  (1)  recently  acquired  sad  renown.  Turks  and  Kurds, 
at  the  orders  of  their  Stamboul  masters,  massacred  thousands  of  Ar- 
menian women,  children,  and  old  folk,  a  harmless  multitude  driven  out 
of  their  towns  and  villages  and  pushed  forward  like  cattle  to  these  rocks, 
the  scene  of  their  martyrdom.  Many  of  these  unfortunate  people,  rather 
than  wait  for  the  fate  their  executioners  had  for  them,  put  an  end  to  their 
sufferings  in  the  turbulent  waters  of  the  Euphrates. 

The  Euphrates  is  not  navigable  throughout  its  upper  course,  either 
its  western  or  its  eastern  branch  (2).  Only  after  Biredjik,  or  rather 
after  Meskeneh,  (3)  can  boats  be  used.  Above  this  spot,  the  river  runs 
violently  in  a  bed  full  of  rocks  and  interrupted  by  falls  and  rapids. 

Usually  vessels  leaving  Mesekneh  go  adrift  down  the  river,  not  with- 
out some  difficulty,  and  stop  at  Feloudja    (4),  a  small  village  near  Bag- 

(1)  Alt.  3,510  ft.  at  25  miles  downstream  from  Erzindjan  where  the  altitude  is 
about  4,250  ft. 

(2)  The  junction  of  the  two  Euphrates  (alt.  2,300  ft.)  is  22  miles  south-east  of 
Arabkir  and  25  miles  west  of  Kharput. 

(3)  A  place  on  the  left  river,  38  miles  west  of  Aleppo. 

(4)  At  38  miles  west  of  Bagdad. 

—  39  — 


dad;  the  Euphrates  current  Is  so  strong  that  no  boat  can  go  upstream.  On 
arriving  at  Feloudja  these  vessels  unload  their  goods,  and  are  then  taken 
to  pieces,  and  the  wood  is  taken  on  camels  to  the  capital  of  the  Caliphs 
and  there  offered  for  sale.  As  for  the  crew,  they  have  a  twenty  or  twenty- 
five-day  journey  overland  back  to  their  country. 

On  the  middle  Tigris,  navigation,  downstream  only  of  course,  is 
carried  on  by  means  of  keleks  or  rafts  of  planks  held  together  by  a  cross- 
work  of  tree-branches  and  supported  by  inflated  water-skins.  This  mode  of 
transportation  Is  as  old  as  history  itself  In  these  lands,  and  is  depicted  in 
Assyrian  carvings.  It  is  used  between  DIarbekIr  and  Bagdad,  for  only 
beyond  Samara  or  Eski-Bagdad,  not  far  from  Harun-al-Raschid's  city, 
is  two-way  navigation  on  the  Tigris  possible  for  boats  and  shallow- 
draught  steamers. 

Thus  we  see  that  the  rivers  coming  down  from  the  Erzerum  plateau 
never  served  the  Armenians  in  their  political  or  commercial  expansion 
to  the  south  and  south-west.  This  fact  not  only  has  an  important  bearing 
on  the  growth  of  the  Armenian  people's  outward  connections,  but  it 
played  a  vital  part  in  the  history  of  Western  Asia,  first  in  checking  the 
westward  movement  of  Chaldean  civilization,  and  then  by  confining  the 
regions  of  the  two  great  rivers  to  outlets  on  the  East,  i.e.  towards  still 
barbaric  countries,  and  this  at  the  time  when  the  Mediterranean  countries 
had  become  the  center  of  human  progress. 

When  Julian  the  Philosopher  left  Antloch  at  the  head  of  his  army  to 
attack  the  Persians,  he  took  the  road  to  Ctesiphon,  following  the  left  bank 
of  the  Euphrates,  whilst  the  ships  laden  with  his  troops'  military  supplies 
were  carried  downstream;  and  when  he  reached  Sapor's  capital,  knowing 
that  none  of  his  vessels  could  return  to  Syria,  he  set  fire  to  the  fleet.  The 
return  journey  of  the  legions,  after  their  Emperor's  death,  was  a  downright 
disaster. 

When  King  Chosroes  went  out  against  the  Roman  provinces  of  Syria, 
against  Antioch  or  Jerusalem,  he  and  his  transports  moved  overland,  and 
so  it  was  always  whenever  Asiatics  set  out  to  conquer  Phoenicia  or  Egypt. 
The  inhabitants  of  Coelo-Syria  seem  to  have  been  in  the  best  position, 
but  it  was  still  a  precarious  privilege,  for  the  forty  days  march  at  least  (1) 
between  Antloch  and  Ctesiphon,  offered  serious  difficulties  whether  for 
advancing  armies  or  for  trade-caravans,  on  these  sometimes  torrid,  some- 
times frigid  deserts.  These  same  difficulties  blocked  all  northern  peoples  in 
their  desire  to  obtain  lands  enjoying  milder  climates.    The  Armenians  were 

(1)  About  600  miles. 

—  40  — 


no  exception  to  the  general  law;  they  stopped  at  the  latitude  of  the  middle 
Tigris  and  only  occasionally,  at  the  time  of  the  conquests  of  Tigranes 
the  Great,  did  they  push  as  far  as  the  northern  limits  of  the  Sindjar. 
The  unfortunates  who  today  are  suffering  thirst  in  the  desert  near  Deir- 
el-Zor  and  Damascus,  driven  from  their  native  land  by  the  Turks  into 
these  wastes  whence  there  is  no  return,  are  parked  in  districts  that  were 
never  known  to  the  Armenians. 

At   different   times,    the    extent   of  the   Armenian 

FRONTIERS      homeland  has   varied  greatly.      The   Achaemenian   in- 

OF  scriptions    (1)    show  this  nation   as   already  settled  on 

ARMENIA        the  Erzerum  plateau;  but  only  in  the  first  centuries  of 

our  era  was   its  geographical  position  accurately  stated 

in  writings  remaining  extant.    The  geographer  Strabo  (2)  has  left  us  quite 

a  clear  idea  of  what  Armenia  consisted  of  in  his  time.  (3) 

"Protected  on  the  south  by  the  [Armenian]  Taurus,"  he  wrote, 
"Armenia  is  bordered  on  the  east  by  Greater  Media  [the  Kurdistan  of 
"Moukri  and  Sineh]  and  by  Atropatenes  [Azerbaidjan].  To  the  north 
"it  is  bounded  partly  by  the  portion  of  the  Parachoathras  chain  situated 


ARMENIA  IN  ROMAN  TIMES 


(1)  Trilingual  inscriptions  of  Darius  at  Bisoutun   (Behistun), 

(2)  Strabo  died  in  the  reign  of  Tiberius   (A.D.  14-37). 

(3)  STRABO,  Geogr.  vol.  XI,  p.  XIV-I. 


41 


"above  the  Caspian  Sea  [western  Elburz],  by  Albania  [Daghestan]  and 
"Iberia  [Georgia], — together  with  the  Caucasus  that  includes  these  two 
"latter  provinces  and  which,  connecting  on  the  very  frontiers  of  Armenia 
"with  the  Moschian  and  Colchaean  mountains  [eastern  Lesser  Caucasus] 
"extends  actually  into  the  lands  of  the  Tibareni  [towards  Qara-Hissar] 
"and  by  Mount  Paryadres  [Pontic  Alps  of  Lazistan]  and  the  Skydises 
"[towards  Kharput]  as  far  as  Lesser  Armenia  [to  the  west  of  the  western 
"Euphrates]  and  the  valley  of  the  Euphrates,  which  prolongs  the  separa- 
"tion  between  Armenia  on  the  one  side  and  Cappadocia  [Sivas]  and 
"Commagene  [east  of  the  Amanus]  on  the  other." 

According  to  his  invariable  custom,  the  Cappadocian  geographer 
not  only  describes  the  appearance  of  the  country  (which  has,  moreover, 
undergone  no  great  change  for  the  last  two  thousand  years),  but  he  sets 
forth  also,  briefly,  the  progress  made  by  the  Armenians  in  their  country 
from  the  time  the  Persians  were  subdued  by  the  armies  of  Alexander  the 
Great  to  the  date  of  his  incomparable  work. 

"The  Kingdom  of  Armenia,"  he  says,  "owed  its  extension  chiefly  to 
"the  conquests  of  Artaxias  and  Zariadras,  former  lieutenants  of  Antiochus 
"the  Great,  who  on  the  fall  of  their  master  were  called  to  reign,  the  one 
"over  Sophene  [the  eastern  bank  of  the  Euphrates],  Antisene,  Oromandris, 
"and  the  surrounding  districts  [Erzerum  plateau], — the  other  over  the 
"province  of  Artaxata  [Erivan  province].  These  two  by  their  united 
"efforts  captured  in  succession:  Caspiana  [the  plain  of  Moughan  and 
"region  of  Baku]  from  the  Medes;  Phaunitis  and  Bassoropeda  [northern 
"slope  of  the  Lesser  Caucasus]  from  the  Iberians;  the  whole  foot  of  Mt. 
"Paryadres  [Pontic  Alps]  together  with  Chorzene  [between  the  two 
"branches  of  the  upper  Euphrates],  and  beyond  the  Cyrus,  Gogarene 
"[Gougarq  or  Gougarkh  of  the  Armenians]  from  the  Chalybi  and  the 
"Mossinaecians;  Carenitis  and  Derxene  [high  western  Euphrates]  two 
"provinces  today  adjacent  to  Lesser  Armenia  if  not  parts  thereof,  from 
"the  Cataones;  Akilisene  [north  part  of  Commagene]  and  all  the  dis- 
"tricts  of  the  Anti-Taurus  from  the  Syrians;  and  finally  Taronitis  [Taron 
"of  the  Armenians,  south  of  Lake  Van], — all  of  which  countries,  on  ac- 
"count  of  this  grouping  together  under  one  rule  speak  today  the  same 
"language." 

Undoubtedly  the  Armenians'  glorious  periods  under  Artaxias  and 
Zariadras,  and  Tigranes  the  Great,  are  those  of  their  country's  greatest 
expansion.  Numerous  colonies  were  founded  in  the  vast  States  of  those 
rulers,  colonies  so  large  and  that  became  so  prosperous  that  the  Armenian 

—  42  — 


language  was  spoken  throughout  the  provinces  listed  by  Strabo.  Most  of 
the  Armenians'  present-day  centers  certainly  owe  their  origin  to  the 
above  conquests,  for  they  are  all  within  the  regions  mentioned  by  the 
Greek  geographer,  and  any  other  colonies  founded  in  various  valleys 
after  the  first  century  of  our  era  were,  as  regards  Greater  or  Lesser 
Armenia,  attributable  only  to  the  older  homelands. 


THE  PROVINCES 
OF  ARMENIA 

ones  of  native  writers. 


The  subdivisions  of  Armenia  have  varied 
at  different  periods,  and  their  names  have  under- 
gone changes.  In  most  provinces  the  Greco- 
Latm  names  were  succeeded  by  the  Armenian 
The  latter  are  very  little  known,  and  need  to  be 
explained  and  their  corresponding  ancient  or  modern  districts  indicated. 

Greater  Armenia  consisted  in  the  Middle  Ages  of  fifteen  provinces, 
the  frontiers  of  which  have  greatly  varied  but  which  on  the  whole  cor- 
respond to  definite  regions: 

1)  Upper  Armenia,  comprising  Derxene  and  Akilisene  of  ancient 
times,  included  the  region  of  the  upper  Jorokh  and  upper  Euphrates, 
where  we  find  today  the  towns  of  Baibourt,  Gumuch-Hane,  and  Erzindjan. 


PROVINCES  OF  GREATER  ARMENIA 


43  — 


2)  Sophene,  or  Fourth  Armenia  of  the  Greeks,  bounded  on  the  west 
by  the  middle  Euphrates,  and  crossed  by  the  eastern  Euphrates  (the 
Arsanias).    Its  chief  city  today  is  Kharput. 

3)  Aghtznik,  extending  south  to  the  upper  Tigris  (Diarbekir),  in- 
cluded Arzanene  (Arm-Artzn),  the  cities  of  Marty ropolis  and  Tigrano- 
certa, — and  today  the  town  of  Mouch. 

4)  Tourouberan,  the  ancient  Chorzianene,  comprises  the  whole 
Erzerum  region  as  far  as  the  north  shore  of  lake  Van. 

5)  Mock,  or  ancient  Gordyene,  probably  the  Moxoene  of  Ammian 
Marcellinus,  including  the  northern  slope  of  the  Armenian  Taurus,  as  far 
as  lake  Van,  with  Bitlis  and  Van  as  its  towns. 

6)  Kordjaiq,  on  the  left  bank  of  the  Tigris,  south  of  the  Armenian 
Taurus,  as  far  as  the  upper  Zab.  Djeziret-ibn-Omar  is  the  chief  town  of 
the   region   today. 

7)  Parskahaiq,  or  Perso-Armenia,  a  region  straddling  the  Kurdistan 
chain,  belonging  today  partly  to  Persia; — Includes  Salmas,  Urumlah,  and 
the  western  bank  of  lake  Urumlah. 

8)  Vaspourakan,  to  the  south-east  of  Ararat  (Persia  and  Turkey) 
with  the  towns  of  Maraud,  Khoi,  and  Bayazid. 

9)  Siouniq,  the  Sissakan  of  the  Persians,  Syrians,  and  Arabs,  to  the 
north  of  the  Araxes,  includes  the  Russian  mountain  districts  of  Chahrour, 
Daralagheuz,  Djahouk,  and  Ghapan,  and  the  towns  of  Nakhltchevan^ 
Djulfa,  and  Ordubad. 

10)  Artsakh  or  Qara-bagh  of  our  time,  with  Choucha  its  chief  town. 

11)  Pai'takaran  comprising  the  promontory  formed  by  the  junction  of 
the  Kurah  and  Araxes  rivers  In  the  middle  of  the  Moughan  plain.  In 
this  direction  the  Armenians  sometimes  pushed  temporarily  as  far  as  the 
Caspian    shore. 

12)  OutI,  comprising  the  northern  slope  of  the  mountains  of  Gheuk- 

—  44  — 


tchai  (Russian  districts  of  Kazakhl,  Chamchadil  and  Airloun)  as  far  as 
the  bank  of  the  Cyrus,  with  lellsavetopol  (Gandzek)  its  chief  modern 
town.  The  Greeks  called  this  province  Otene. 

13)  Gougarq,  the  Gogarene  of  the  Greeks,  a  mountainous  country 
on  the  upper  course  of  the  Cyrus,  north  of  the  Araxes,  the  region  of  Kars, 
Alexandropol,  Ardahan,  and  Artvin. 

14)  Taiq,  a  district  situated  between  that  of  Erzerum  and  the  right 
bank  of  the  Jorokh. 

15)  A'irarat  (Ararat),  the  great  Armenian  center  of  Erivan  and 
Etchmiadzin.  Here  stood  the  cities  of  Artaxata,  Armavir,  Bagaran,  and 
Ani. 

As  we  have  seen,  the  ancient  world  divided 

GREATER  AND  Armenia  into  two  distinct  States,  Armenia  Major 

LESSER  ARMENIA      or   Greater  Armenia    and   Armenia   Minor   or 

Lesser  Armenia.  The  latter  was  bounded  on 
the  north  by  the  kingdom  of  Pontus,  on  the  south  by  Cappadocia,  and  on 
the  west  by  the  district  of  Polemon.  It  included  the  regions  to  the  left 
of  the  western  Euphrates  as  far  up  as  its  junction  with  the  Arsanlas.  This 
State  had  therefore  nothing  to  do  with  Armeno-Cilicia,  which  did  not 
exist  until  the  11th  century  of  our  era.  The  name  of  Lesser  Armenia 
cannot,  consequently,  be  applied  to  the  Rupenian  kingdom  for  which  the 
name  of  New  Armenia  is  much  more  appropriate. 

At  the  present  time,  we  find  the  Armenian  popu- 
NEW  latlon    decreasing    as,   leaving    Erzerum,    we   go   to- 

ARMENIA  OR      wards  the  Euphrates,  and  increasing  as  we  leave  the 
SISSOUAN  right    bank    of   the    Euphrates    and    descend    from 

Kharput  towards  the  Cilician  shores  of  the  Med- 
iterranean. The  reason  is  that  we  are  now  entering  the  last  of  the 
Armenian  kingdoms,  New  Armenia,  called  Sissouan  by  the  natives.  Most 
European  writers  call  it  Armeno-Cilicia,  but  improperly  so,  for  in  the 
attempt  thus  to  join  together  two  periods  of  the  country's  history,  they 
are  committing  a  grievous  anachronism. 

—  45  — 


?J%  Koatfi's 


'  Sirafiit 


^iredjik 


ababB^^^^^ 


KUROE^ 


MAP  OF  THE  REGIONS  OF  WESTERN  ASIA  INHABITED  BY  THE  ARMENIANS 

Regions  inhabited  by  the  Armenians. 

(Shaded)  : — Districts  where  the  Armenians  are  more  than  a  third  of  the  population. 


Marasch,  Zeitoun,  Adana,  Sis,  Hadjin,  Dortyol,  etc.  are  the  chief 
Christian  centers  of  this  country.  In  those  valleys,  on  the  southern 
slope  of  the  great  Asiatic  peninsula,  are  preserved  to  this  day  the  re- 
mains of  the  Armenian  population  over  whom  reigned,  after  the  Rupenian 
founders  of  the  kingdom  became  extinct,  the  French  dynasty  of  Lusignan, 

New  Armenia,  which  came  into  existence  shortly  after  the  disaster 
of  the  Bagratids  of  Ani,  had  like  all  eastern  States  its  days  of  good  and 
ill  fortune,  and  its  frontiers  varied  according  to  the  success  attending 
its  arms.  Nevertheless  its  average  extent  was  at  least  equal  to  that  of  the 
smaller  European  countries  such  as  Switzerland,  Belgium,  Holland,  or 
Denmark. 

New  Armenia  occupied  a  little  over  300  miles  of  the  Mediterranean 
coast,  from  the  Gulf  of  Alexandretta  to  near  the  mouth  of  the  river  known 
to  the  ancients  as  the  Melas,  and  to  the  Turks  as  the  Manargai-tchai. 
Its  northern  borders,  which  were  always  rather  vague,  seem  to  have  been 
the  Taurus  watershed,  whilst  the  Amanus  Mountains  were  its  eastern 
frontier. 


—  46  — 


Large  streams  water  the  plains  lying  between  the  two  chains,  as  well 
as  the  coastal  region.  On  the  west  there  is  first  the  Gheuk-sou  (or  blue 
water),  the  Calycadmus  of  ancient  times;  then,  further  east,  the  river 
Tarsus  or  Saihoum,  the  former  Sarus,  and  the  river  Djihan,  known  to 
the  Greeks  as  the  Pyramis,  not  to  speak  of  a  large  number  of  rivulets 
descending  from  the  Taurus  and  Amanus  chains. 


MAP  OF  CILICIA 


It  has  so  happened  that  the  Armenians  have  always  been  connected 
with  lands  of  fame,  for,  after  losing  their  independence  in  their  Ararat 
homeland,  they  settled  around  the  famous  Cillcian  Gates  through  which 
Alexander  the  Great  passed,  on  his  way  to  his  victory  in  Issus  that  was  to 
spread  Greek  civilization  throughout  the  world. 

The  new  home  then  chosen  by  the  Armenians  is  a  land  blessed  of 
heaven;  abundantly  watered,  the  fertility  of  its  plains,  the  coolness  of  its 
southward-exposed  valleys,  make  it  a  veritable  paradise   on  earth.     In 

—  47  — 


THE  RIVER  CYDNUS 

(Allegorical  figure  on 

an  old  coin.) 


Cilicia,  as  moreover  in  Syria,  everything  grows 
in  profusion:  the  vine,  the  olive-tree,  the  pome- 
granate and  orange  trees,  fill  the  orchards 
along  with  every  variety  of  our  European  fruit- 
trees.  The  farmer  has  two  crops  yearly,  and 
the  mountains  also,  above  their  shaded  sides 
of  century-old  forests  of  cedar  and  pine,  have 
rich  grass-lands  on  their  summits  that  are 
often  over  thirteen  thousand  feet  high.  Only 
indeed  some  evil  genius  could  have  surrendered 
these  regions  to  the  indifference  of  the  Turks, 
cutting  short  the  development  of  such  bountiful 
natural   riches. 

For  the  first  time  in  the  course  of  their  long  national  existence,  the 
Armenians  of  CiHcia  were  able  to  maintain  direct  intercourse  by  sea  with 
the  peoples  of  the  west,  and  if  fate  had  allowed  they  would  have  de- 
veloped in  a  parallel  direction  and  under  the  same  influences  as  the 
peoples  of  Europe.  During  the  Crusades,  the 
Armenian  people,  though  of  Eastern  origin,  de- 
veloped rapidly  and  parted  company  with  the 
Byzantine  world  which  for  so  many  centuries  had 
hindered  their  progress,  and  which  perished,  the 
victim  of  its  own  obstinacy  and  ancient  preju- 
dices. 

But  the  Armenians  were  not  the  only  pos- 
sessors of  the  rich  lands  of  Cilicia.  Before  they 
arrived,  the  country  was  already  inhabited,  and 
after  their  own  kingdom  fell,  the  Turkish  rulers 
encouraged  Moslems  to  settle  in  the  region.  To- 
day in  the  valleys  and  plains  are  to  be  found 
not  only  Armenians  but  Turks,  Kurds  (9th  century  emigrants),  Arabs, 
and,  in  the  mountains,  Turkoman  nomads  along 
with  uncivilized  tribes  of  unknown  origin.  There 
are  also  half-breeds,  part  Armenian  and  part 
Kurd,  who  have  become  Moslems  and  never  leave 
the  mountains  and  forests.  Due  to  this  mix- 
ture ofl  uncivilized  clans,  there  is  very  little 
security  in  the  Taurus  and  the  Amanus 
mountains. 


THE  RIVER  AND 

CITY  OF  TARSUS 

(Allegorical  figure  on  a 

coin   of   Emperor 

Commodus.) 


THE  RIVER  PYRAMIS 

(Allegorical   figure   on 

an  old  coin.) 


—  48  — 


Consequently,  the  regions  inhabited  by  the  Ar- 
THE  THREE  menian  nation  consist  historically  speaking  of  three 
ARMENIAS  distinct  parts,  the  first  two  of  which,  Greater  and  Lesser 
Armenia,  dating  from  ancient  times,  are  often  merged 
subsequent  to  Alexander  the  Great,  while  the  third,  New  Armenia,  dates 
from  the  Middle  Ages.  It  follows,  therefore,  that  the  history  of  the  Armen- 
ians divides  into  phases  that  correspond  to  its  geographical  sections.  The 
first  part  comprises  the  annals  of  Ancient  Armenia  (Greater  and  Lesser) 
and  starts  with  the  Achaemenian  period  (6th  century  B.C.)  and  continues 
until  the  Moslem  conquests  of  the  10th  century  of  our  era.  The  second  part 
deals  with  New  Armenia,  the  records  of  which  cover  several  centuries  of 
the  Middle  Ages  and  are  contemporaneous  with  the  Crusades.  Finally 
for  both  Armenias  there  comes  the  period  of  martyrdom,  of  the  Moham- 
medan yoke,  which  still  exists,  alas!  The  very  conditions  under  which 
the  Armenian  people  have  existed  throughout  the  centuries,  account  for 
the  fact  that  although  mostly  at  the  present  time  quartered  in  their 
ancient  territory  of  Ararat,  they  are  also  spread  out,  more  or  less  densely 
according  to  location,  from  the  banks  of  the  Kurah  to  the  shores  of 
Cilicia,  and  from  the  Black  Sea  coast  to  the  borders  of  the  Mesopotamlan 
desert. 


THE  CITY  OF  ANAZARBUS 
(Allegorical  figure  on  an  old  coin) 


—  49  ^ 


CHAPTER  II 

Origin  of  the  Armenian  people.  —  Sojourn  of  the  Armeno-Phrygians 
IN  Thrace.  —  Their  crossing  into  Asia.  —  Their  march  to  the  Ararat 
COUNTRY.  —  Conquest  of  the  Erzerum  plateau.  —  The  Haikian  patri- 
archs. —  The  legendary  dynasty.  —  Median  ascendency.  —  The 

KINGDOM  OF  ArMENIA  UNDER  AcHAEMENIAN  SUZERAINTY.  ThE  MACE- 
DONIAN CONQUEST.  —  The  dynasty  of  Phraataphernes.  —  Rule  of  the 

Seleucids  of  Syria. 

We  are  indebted  to  narratives  of  ancient  writers,  interpreted  in  the 
light  of  inscriptions  and  archaeological  research,  for  our  success  of  re- 
cent years  in  disentangling  at  great  pains  the  earliest  movements  of  the 
great  peoples  of  antiquity  from  the  mass  of  legends  surrounding  them. 
This  fresh  light  on  those  beginnings  presents  in  a  new  aspect  humanity's 
stirrings  at  the  dawn  of  modern  civilization.  The  first  strivings  of 
Chaldaea,  of  Elam,  and  of  Egypt  are  revealed  with  sufficient  clarity  to 
warrant  the  assertion  today  that  six  or  seven  thousand  years  have  elapsed 
since  the  start  of  our  own  civilization  and  that  its  first  beneficent  waves 
emanated  from  those  Asiatic  and  African  homes.  Men  then  had  just 
discovered  how  to  record  their  thoughts  in  writing  and  were  emerging 
from  the  barbaric  era  wherein  memory  had  no  aid  beyond  rudimentary 
representations  of  objects  considered  worthy  of  remembrance. 

But  although  those  nations  that  were  able  to  write  have  handed 
down  to  us  the  story  of  their  early  pulsations,  it  is  unfortunately  not  so 
as  regards  all  peoples.  The  Greeks  and  the  Italiotes  were  quite  late  In 
the  adoption  of  writing,  and  to  many  nations  this  ability,  the  most  needed 
for  the  spread  of  progress,  remained  unknown  until  the  beginning  of  the 
Christian  era,  in  some  cases  to  this  day.  The  Armenians  are  among 
those  who  long  remained  in  ignorance  of  writing,  and  did  we  not 
have  some  scattered  indications  concerning  their  existence,  from  stray 
mentions  by  non-Armenian  writers,  we  should  be  utterly  without  knowl- 
edge of  their  origin,  just  as  we  are  today  with  regard  to  the  Pelasgians, 
the  Etruscans,  the  Basques,  and  so  many  other  peoples  whose  names  crop 

—  SO  — 


up  constantly  in  history.  Fortunately  some  passages  of  Herodotus,  clear 
and  exact  like  all  that  that  great  historian  wrote,  give  us  valuable  affirm- 
ations concerning  the  beginnings  of  the  Armenian  people,  and  assist  us 
in  assessing  the  information  we  can  glean  from  later  writers,  from 
archaeology,  or  from  general  historical  data. 

In  his  enumeration  of  the  Persian  army,  at  the  time 
ARMENIAN      the  Great  King  crossed  the  Hellespont  on  his  onward 
BEGINNINGS    march  to  Attica,  Herodotus  states  concerning  the  con- 
tingents which  Xerxes  was  given  by  Armenia: 


ARMENIA  AND  ADJOINING  COUNTRIES 
(according  to  Herodotus) 

"The  Armenians  were  armed  like  the  Phrygians  of  whom  they  are 
"a  colony   (1)." 

And,  a  few  lines  above: 

"According  to  the  Macedonians,  the  Phrygians  were  called  Briges 
"so  long  as  they  remained  in  Europe  and  dwelled  with  them;  but  when 
"they  crossed  into  Asia  they  changed  their  name  along  with  their  country 
"and  took  that  of  Phrygians." 

We  know  how  accurate  were  the  statements  of  the  Father  of  history, 


(1)  HERODOTUS,  VII,  73. 

—  51  — 


and  all  the  care  he  took  in  collecting  historic  lore,  also  how  scrupulously 
he  quoted  his  authorities.  In  this  case  as  elsewhere,  when  he  speaks  of 
oral  traditions,  his  statements  cannot  be  doubted. 

The  definiteness  with  which  Herodotus  wrote  concerning  the  Armeno- 
Phrygians  shows  his  full  reliance  on  the  past  memories  of  the  Macedon- 
ians, although  such  traditions  were  already  quite  ancient,  dating  then  a 
thousand  years  back.  But  the  Macedonians  had  known  the  Phrygians  in 
their  midst  before  they  left  for  Asia,  and  they  must  certainly  have  main- 
tained intercourse  with  these  people  who,  there  is  every  reason  to  believe, 
were  related  to  them.  The  Armenians  were  then  a  section  only,  a  tribe 
of  the  Briges,  and  following  the  destiny  of  the  whole  nation,  they  em- 
igrated with  them.  Phrygians,  Armenians,  and  Macedonians,  all  be- 
longed to  the  great  Aryan  family. 


MIGRATIONS  OF  THE  ARMENIANS 

1st  migration  ca.  1250-300  B.C. 
2nd  migration  ca.  A.D.  1000 
(The  shading  shows  roughly  the  regions  peopled  today  by  the  Armenians.) 

The  passing  of  the  Armenians  through  the  Balkans  is  recorded  in 
the  history  of  Armenia  of  the  patriarch  John  VI  (1);  for,  although  that 
writer's  statements    are  manifestly  based  on   a  desire  to  link  the  early 


(1)  Transl.  E.  BORE,  Armenie,  p.  74 

—  52  — 


Armenians  to  the  Bible,  it  is  none  the  less  true  that,  accepting  the 
theories  of  Biblical  expositors  who  identify  Torgom  with  Thrace  (because 
of  the  similar  consonantal  sequence  of  the  two  names),  the  patriarch  John 
was  thus  led  to  record  his  fellow-countrymen  as  having  once  lived  in 
Macedonia,  a  memory  still  extant  probably  in  his  time  in  the  traditions 
of  the  Armenian  people.  Perhaps  John  even  had  access  to  very  ancient 
writings,  since  lost;  in  any  case  the  traditions  recorded  by  Herodotus 
together  with  many  historical  facts  subsequent  to  the  migration  of  the 
Armenians  corroborate  his  opinion,  as  also  do  the  affinities  of  language 
between  this  race  and  the  other  Aryan  peoples  who  at  that  period  took 
part  in  the  invasions  of  Thrace,  Asia  Minor,  and  the  eastern  Mediterran- 
ean regions. 

Leaving  the  Balkan  peninsula,  wherv?  they  were  lost  among  the 
other  Indo-European  hordes  (who  probably  came  from  Central  Asia 
via  the  Russian  plains  and  the  Danube  valley),  the  Armenians  crossed 
the  Bosphorus,  as  Pliny  affirms  on  the  authority  of  ancient  tradition  (1). 
The  names  of  the  two  Ascanian  lakes,  the  one  in  Bithynia  and  the  other 
in  Pisidia  (2),  that  of  the  Ascanian  port  (3),  perhaps  also  that  of  the 
Ascanian  Island  (4),  are  undoubtedly  so  many  sign-posts  left  by  the 
migiations  of  Askenazou,  the  Ashkenaz  of  the  Bible,  i.e.  by  the  Phrygians 
including  the  Armenians. 

This  took   place   twelve  or   thirteen   hundred 
CENTURIES  B.C.      years  before  our  era,  at  the  time  the  Hellenic  world 
XII  -  VIII  was  so  confused;  but  before  the  8th  century,  the 

Phrygians  and  Armenians  had  already  split,  and 
the  latter  leaving  their  kinsmen  in  the  mountains  at  the  source  of  the 
Halys,  had  already  advanced  towards  Cappadocia,  taking  advantage  of 
the  neglect  this   region  was  in  since  the  fall  of  the  Hittite  empire. 

We  do  not  know  why  the  Armenians  on  crossing  the  Euphrates 
moved  on    to  the   Ararat   region  preferably;   but  we   know    that   about 


(1)  PLINY,  Nat.  Hist.,  V.  40. 

(2)  STRABO,  XII.  —  PLINY,  Nat.  Hist.  XXXI,  10.     Lake  Isnik   (Bithynia). 
and  lake  Burdur  (Pisidia) . 

(3)  PLINY,  Nat.  Hist.  V.  32. 

(4)  PLINY,  Nat.  Hist.,  V.  38  (in  the  Cyclades), 

—  S3  — 


the  time  of  their  migration  important  moves  were  taking  place  in  Asia 
Minor  and  the  sea-coasts.  The  Hellenes  were  spreading  all  over  the 
Black  Sea  shore,  founding  trading-posts  and  colonies;  Trebizond  &  Sinope 
both  date  from  this  period  (5).  The  kingdom  of  Urartu  was  disappearing 
(6),  Nineveh  even  was  falling  (7),  whilst  the  Scythians  were  ravaging  all 
Western  Asia.  May  not  the  settlement  of  the  Armenians  in  their  new 
homeland  have  been  facilitated  by  the  invasion  of  the  northern  hordes 
who  perhaps  were  akin  to  them?  It  would  seem  plausible,  for  these  in- 
vaders had  just  crushed  the  biggest  States  and  sown  ruin  and  desolation 
among  the  former  tributaries  of  Assur.  "There  are  Meshech  and  Tubal," 
cried  Ezekiel,  "and  their  graves  are  round  about  them."  And  this 
frightful  disorder  was  most  auspicious  for  the  realization  of  the  Haikan- 
ians'  ambitions. 

At  this  period,  about  the  end  of  the  8th  cen- 
THE  IRANIANS  tury  B.C.,  the  Median  power  appeared  in  the  East- 
8TH  CENT.  B.C.  ern  political  world.  In  713,  Sargon  subdued  the 
small  State  of  Dayakkou  (Deiokes),  and  the  suc- 
cessor of  this  Iranian  ruler,  Fravarti  (Fraortes),  annexed  to  his  kingdom 
Persia  proper,  i.e.  the  countries  south  and  south-east  of  Ecbatana.  The 
new  king  of  the  Medes  had  regained  advantage  over  the  Assyrians  and 
was  harrying  them  so  closely  that  he  died  under  the  very  walls  of 
Nineveh  that  he  was  besieging. 

With  Cyaxares  (Huvach-Chatra),  Media  reached  the  zenith  of 
Its  power,  and,  after  the  downfall  of  the  Assyrian  empire,  this  king  and 
his  ally  Nebuchadnezzar,  king  of  Babylon,  shared  Asia  between  them. 
Ecbatana  kept  Assyria  proper,  seized  the  kingdom  of  Urartu,  extended  its 
sway  over  all  the  northern  countries,  and  its  armies  advancing  to  the 
river  Halys  attacked  even  the  kings  of  Lydia  (585  B.C.). 

When  in  559  the  crown  passed  from  the  Medes  to  the  Persians,  the 
Armenians,  already  settled  on   the  Erzerum  plateau,  were  treated  sim- 


(5)  Trebizond  was  founded  756  B.C.  and  Sinope  about  780  B.C.  by  the  Milesians. 

(6)  Sardnr  III,  who  was  apparently  the  last  king  of  Urartn,  sent  an  embassy  to 
Assnrbanipal  about  644  B.C. 

(7)  606  B.C. 

—  54  — 


Coins   ASCRIBED   TO  KING 
CROESUS  OF  LYDIA 


ilarly  to  other  peoples  brought  under 
Cyaxares'  rule;  the  Achaemenids  placed 
them  in  their  13th  Satrapy,  whilst  the 
Urartaeans  were  joined  to  the  Matians 
and  the  Saspires  to  form  the  18th  prov- 
ince. The  text  of  Herodotus  makes  clear 
that  in  the  6th  century  the  Armenians 
had  not  yet  assimilated  the  Vannic  pop- 
ulation. 

Some  writers  consider  that  the  Armen- 
ians might  be  descended  from  the  former 
subjects    of     the     Argistis    and    Sardur 

monarchs.  This  hypothesis  is  contradicted  by  the  above  facts;  it  sets  aside, 
moreover,  both  tradition  and  linguistic  data.  The  two  peoples  were 
clearly  distinct  and  had  nothing  In  common.  The  Aryans,  who  were  new- 
comers, caused  the  older  inhabitants  of  Nairi  and  Van  whom  they  grad- 
ually assimilated  to  lose  their  national  characteristics  and  language,  and 
soon  all  that  remained  of  the  once  mighty  Urartaeans  were  a  few  proper 
names  preserved  in  the  Armenian  language.  "The  princely  families  of 
"Armenia,  such  as  the  Rechtuni,  the  Manavaz,  the  Biznuni,  the  Arz- 
"eruni — who  reigned  over  the  Van  country  until  the  1 1th  century  of  our 
"era,  have  kept  the  names  of  Rousas,  Menuas,  Ishpuinis,  Argistis,  de~ 
"rived  from  the  ancient  kings  of  Biaina.  The  fall  of  the  kingdom  of 
"Urartu  did  not  therefore  entail  the  disappearance  of  its  vassals,  who 
"were  gathered  into  the  main  body  of  the  Armenians,  while  keeping  their 
"seignioral  privileges."  (1). 

This  survival  of  names  belonging  to  lost  tongues  in  the  speech  of 
new-comers,  is  a  logical  phenomenon,  and  examples  are  plentiful  in  all 
languages.  Latin  contains  a  good  number  of  Etruscan  words,  and  in 
French  we  find  names  derived  from  Celtic  and  Ligurian  vocabularies,  as 
well,  we  may  be  sure,  as  those  of  people  of  the  Stone  Age. 

More  than  any  other,  the  Armenian  vocabulary  presents  great 
difficulties.  Into  this  language  there  have  entered  terms  from  all  the 
following  tongues;  Assyrian,  Hebrew,  Median,  Kartvelian  (Georgian, 
Mingrellan,    Lazian),   Urartaean    (of   Nairi),   Scythian,    Greek,  Arabic, 


(1)   KEVORK  ASLAN,  Etudes  historiques  du  peuple  armenien,  p.  df. 

—  55  — 


Turkish,  Mongolian,  Persian  (old  and  modern),  Kurdish,  Latin,  Russian,, 
and  others.  In  analyzing  the  Kurdish  vocabularies,  (2)  1  have  found  in 
each  dialect  a  large  non-Aryan  residue  of  indispensable  elements,  de- 
rived undoubtedly  from  lost  languages,  and  the  same  thing  is  true  with: 
the  Armenian. 

This  mixture  of  the  Armenians  with  the  more  ancient  populations 
to  form  the  final  nation  deserves  some  consideration,  necessitating  our 
turning  back  to  what  composed  the  peoples  of  Western  Asia  in  the 
Assyrian  period. 

We  have  little  authentic  information  as  to  the  ethnic  composition 
of  the  peoples  living  in  Western  Asia  before  it  was  invaded  in  the  south 
by  the  Semitic  element.  The  only  languages  in  which  any  inscriptions 
have  come  down  to  us  are  the  Sumerian  and  the  Elamite  in  the  south, 
the  Hittite  in  the  west,  and  the  Vannic  in  the  north.  These  tongues 
are  neither  Semitic  nor  Aryan;  they  belong  to  the  group  termed  Turanian 
in  which  all  non-Semitic  and  non-Aryan  material  has  long  been  classified. 
Of  these  four  languages,  two  only  have  yielded  to  scientific  analysis,  viz^ 
the  Elamite  and  the  Vannic. 

The  Elamite,  well  known  today  through  my  own  discoveries  and  the 
research  of  V.  Scheil  in  the  Susian  texts,  is  shown  by  the  latter  to  cover 
a  duration  of  about  two  thousand  years.  It  was  still  spoken  by  the 
Achaemenean  Persians.  The  monosyllabic  lOOts  in  Elamite  are  agglutina- 
tive, and  the  only  reason  that  the  resulting  words  can  still  be  inflected 
simply,  is  that  the  agglutinative  language  has  been  influenced  by  a 
higher  form  of  speech  (the  Semitic  languages)  from  which  it  has  borrowed 
the  idea  of  Inflection  without  appropriating  the  forms  thereof. 

The  same  is  the  case  with  Vannic,  spoken  in  the  Ararat  regions 
(Urartu)  In  Assyrian  times  and  quite  distinct  from  the  Semitic  languages. 

These  data  together  with  the  many  proper  names  found  In  the 
Assyrian  texts  show  that  twenty  centuries  B.C.  the  greater  part  of  Western 
Asia  was  inhabited  by  a  non-Semitic  and  non-Aryan  group  of  peoples. 
I  do  not  mean  by  the  word  "group"  that  the  languages  spoken  by  these 
various  peoples  were  inter-related;  far  from  It;  but  I  classify  these  non- 
Semitic  and  non-Aryan  peoples  as  speaking  languages  less  developed 
than  those  of  the  Semitic  Invaders.  The  numerous  Kartvelian  tongues 
are   apparently   the  last   representatives  today  of  that    ethnic  collection 


(2  Mission  scientifique  en  Perse,  Vol.  V,  1st  part.   (Paris,  1904). 

—  56  — 


which  some  writers  have  called  by  the  vague  name  of  white  allophylians. 
Meillet,  in  his  Grammaire  comparee  de  I'armenien  classique,  calls  at- 
tention to  grammatical  affinities  of  Armenian  with  the  Caucasian 
languages;  these  affinities  have  come  about  through  contact  with  native 
populations  in  very  early  times,  which  is  only  natural. 

The  first  attempt  to  analyze  scientifically  the  Georgian  language  is 
contained  in  an  article  by  J.  A.  Gatteyrias;  (1)  and  the  learned  translator 
of  the  Vannic  inscriptions,  Professor  A.  H.  Sayce  (2),  recognized  real 
connections  between  the  language  of  Urartu  and  the  speech  of  the 
Kartvelians.  So  that,  on  the  one  hand,  Armenian  contains  Vannic  terms 
and  Kartvelian  forms,  and  on  the  other,  Vannic  is  not  unconnected  with 
the  Caucasian  tongues.  These  facts  established  by  eminent  linguists  sup- 
port the  hypothesis  that  the  ancient  inhabitants  of  Western  Asia  who  were 
partly  absorbed  by  the  Armenians  belonged  to  the  same  linguistic  group 
as  the  modern  Caucasians, 

The  Assyrians  described  as  "Peoples  of  Nairi"  all  the  nations  living 
between  the  sources  of  the  river  Halys  and  lake  Urumiah  as  well  as  those 
dwelling  further  north,  and  did  not  confuse  this  group  with  the  Mouchkou 
(Moschi),  the  Khati  or  Hittites,  Koummoukh  (Commagene),  and  the 
Kourkhi,  stationed  further  south.  They  recognized  therefore  the 
ethnic  connections  of  these  populations.  Urartu  was  the  chief  of  all  the 
Nairi  Kingdoms.  Lake  Van  was  called  the  Nairi  Sea,  and  the  rulers  of 
Dhouspana  (Van)  extended  their  sovereignty  over  the  regions  of 
Noumme  (Erzerum),  Kirouri  (Mouch-Biths),  Biaina  (Van),  Mouzazir 
(Bitlis-Salmas),  Ahkouza  (Qara-bagh-Erivan),  and  towards  the  north 
in  the  Lesser  Caucasus  chain.  These  are  the  very  countries  which  the 
Armenians  later  conquered  and  made  their  realm.  As  for  the  people 
of  Nairi,  it  is  certain  that  they  did  not  disappear.  Some 
of  them  may  have  withdrawn  into  the  mountains,  but  they  were  mostly 
absorbed  by  the  new  Aryan  element,  which  was  much  more  developed 
than  the  ancient  inhabitants  of  Asia.  The  languages  were  lost  and  with 
their  disappearance  the  memory  of  what  Nairi  was  under  the  kings  of 
LIrartu  gradually  faded  out. 

Some  traditions,  however,  were  still  extant  in  the  first  centuries  of 
our  era,  for  Moses  of  Khoren  has  left  us  a  curious  description  of  the  city 


(1)  Revue  de  Linguistique  et  de  Philologie  comparee.  Vol.  XIV,  July  1881,  p. 
275-311. 

(2)  The  Cuneiform  Inscriptions,  of  Van,  p.  411. 

—  57  — 


of  Van  and  the  works  carried  out  by  the  kings  of  Urartu  in  Dhouspas, 
their  capital,  which  works  he  attributes  to  the  legendary  Queen  Semiramis. 
(1). 


TRADITIONS 

CONCERNING  THE 

KINGDOM  OF 

URARTU 


"Semiramis,"    he    wrote,    "having    visited 

"many   sites,    arrived    from   the    east    at    the 

"shore  of  the  Salt  Lake;  she  saw  on  its  bank  an 

"oblong  hill  exposed    to  the  west  throughout 

"its   length,    curving  somewhat  on   the  north.. 

"To  the    south  a  grotto  standing  straight  up 

"to  the  sky,  while  a  little  further  southward 

"she  saw  a  flat  valley,  which,  bordered  on 

"the  east  by  the  mountain  and  lengthening: 

"and  broadening  out  towards  the  lake,  had 

"a     glorious     appearance.       Across     these 

"grounds,   pure   water   coming  down  from 

"the    mountain  in  gullies  and  valleys  and 

"collecting  at  the  foot    of  the  mountains,, 

"ran  in  veritable  rivers.    Right  and  left  of 

"these  waters   stood  numerous  villages   in 

"the  valley,  and  to  the  east  of  this  smiling 

"hill,  rose  a  small  mountain. 

" Semiramis  first  had  a  cause- 

"way  built  along  the  river,  with  blocks  of 
"rock  cemented  together  with  lime  and 
"sand,  a  gigantic  undertaking  both  in  extent  and  height,  and  which,  it  is 
"said,  still  exists  today.  (2).  This  causeway,  several  stadia  long,  reaches  to 
"the  town  ...  By  continuous  labor,  the  Queen  finished  these  wonderful 
"works  in  a  few  years  and  had  them  surrounded  with  strong  walls  and 
"brass  gates.  She  built  also  in  the  city  many  magnificent  palaces,  adorned 
"with  different  stones  of  many  colors,  two  or  three  stories  high,  each 
"one  with  a  desirable  southern  aspect.  She  distinguished  between  the  quart- 
"ers  of  the  city  by  bright  colors,  divided  them  into  wide  streets,  and  built  ap- 
"propriate  hot  baths  in  the  center  of  the  town,  admirably  fashioned.  Di- 
"verting  part  of  the  river-water  into  the  city,  she  had  it  canalized  wher- 
"ever  needed  and  for  the  watering  of  gardens  and  terraces  ...  All  parts  of 


VANNIC  WINGED  BULL 
(British  Masenm) 


(1)  Hist.  cPArm.  I,  16. 

(2)  4th  century  A.D. 


—  58  — 


"the  city  were  adorned  by  her  with  fine  buildings  and  leafy  trees  bearing 
"varieties  of  fruits  and  foliage.  She  made  the  walled  section  of  the  city 
"magnificent  and  glorious  on  all  sides,  and  drew  inside  an  immense  popula- 
"tion. 

"  .  .  .  .  Semiramis  garrisoned  the  tops  of  the  walls,  arranged  entrances 
"difficult  of  access,  and  erected  a  royal  palace  with  terrible  dungeons. 

"On  the  eastern  side  of  the  grotto,  where  the  stone  is  still  so  hard 
"that  it  has  a  keen  edge,  were  built  palaces,  rooms,  cellars  for  treasure- 
"houses,  and  long  galleries.  No  one  knows  how  ever  these  marvellous 
"constructions  were  raised.  On  all  the  stone  surfaces  are  many  inscrip- 
"tions,  chiselled  as  though  on  wax.  All  who  behold  such  marvellous 
"achievement  are  in  wonderment, — but  we  will  say  no  more.  In  many 
"other  districts  of  Armenia  the  Queen  caused  to  be  carved  on  stone  the 
"record  of  different  events;  at  many  points  she  had  steles  erected,  similarly 
"inscribed. 

Such,  according  to  tradition,  was  how  in  the  first  centuries  of  our 
era  the  Armenians  thought  of  the  city  of  Van,  in  the  district  of  Tosp, 
province  of  Vaspouraken.  A  thousand  years  had  elapsed  since  the  fall 
of  the  Urartu  kingdom,  the  inscriptions  of  the  rulers  of  Ararat  were  no 
longer  understood  by  anyone,  and  the  history  of  Assyria's  mighty  enemies 
was  lost  in  the  mists  of  oblivion.  There  was  no  remembrance  even  that 
a  great  independent  kingdom  had  existed  on  the  plateau  before  the  ar- 
rival of  the  Armenian  patriarch  and  his  companions-in-arms.  Imposing 
ruins  at  Van  remained  to  excite  the  imagination  of  travelers.  Moses  of 
Khoren  visited  them,  and  has  handed  us  down  the  legends  that  were  cur- 
rent regarding  them  in  his  day. 

In  any  case,  documents  we  possess  show  that  the 

MIGRATIONS      Armenian  advance  from  Cappadocia  to  the  plateau  of 

OF  THE  Erzerum  took  place  during  the  8th  and  7th  centuries 

ARMENIANS       B.C.,  and  that  at  least  six  hundred  years  before  our 

era,  the  nation  already  occupied  some  of  the  districts 

in  the  neighborhood  of  Ararat  and  lake  Van  (1).    In  their  march  eastward, 


(1)  Until  recently  it  was  believed  that  the  Armenian  exodus  from  Phrygia  took 
place  about  the  end  of  the  7th  century  B.C.  (Maspero),  but  we  must  move  back 
considerably  the  date  of  this  event,  for  (according  to  Belck  and  Lehmann)  an  in- 
scription of  Menouas  ( 828-784)  places  them  in  Cappadocia  in  the  8th  century  (N. 
DOLENS  &  A.  KHATCH,  Hist.  anc.  des  Arm.,  p.  34).  However  the  migration  may 
have  been  in  several  waves,  some  Armenian  tribes  still  dwelling  in  Cappadocia  while 
others  had  gone  forward  to  the  east.  Moreover,  the  reading  of  Urmani  or  Armeni 
on  the  Maltai  inscription  is  still  in  doubt.  (Cf.  S.  Ac.  Wissensch.,  Berlin,  1900,  p.  621). 

—  59  — 


the  Armenians  had  driven  back  the  Mouchkou  and  Khaldis  tribes,  as  also 
other  clans  of  the  Nairi  land  mentioned  in  the  Assyrian  inscriptions  as 
living  in  the  valleys  of  the  upper  Euphrates. 

It  is  probable,  as  we  have  just  seen,  that  the  Nairi  peoples  belonged 
to  the  same  racial  stock  as  the  Lazi,  the  Mingrelians,  and  Georgians  of 
our  time.     Some  of  these  nations  were  absorbed  by  the  Armenians,  and 


ARMENIA  AND  NEIGHBORING  COUNTRIES  ACCORDING 
TO  THE  ASSYRIANS 

the  others  who  withdrew  before  them  into  the  north,  seem  to  have  re- 
mained ever  since  unchanged;  they  took  with  them  in  their  hearts  a  hatred 
of  the  invader,  and  this  ill-will  has  persisted  throughout  the  centuries, 
ever  apparent  in  the  hostility  of  the  Caucasians  to  the  usurpers  of  the 
land  of  their  forefathers.  This  enmity  the  Georgians  still  cherished  some 
years  ago,  even  though  the  memory  of  their  erstwhile  misfortunes  had  so 
long  disappeared. 

It  is  noticeable  that  the  Kartvelians  have  remained  divided  into 
clans  speaking  different  dialects  of  the  same  linguistic  group,  with  no 
political  connection  with  one  another,  and  often  mutually  hostile 
as  they  used  to  be  in  the  time  of  the  kings  of  Urartu.  This  persistance  in 
speech  and  traditions  leads  us  to  believe  that  in  the  Caucasians  we  see  to- 
•day  the  remains  of  the  primitive  peoples  conquered  by  the  Armenians. 

The  results  of  the  great  revolutions  which  at  the  beginning  of  history 
disquieted  Asia  are  not  at  all  clear  to  us;  our  only  source  of  knowledge, 


—  60  — 


the  Assyrian  inscriptions,  stop  short  with  the  downfall  of  Nineveh,  and 
there  remained  in  Urartu  no  more  rulers  able  to  continue  the  recording  of 
deeds  and  events  such  as  the  Argistis  and  Sardur  kings  formerly  engraved 
on  the  rocks  of  Van.  As  for  all  those  peoples  who  were  destitute  of  the  art 
of  writing,  they  receded  into  the  oblivion  from  which  for  a  few  cen- 
turies they  were  rescued  by  the  triumphant  inscriptions  of  the  Ninivite 
monarchs.  Thereafter  a  thick  fog  descends  on  Asiatic  history,  and  this 
mist  lasts  until  the  Achaemenids  ascend  the  Persian  throne. 

The  beginnings  of  the  Armenian  people  in  the  Masis  land  are  dimly 
recorded  by  Moses  of  Khoren  (1),  but  as  the  documentation  that  this 
writer  states  he  obtained  from  Mar-Apas-Katina  (2)  was  systematically 
garbled  by  himself,  it  is  very  difficult  to  utilize  the  names  he  gives  to  the 
early  heroes  of  Armenia.  Haik,  who  apparently  led  the  nation  in  their 
march  from  Cappadocia  to  the  Ararat  country,  is  said  to  have  had  four 
sons:  Cadmos,  Khor,  Manawaz,  and  Armenak.  The  last-named, 
one  of  the  heroes  of  the  nation,  (3)  had  a  son  called  Aramais,  the 
ancestor  of  Amasia,  father  of  Kegham,  who  begat  Harma,  the  father  of 
Aram. 

The  Assyrian  empire,  as  we  have  seen,  had  been  destroyed  and  re- 
placed by  that  of  the  Medes.  We  know  that  the  latter  extended  their 
empire  to  the  river  Halys,  to  the  borders  of  the  territory  of  Croesus,  for 
at  that  period  the  kingdom  of  Lydia  took  in  all  Asia  Minor  except  Lycia 
and  Cilicia  (558  B.C.).  Perhaps  the  domination  of  the  Mermnads  caused 
the  Armenians  to  leave  Phrygia;  in  any  case  they  were  already  on  the 
Erzerum  plateau  when  the  sceptre  passed  from  the  hands  of  the  Medes 
to  that  of  the  Persians.  Cyrus  took  only  three  years  (549-546)  to  subdue 
the  northern  lands  and  conquer  ancient  Urartu  together  with  all  Asia 
Minor,  and  it  is  likely  that  the  Armenians  had  to  endure  the  Median  yoke 


(1)  The  chief  Armenian  historian,  who  lived  at  the  end  of  the  4th  century  of 
our  era.     (Cf.  V.  LANGLOIS.  Hist.  Armen.  Transl.  Paris,  1869,  Vol  II,  p.  47). 

(2)  Mar-Ihas  (or  Apas)  Katina  (in  Syriac,  the  subtle  one),  according  to  Moses 
of  Khoren,  was  commissioned  by  king  Vagharchak  (Valarsace)  of  Armenia  about 
149  B.C.  to  search  in  the  records  of  the  southern  Semites  for  everything  relating  to 
the  ancient  history  of  the  Armenians.  This  statement  is,  moreover,  very  questionable, 
and  it  is  believed  today  that  no  such  person  ever  existed,  and  Moses  used  him  each 
time  as  a  mouthpiece  for  the  traditions  and  legends  still  current  in  his  day. 

(3)  The  Armenians  call  themselves  Haikians.  As  for  the  name  Armenia,  At- 
minia,  Armaniya,  of  foreign  extraction,  this  is  apparently  an  appellation  of  a  part 
of  the  country  subsequently  taken  to  comprise  all  of  it.  Haik  is  the  eponym  of  the 
race  of  people  entitled  Hay  or  Haikazn    (descendants  of  Haik). 

—  61  — 


LEGENDARY 
DYNASTIES 


prior  to  that  of  the  Persians,  for  in  all  probability  they  established  them- 
selves towards  the  end  of  the  period  of  confusion  following  the  Ninivite 
downfall  and  preceding  the  accession  of  the  Achaemenids. 

According  to  Moses  of  Khoren,  Haik,  ( 1 )  the  hero 
who  gave  his  name  to  the  race,  was  the  son  of  Thorgom, 
the  son  of  Thiraz,  the  son  of  Gomer,  the  son  of  Japhet. 
This  genealogy  which  is  entirely  Biblical,  perhaps  cor- 
responds to  general  ethnic  fact,  but  it  should  not  be  considered  as  based 
on  Armenian  traditions,  and  therefore  as  corroborative  of  the  tabulation 
of  peoples  in  Genesis.  Moses  of  Khoren  confesses  that  he  himself  made 
it  out  "from  what  he  had  discovered  as  certain  in  the  ancient  Histories, 
and  to  the  best  of  his  ability."  These  last  words  set  the  seal  of  improba- 
bility on  all  his  narratives  of  events  with  which  that  writer  was  not 
contemporary. 

The  first  four  names  of  this  genealogical  list  are  taken  from  Genesis, 
there  is  no  doubt,  and  these  borrowings  took  place  in  the  first  centuries  of 

our  era,  when  Armenia  was  becoming 
Christian,  for  the  altered  form  of 
Thorgom,  from  Togharmah,  is  found 
nowhere  except  in  the  Greek  version  of 
the  Bible,  called  the  Septuagint.  It  was, 
therefore,  from  that  version  of  the  Scrip- 
tures that  the  first  Armenian  chron- 
ologists  took  the  family  tree  which  they 
adopted.  Besides,  with  the  newly  con- 
verted Christians,  the  general  tendency 
was  to  link  up  their  racial  origin  with 
the  Bible,  and  the  non-Aryan  Georgians, 
who  were  completely  foreign  to  the  Ar- 
menians, did  not  hesitate  about  the  same  time  to  call  themselves  like- 


•//77       ^ 


March, 


ETHNOGRAPHY  OF  WESTERN 

ASIA 

(from  Genesis,  ch.  X) 


(1)  The  name  of  Ha'ik  has  given  rise  to  much  research  and  study.  All  the  re- 
sources of  etymology  have  been  invoked,  often  beyond  permissible  scientific  limits, 
and  none  of  the  proposed  solutions  are  acceptable.  The  most  rational  is  the  sup- 
position that  Hay  (pati)  means  chief,  as  Hayr  (pater)  means  paternal  authority. 
It  is  impossible  to  give  any  date  to  this  legendary  person  who  undoubtedly  was  one 
of  the  great  leaders  of  the  Armenian  people,  but  whose  role  has  certainly  been  en- 
larged by  tradition,  as  is  the  case  with  all  heroes.  It  would  seem  best  therefore  to 
leave  to  Haik  his  mystical  value  and  to  use  his  name  only  as  a  symbol  of  the  origin 
and  displacements  of  the  Armenians  previous  to  their  forming  a  nation  in  the  Ararat 
region.  Ohannes  in  Chaldea,  Menes  in  Egypt,  Abraham  among  the  Jews,  Romulus 
with  the  Latins,  are  hardly  any  more  definite  as  figures  than  is  Haik  to  the  Armenians; 
each  nation  attributing  to  a  single  head  its  birth-throes. 


—  62  — 


wise  the  sons  of  Thargamos.  The  juxtaposition  of  these  two  pseudo- 
traditions  shows  what  credence  can  be  given  to  the  stories  of  the  early 
Christian  historians  concerning  national  origins.  (1). 

In  a  curious  passage  of  his  History,  Moses  of  Khoren  (2),  thoroughly 
imbued  with  his  readings,  indulges  in  a  strange  mixing  of  heathen  and 
Biblical  traditions:    (3). 

"Terrible,  extraordinary,"  (he  writes),  "were  the  first  gods,  who 
■"created  the  chief  blessings  of  this  world,  the  principles  of  the  Universe  and 
^'of  human  reproduction.  The  race  of  the  Giants  stood  out  apart,  a  race 
^'endowed  with  terrible  strength,  a  race  invincible  and  of  enormous  stat- 
^'ure.  They  in  their  pride  conceived  and  brought  forth  the  plan  to  build 
■'"the  tower  [Babel].  They  had  set  themselves  to  the  task,  but  a  furious 
■"and  heaven-sent  wind,  the  breath  of  the  wrath  of  the  gods,  overturned 
^'the  edifice.  The  gods,  having  given  each  of  these  men  a  language  that 
*'the  rest  understood  not,  spread  trouble  and  confusion  among  them. 
■"One  of  these  men  was  Haik  of  the  seed  of  Japhetos,  a  famous  chieftain, 
^'mighty  and  skillful  to  draw  the  bow.  (4)" 

But  Moses  did  not  confine  himself  to  these  fables,  he  also  re- 
published an  old  tradition  peculiar  to  the  Armenian  nation,  a  narrative 
that  agrees  on  the  whole  with  the  Macedonian  legends  handed  down  to 
us  through  Herodotus. 

"As  for  Ha'ik,"  wrote  the  Syrian  historian,  (5)  "he  went  off  with 
"the  others  of  his  company  to  the  north-east,  and  settled  on  a  plain 
^'called  Hark  (6)  or  the  plain  of  the  Fathers,  i.e.  the  fathers  of  the  race 
of  Thorgom.  Then  he  built  a  village  which  he  called  Haikaschen,  mean- 
*'ing  built  by  Hoik.  In  the  center  of  this  plateau  (7),  near  a  mountain 
■^'of  great  width  of  base  (8),  some  men  were  already  settled,  and  these 
"willingly  put  themselves  under  the  hero." 


(1)  See  inter  alia,  JORNANDES:  De  la  Succession  des  temps,  a  book  in  which 
the  writer  commits  the  same  abuse  of  Biblical  tradition. 

(2)  According  to  Mar-Apas-Katina  (Cf.  V.  LANGLOIS,  op.  cit..  Vol.  I,  p.  15). 

(3)  The  date  at  which  Mar-Apas-Katina  is  supposed  to  have  lived,  if  he  ever 
■did,  is  uncertain.  This  writer  found,  according  to  Moses  of  Khoren,  in  the  archives 
of  the  Persian  kings  a  manuscript  translated  from  Chaldean  into  Greek  by  order 
of  Alexander  the  Great,  History  of  the  First  Ancestors.  The  book  of  Mar-Apas-Katina 
was  said  to  have  been  translated  into  Syriac,  then  into  Armenian,  before  being  sum- 
marized by  Moses  of  Khoren.  Quatremere  considers  that  the  History  of  the  First 
Ancestors  was  only  the  work  of  Berosis. 

(4)  "We  know  that  the  tower  of  Babel  was  the  giant  Ziggnrat,  the  rains  of 
-which  still  stand  on  the  site  of  Babylon. 

(5)  Transl.  V.  LANGLOIS,  vol.  I,  p.  17. 

(6)  District  of  Hark,  in  Dourouperan. 

(7)  Plateau  of  Erzerum. 

(8)  Rather  the  Bin-Gheul,  than  Ararat. 

—  63  — 


One  could  hardly  sum  up  more  succinctly  in  a  few  lines  the  history 
of  the  migration  of  the  Armenians  from  Cappadocia  to  the  land  where  they 
still  live  today. 

Starting  from  the  old  Chaldeo-Hebrew  legends  and  drawing  as  their 
fancy  dictated  on  the  Semitic  traditions,  the  Armenians,  following  the 
example  of  the  so-called  Mar-Apas-Katina,  related  in  their  writings  that 
an  invasion  by  Belus  took  place  in  the  Erzerum  and  Van  regions  for  the 
purpose  of  putting  an  end  to  Haik's  conquests.  No  mention  is  made  of 
the  Assyrians,  the  Modes,  the  Urartians,  or  of  the  Nairi  peoples;  Belus 
personifies  all  the  opposition  which  the  new-comers  met  with.  (1)  But, 
they  add,  Belus  was  defeated  and  killed  in  the  battle  of  Haiotztor,  and  this 
event  is  placed  by  the  native  chronologists  at  2350  B.C.  (2)  This  date 
needs  to  be  brought  down  about  eighteen  hundred  years,  to  give  any 
likelihood  to  the  narrative,  for  in  the  24th  century  B.C.  the  ancestors  of 
the  Armenians  were  certainly  still  mingled  with  their  Aryan  brothers  in 
the  Indo-European  cradle-land  and  were  far  from  the  Danube  and  the 
Thracian  mountains.  The  Assyrian  empire  and  the  kingdom  of  Urartu 
were  not  yet  born,  and  the  Semites  of  Chaldaea  were  still  stationed  in 
southern  Mesopotamia  and  the  seaboard. 

On  the  one  hand,  in  this  fanciful  and  confused  rehearsal  of  the 
struggles  the  Armenians  had  to  maintain  to  conquer  their  new  domain, 
we  certainly  see  the  remembrance  of  the  opposition  put  up  against  the  ad- 
vancing newcomers  by  the  newly  emancipated  vassals  of  Assyria,  and 
doubtless  by  the  Urartaeans.  On  the  other  hand,  the  Ninivite  kingdom 
although  tottering  remained  unfallen  for  some  years  yet  (3),  and  the 
kings  of  Assur,  very  disquieted  by  the  Median  tribes  uniting  in  a  single 
State,  and  threatened  by  the  Babylonians,  in  addition  to  the  anxiety 
caused  by  the  Scythians  entering  the  Asiatic  scene,  could  not  bear  to 
have  fresh    adversaries  encamped   on  their  Empire's  northern    borders. 


(1)  To  the  early  Armenian  chroniclers,  Chamiram  (Semiramis)  symbolized 
Assyria,  as  Ara  did  the  lands  of  Nairi  and  Urartu. 

(2)  The  first  Armenian  chronologists  show  Haik  as  followed  by  thirty-six 
patriarchs  (2350-870  B.C.).  Then,  seventeen  kings  ruled,  from  870  to  330  B.C.  But 
recent  books  give  the  names  of  these  people  only  for  the  record.  (Cf.  at  the  end 
of  this  volume,  in  the  Appendix,  the  list  of  legendary  patriarchs  and  kings,  according 
to  K.  J.  BASMADJIAN,  Chron.  de  FHist.  de  TArmenie,  in  Revue  de  TOrient  chretien, 
vol.  XIX,  1914.) 

(3)  The  name  of  the  Armenians  does  not  appear  in  the  Assyrian  inscriptions. 
We  must  conclude  that  the  conquest  of  Armenia  by  Haik  took  place  in  the  last  days 
of  the  Assur  monarchy  only,  perhaps  even  a  little  later  than  the  fall  of  Assyria. 

—  64  — 


They  failed,  however,  and  "Belus  having  been  vanquished  and  killed 
by  Haik",  the  Armenians  were  able  to  establish  their  dominion  over  the 
Erzerum  regions. 

The  occupation  of  Western  Asia  by  the 
THE  SCYTHIANS  Scythians  lasted,  according  to  Herodotus,  twenty- 
eight  years;  that  of  Armenia  and  Transcaucasia 
by  them  was  certainly  much  longer,  for  the  hordes  from  the  north  had 
only  a  single  road  whereby  to  join  the  bulk  of  their  nation,  and  this  road 
passed  by  the  gorges  of  Derbend  or  the  so-called  Gate  of  the  Alans  (1). 
Few  of  them,  however,  returned  to  their  northern  steppes;  they  mostly 
settled  in  the  districts  of  the  upper  Halys  river  and  of  the  river  Thermodon 
and  gradually  disappeared,  lost  in  the  adjacent  nations,  the  Cappadocians, 
the  Phrygians,  the  Armenians,  Moschi,  and  Tibarenes.  We  find  no  trace, 
however,  in  Armenian  chronicles  of  any  Scythian  domination,  and  this 
silence  leads  us  to  suppose  either  that  the  Armenians  were  related  to  the 
northern  nomads  or  that  they  made  their  migration  to  the  east  after  the 
scourge  had  past.  In  the  first  case,  far  from  being  hostile  to  Haik's  war- 
riors, the  Scythians  would  have  helped  them  realize  their  aims.  In  the 
second,  the  Armenians  would  only  have  taken  advantage  of  the  general 
disorder  that  followed  this  invasion. 

We  have  seen  that  the  Armenians  arrived 

CONQUEST  OF  in  Thrace  at  the  same  time  as  other  branches 

ARMENIA  BY  HAIK      of  the  Aryan  family,  and  that  all  these  peoples 

came  from  the  East  via  the  Russian  steppes. 
Nations  belonging  to  the  same  ethnic  group  ascended  at  the  same  time 
the  valley  of  the  Danube  and  reached  western  Europe,  whilst  others 
spread  over  the  countries  of  central  Europe.  The  Ligurians  and  our 
ancestors  the  Gauls  no  doubt  belonged  to  one  of  these  tidal  waves  of 
humanity,  for  they  had  already  been  long  settled  in  the  west  of  the  old 
world  when,  six  hundred  years  B.C.,  the  Greeks  came  into  contact  with 
them  on  the  Mediterranean  coast. 

That  was  the  time  of  those  invasions  the  various  elements  of  which 


(1)  Gorges  of  the  Dariall  in  Ossetia,  in  the  center  of  the  Greater  Caucasus. 

—  65  — 


went  to  make  up  the  world  of  our  classical  ancient  times,  a  world  which 
developed  for  a  period  of  two  thousand  years,  from  the  15th  century  B.C. 
to  the  5th  century  of  our  era,  and  which  finally  achieved  world  leadership. 
For  although  two  thousand  years  later  other  waves,  also  from  the  East 
and  over  the  same  roads,  changed  for  a  time  the  face  of  the  old  world, 
sowing  ruin  and  plunging  Europe  back  into  barbarism,  yet  the  elements 
of  the  first  invasions  survived  and  gave  birth  to  our  modern  States,  to 
those  nations  which  in  the  last  few  centuries  have  carried  their  impetus 
to  the  four  corners  of  the  globe. 

During  the  disorders  that  reigned  in  Asia,  the  Armenians,  established 
in  their  newly  conquered  homeland,  remained  unshakable,  and  by  their 
courage  preserved  to  this  day  their  nationality,  language,  and  customs, 
— whereas  almost  all  the  peoples  whom  they  had  known  in  their  early 
days  disappeared  from  the  earth.  Their  brothers,  the  Phrygians,  are 
only  now  a  dim  memory.  Alone  among  their  contemporaries,  the  Hel- 
lenes, the  Italiotes,  and  the  Gauls  overcame  the  cataclysms,  not  however 
without  receiving  many  admixtures  and  forsaking  many  of  their  former 
customs.  But  apart  from  the  Greeks,  we  must  not  seek  any  kinship  with 
the  Armenians  in  modern  nations;  only  in  those  nations  that  were  brought 
from  the  northern  steppes  to  the  Mediterranean  shores  by  the  same 
tidal  wave  that  carried  the  ancestors  of  Haik  to  Thrace.  And  those 
peoples  have  unfortunately  for  the  most  part  been  engulfed  for  very  many 
centuries  in  the  darkness  of  oblivion. 


Such  in  their  main  lines  are  the  beginnings  of  the  Armenian  people. 
We  have  sufficient  documentation  to  ascertain  satisfactorily  the  chief 
phases  of  the  development  of  this  ancient  nation,  but  not  to  permit  of 
detailed  accounts.  It  is  certain,  nevertheless,  that  the  proud  lineage  of 
the  race  goes  back  to  over  three  thousand  years  ago  and  is  considerably 
more  ancient  than  that  of  most  European  peoples.  India  and  China,  des- 
pite their  fanciful  legends,  hardly  show  such  remote  beginnings.  Only  the 
old  nations  of  Western  Asia,  the  Syrians,  the  Chaldeans,  the  Kurds 
(Medes),  and  in  North  Africa,  the  Egyptians,  have  more  ancient  an- 
cestral records.  As  for  the  Persians,  their  political  life  did  not  begin 
until  about  the  time  that  Armenia  achieved  statehood,  and  Rome  was 
not  founded  until  the  time  that  Haik's  people  were  leaving  Cappadocia. 


—  66 


Armenian  is  an  Indo-European  language  (1), 
THE  ARMENIAN      i.e.  it  belongs  to  the  western  branch  of  the  Aryan 
LANGUAGE  family,    and  evolved   in  a   parallel   direction   with 

Creek  and  other  tongues,  most  of  them  now  lost, 
that  were  spoken  in  the  central  and  eastern  Mediterranean  world  about 
1,000  B.C.  But,  due  to  the  Armenians  settling  in  the  Ararat  regions, 
their  language,  while  keeping  its  main  grammatical  forms,  became  per- 
meated with  very  many  elements  taken  from  subject  peoples,  from  the 
various  overlords  of  Armenia,  and  from  neighboring  nations.  The  suc- 
cessive sway  of  Medes,  Achaemenian  Persians,  Parthians,  Sassanids,  Mace- 
donians, Byzantines,  Arabs,  and  Turks  has  given  fresh  verbal  roots  to  the 
Armenian  vocabulary,  but  the  general  characteristics  of  the  language 
remain  (2).  There  are  no  inscriptions  to  show  us  the  ancient  form  of 
Armenian,  and  the  primitive  tongue  can  be  reconstituted  only  theoreti- 
cally, because  until  the  Christian  era  the  Armenians  had  no  writing. 
Their  Phrygian  brothers  were  better  advised  in  this  respect,  but  when 
the  latter  under  Hellenic  influence  adopted  writing,  the  Armenians  had 
probably  already  separated  from  them. 

Moses  of  Khoren  complains  bitterly  of  the  ignorance  his  country- 
men were  in  prior  to  their  conversion  tc  Christianity  and  explains  it  by 
the  fact  that  they  had  no  written  language  of  their  own.  We  know  there- 
fore for  certain  that  the  Armenians  did  not  have,  during  their  migrations, 


(1)  Until  a  few  years  ago  there  was  the  greatest  confusion  generally  as  to  the 
ethnical  character  of  the  peoples  who  lived  in  western  Asia  in  ancient  times.  Some 
writers  on  the  strength  of  superficially  noted  physical  features,  looked  on  the  Ar- 
menians as  Semitic,  others  classed  them  with  the  Urartaeans  or  the  Hittites.  Renan 
{Hist,  des  Langues  semitiques,  vol.  I,  p.  11,  par.  1)  rightly  considers  the  ancestors 
of  the  Armenians  to  have  been  in  all  probability  settlers  of  Indo-Germanic  origin, 
but  he  thinks  they  went  from  Babylon  to  occupy  a  land  populated  by  Semitic  people. 
J.  Oppert  (La  Peuple  et  la  Langue  des  Medes)  writing  at  about  the  same  time  as- 
cribed to  the  Medes  the  lines  on  the  third  column  of  the  trilingual  Achaemenean 
inscriptions,  whereas  actually  these  were  in  the  Neo-Susian  language,  the  ancient  form 
of  which  has  been  made  known  of  late  years  by  the  many  inscriptions  discovered 
at  Susa.  Thanks  to  the  Assyrian  and  Old  Persian  versions  of  these  valuable  tri- 
lingual inscriptions,  J.  Oppert  had  been  able,  not  only  to  give  us  a  correct  trans- 
lation of  the  neo-Susian  texts,  but  also  to  set  forth  the  grammatical  rules  and  glos- 
sary of  this  non-Aryan  and  non-Semitic  language.  But  then,  not  knowing  its 
authors,  he  ascribed  it  to  the  Medes  who  as  we  know  today  were  Indo-Iranians  like 
the  Persians.  These  errors,  which  were  then  common,  have  been  a  great  hindrance 
to  understanding  the  historical  facts. 

(2)  Vide  the  Grammair  critique  de  I'arnienien  moderne  (Vienna,  1903)  of 
M.  MEILLET,  a  basic  and  authoritative  work  on  the  origin  of  the  Armenian 
language.  The  writer  in  his  introduction  admits  that  after  the  6th  or  7th  centuries 
B.C.  this  language  borrowed  much  from  a  non-cognate  tongue.  He  thinks  these 
borrowings  are  from  the  speech  of  the  "old  inhabitants". 

—  67  — 


the  means  of  recording  their  thought.  No  doubt  when  they  were  in  Cap- 
padocia,  they  knew  the  Hittite  hieroglyphics  (2)  but  the  latter  system  of 
writing,  full  of  ideograms,  did  not  lend  itself  to  phonetic  transcription. 
Agathangelus,  Moses  of  Khoren,  Lazarus  of  Pharp,  agree  with  Diodorus 
of  Sicily  and  Polyaenus,  in  stating  that  for  drawing  up  deeds,  for  cor- 
respondence, and  the  documents  needed  for  daily  life,  the  Armenians  for 
a  long  time  used  Greek,  Persian  (Pehlevi),  and  Syriac  letters.  They 
perhaps  tried  to  use  the  Persian  cuneiforms  which  are  known  to  be  phone- 
tic derivatives  of  the  Chaldeo-Assyrian  system,  seeing  that  ideographic 
signs  had  been  used  in  Urartu  as  well  as  by  several  non-Semitic  peoples 
of  Western  Asia.  But  this  attempt,  if  it  was  made  was  short-lived,  and 
the  example  shown  by  the  Persians  does  not  seem  to  have  been  followed 
by  the  Armenians,  the  Medes,  the  Kartvelians,  or  the  Nairi  peoples. 
We  indeed  possess  no  inscriptions  left  by  these  nations. 

The  Russian  archaeological  Commission  discovered  in  1900  near  Ani, 
on  a  vase  in  a  cemetery,  a  curious  hieroglyphic  or  pictographic  inscription 
which  seems  to  be  of  great  antiquity  and  which  appears  to  show  that 

before  the  time  of  the  Vannic  cunei- 
-  forms  in  this  region,  perhaps  during 
the  period  of  the  Urartu  kingdom,  the 
predecessors  of  the  Armenians  in  the 
plain  of  Erivan  used  a  very  primitive 

HIEROGLYPHIC  INSCRIPTION          ^^^P^^^    ^^^^7'      '^}'''    atte^ipt   does 
AT  ANI  ^°^  seem  to  have  been  followed  up, 

for  it  is  an  isolated  case.  It  proves, 
however,  that  from  the  remotest  times  the  peoples  of  Transcaucasia  felt 
the  need  of  expressing  their  thought.  The  revolutions  that  occurred  pre- 
vented the  development  of  this  primitive  conception,  which  we  only  men- 
tion for  the  record. 

At  the  time  Haik  arrived  in  Armenia,  a  phonetic  writing  which  was  to 
have  a  famous  future  was  already  in  current  use  in  Western  Asia,  viz.  the 


(2)  The  recent  German  excavations  at  Boghaz-Keui  have  brought  to  light  a 
large  number  of  slate  tablets  with  cuneiform  characters  in  the  Hittite  language,  and 
from  certain  words  Winckler  deduces  in  the  latter  the  existence  of  Indo-European 
connections.  If  this  be  so  the  Hittites  would  be  the  first  precursors  of  the  Aryan 
migrations;  but  these  linguistic  resemblances  are  too  uncertain  to  be  accepted. 
Besides,  the  Hittite  system  of  hieroglyphics  is  known  to  be  independent  of  the 
Egyptian,  and  it  would  be  strange  for  an  Aryan  people  to  work  out  for  themselves 
a  system  of  ideographic  writing  without  any  of  their  fellow-Aryans  having  the  same 
idea. 

—  68  — 


Aramaean  alphabet.  Originating  in  Phoenicia,  it  had  spread  into  As- 
syria and  Chaldaea  for  current  documentary  purposes,  and  had  also 
reached  Arabia,  developing  differently  in  each  country.  Undoubtedly 
the  Armenians  knew  this  writing,  but  it  was  created  for  Semitic  lan- 
guages in  which  the  consonants  play  the  chief  part,  and  the  Aramaean 
alphabet  was  unsuited  to  the  sounds  of  the  Aryan  languages  which  have 
inflections  mainly  based  on  vowels;  the  Armeno-Phrygians,  unlike  the 
Greeks,  did  not  know  how  to  complete  it  to  fit  their  need.  The  Persians 
were  more  far-seeing;  they  composed  the  Zend  alphabet  to  transcribe  the 
sacred  books  of  the  Avesta.  This  innovation,  however,  was  at  a  much 
later  period,  subsequent  to  the  formation  of  the  Pehlevi  language. 

Philostrates  states  that  in  the  time  of  Arsaces  (ISO  B.C.)  the  Ar- 
menians had  a  system  of  writing  of  their  own,  but  this  assertion,  which 
contradicts  all  that  Moses  of  Khoren  says  on  the  subject,  has  no  inscrip- 
tions to  support  it,  and  seems  inadmissible. 

The  Armenian  language,  basically,  constructively,  and  as  regards  its 
roots,  is  definitely  Indo-European,  a  point  that  must  be  emphasized.  It 
differs  from  the  eastern  Aryan  group,  i.e.  from  the  tongues  of  Iran,  Old 
Persian,  Zend,  Pehlevi,  Kurdish,  Ossetian,  etc.  in  the  same  way  as  do 
European  languages.  However,  in  its  various  provincial  forms,  it  Is  today 
frequently  mixed  with  Semitic,  Caucasian,  Iranian,  and  Altaic  elements, 
due  to  the  long  contact  that  the  descendants  of  Haik's  warriors  had  with 
populations  speaking  languages  of  those  groups.  The  Perslan-Pehlevi 
language,  among  others,  on  account  of  the  domination  of  the  Parthians 
and  the  Sassanids,  has  left  very  many  traces  in  the  vocabulary.  As  for 
medieval  Armenian  and  the  modern  literary  language,  which  are  much 
purer  in  this  respect,  they  are  on  account  of  their  flexibility  first-class 
mediums  of  thought.  The  Armenian  language  has  thus  been  very  well 
preserved  throughout  the  centuries,  at  least  in  its  grammatical  forms, 
despite  the  vicissitudes  of  the  people  who  speak  it.  Like  all  forms  of 
speech,  it  has  just  developed. 


Together  with   the   tradition  of  language, 
RELIGION  OF  THE       of   capital   Importance    to   the  preservation   of 
ARMENIANS  national  character,  there  were  the  ancestral  re- 

ligious  beliefs   of   the   Armenians.     They   cer- 

—  69  — 


tainly  had  a  national  Pantheon,  and  in  all  probability  it  was  very  nearly 
akin  to  that  of  the  Phrygians  and  fitted  in  with  the  religious  ideas  of  the 
whole  group  of  Indo-European  peoples  (1).  Finding  themselves,  how- 
ever, through  their  conquests  in  contact  with  the  Semites  of  Assyria,  the 
aons  of  Ha'ik  adopted  some  of  their  southern  neighbors'  divinities  (2). 
The  god  Barchamin  mentioned  by  Moses  of  Khoren,  and  called  Barcham 
the  Assyrian  by  Anania  of  Chirak,  is  none  other  than  the  Parchimnia  of 
the  Semites.  The  statue  of  this  god,  long  worshipped  throughout  Armenia, 
was  one  day  carried  into  Mesopotamia  by  Tigranes  II,  the  son  of  Ar- 
tashes.  In  another  place,  in  the  town  of  Erez,  stood  the  golden  image  of 
the  goddess  Anahit,  the  Semitic  Anahita,  and  according  to  Pliny,  this 
statue  was  worshipped  both  by  Asiatic  and  western  peoples.  The  precious 
idol  was  among  the  booty  captured  from  the  Parthians  by  Marcus  Aure- 
lius,  and  ended  up  by  being  destroyed  by  Tiridates  when  Christianity  was 
introduced  into  Armenia. 

In  the  village  of  Thil  stood  the  statue  of  the  great  Chaldaean  god- 
dess Nana,  assimilated  to  the  Artemis  of  the  Greeks,  and  when  in  sub- 
sequent centuries,  under  Persian  influences,  the  Armenians  accepted  offi- 
cially the  Mazdean  religion,  Ahoura-Mazda  was  given  by  them  the  name 
of  the  "Father  of  the  Gods".  Losing  his  Iranian  qualities,  he  became  a 
sort  of  Zeus  in  relation  to  the  ancestral  divinities. 

This  conversion  of  Armenia  to  the  Zoroastrian  cult,  which  seems 
to  have  been  only  very  superficial,  did  not  shut  out  the  gods  worshiped 
by  Haik's  warriors;  Persian  influence,  along  with  the  fear  of  a  Sassanid 
invasion,  made  the  conversion  necessary.  The  inclusion  of  Barchamin, 
Anaita,  Nana,  and  other  Semitic  gods  in  the  Armenians'  holy  places  was 
due  also  to  the  need  on  the  part  of  the  rulers  to  help  onward  the  assimi- 
lation of  the  peoples  whose  lands  they  had  invaded.  These  gods  of 
Semitic  origin  were  worshipped  among  all  of  Assyria's  vassals,  and  it  was 
necessary  not  to  wound  the  religious  convictions  of  the  subdued  nations. 
The  great  god  of  Urartu,  Khaldis,  very  probably  had  likewise  his  altars 
beside  those  of  Bagdias,  the  Phrygian  Jupiter. 

In  short,  the  Armenian  pantheon  in  the  century  prior  to  the  intro- 
duction of  Christianity  among  this  people,  was  derived  from  a  variety 
of  sources.  To  the  ancestral  gods  were  added  those  of  Persia,  of  the 
Mesopotamian  Semites,  of  Syria,  and  of  the  Greek  pantheon,  — but  in 


(1)   Strabo    (vol.  XI,  p.   19)    tells  us  that   in  the  temples   of  Acilicene,  the   Ar- 
menians observed  mysteries  resembling  those  of  the  Hellenes. 

(2)   This  hospitality  to  foreign  gods  was  widely  practised  by  the  Romans. 

—  70  — 


most  cases  these  divinities  represented  assimilations  rather  than  innova- 
tions. Among  all  Indo-Europeans  the  deities  were  extremely  numerous, 
and  so  the  Armenians  easily  found  room  in  their  pantheon  for  the  gods 
of  their  neighbors,  of  their  overlords,  and  of  the  nations  they  themselves 
subdued.  The  names  of  their  gods  are  almost  all  Iranian.  The  off- 
spring of  Ormazd  (Ahura-Mazda),  originally  seven  in  number,  later 
numbered  ten.  A4ihr,  Anahit,  Nanea,  Barchamin,  Astlik,  Tiur,  are  the 
chief  ones,  followed  by  Vahakn  and  Spandaramat.  But  ranking  above 
all  the  gods  was  Vanatur,  the  god  of  the  New  Year  who  lavished  his  bless- 
ings on  men,  and  whose  supposed  existence,  peculiar  to  the  Armenian 
people,  seems  to  go  back  to  the  earliest  days  of  their  nation.  In  addition, 
the  naturistic  beliefs  of  the  Indo-Europeans  had  under  Persian  influence 
become  personified  in  Armenia  in  the  form  of  good  and  evil  genii. 

Hellenism  brought  no  new  gods,  but  a  number  of  assimilations,  most 
of  them  quite  relative.  Ormazd  became  Zeus,  Mihr  was  confused  with 
Hephaestus,  Anahit  with  Artemis,  Nana  with  Athena,  Astlik  with  Aphro- 
dite, Tiur  with  Helios,  Vahakn  with  Heracles  or  Ares,  etc.  As  for  the 
beliefs  themselves,  they  seem  to  have  undergone  little  change. 

Every  province,  every  district,  had  its  local  god  or  its  protecting 
deities.  The  chief  temple  of  Anahit  was  at  Eriza  (Erzindjan),  but  this 
goddess  also  had  holy  places  at  Armavir,  Artaxata,  in  the  district  of 
Taron,  and  elsewhere.  Astlik,  the  goddess  of  Pleasure,  was  worshipped 
on  the  shores  of  lake  Van. 

We  have  very  little  information  as 
to  the  original  religious  ideas  of  the  Ar- 
menians, but  there  are  some  indications 
that  like  most  of  their  fellow-Aryans 
they  started  with  Nature  worship,  which 
gradually  was  transformed  to  produce 
the  national  Pantheon.  In  any  case, 
reverence  for  the  ancestral  gods  was  so 
deeply  rooted  in  the  people,  that  it  sur- 
vived despite  all  temptations  and  attacks. 
This  tenacity  of  religious  convictions, 
moreover  has  never  weakened  among 
the  Armenians  since  the  time  of  Christianity,  for  few  nations  have  had 
the  strength  to  keep  their  faith  so  much  alive  for  centuries  and  centuries, 
amid  the  most  terrible  persecutions. 


PAGAN  BAS-RELIEF  AT 
BAGREVANT,   NEAR    BAYAZID 


71 


When  he  became  master  of  the  Persians  and 
PERSIAN  PERIOD  the  Medes,  Darius  I.  the  son  of  Hystaspes,  had 
to  assume  the  heavy  task  of  strengthening  and 
organizing  the  empire  of  Cyrus,  and  anxiety  concerning  the  borders  of 
his  dominions  compelled  him  to  seize  the  Armenian  stronghold.  He  had 
to  have  rule  over  the  Erzerum  plateau,  not  only  to  avert  dangers  that 
might  arise  from  that  mountain  massif  if  it  remained  held  by  an  energetic 
and  independent  people,  but  also  to  keep  in  check  the  turbulent  tribes 
of  the  Phasis  and  Cyrus  valleys,  and  to  control  the  northern  hordes  who 
were  a  standing  threat.  The  barrier  of  the  Greater  Caucasus  stood  like 
a  formidable  wall  against  the  Scythians  of  whom  Western  Asia  had  ter- 
rible memories,  but  it  was  necessary  to  hold  the  foot  of  this  rampart  and 
close  the  Caspian  Gates  and  Dariall.  He  had  then  first  of  all  to  make 
sure  of  Armenia.  Once  Armenia  was  occupied,  the  Great  King's  only 
remaining  frontier  care  was  on  the  Oxus,  the  steppes  of  which  were  then 
inhabited  by  the  famous  Massagetes,  in  whose  territory  Cyrus  lost  his 
life,  and  by  other  no  less  formidable  Scythian  nations. 

But  this  great  Persian  State,  so  speedily  founded  by  Cyrus,  was 
based  on  feudal  principles.  Each  people  had  kept  its  laws  and  its  hered- 
itary rulers,  and  consequently  the  palace  revolution  which  resulted  after 
Cyrus'  death  in  Darius'  accession  reverberated  among  the  vassals  of  the 
Empire  and  revolts  broke  out  in  most  of  the  provinces.  Armenia,  in  the 
hope  of  gaining  freedom,  joined  the  coalition  of  the  northern  peoples,  and 
was  perhaps  even  its  instigator. 

The  Persians  fought  bitterly  against  the  Armenians,  judging  by  the 
accounts  on  the  famous  stele  of  Bisoutoun  (1),  the  only  inscription  of 
note  that  remains  to  us  concerning  the  wars  that  resulted  in  the  empire 
of  the  Achaemenids. 

Darius  I.  relates  himself  the  campaigns  he  had  to  conduct  to  over- 
come the  obstinate  resistance  of  the  Armenians  whose  country  though 
included  in  his  dominions  certainly  still  enjoyed  considerable  independence. 

There  is  reason  to  believe  that,  either  by  force  or  by  stratagem,  the 
Persians  succeeded  in  dividing  the  Armenians.  The  political  structure 
of  the  latter  was  also  on  the  feudal  system,  for  it  was  an  Armenian  in  the 
service  of  the  Achaemenids,  surely  a  traitor  to  his  country,  that  the  King 


(1)  Bi-soutoun  (without  columns),  the  modern  name  of  Behistoun  (in  Persian, 
Baghistana).  These  inscriptions  were  carved  about  500  B.C.  by  order  of  Darius  I. 
son  of  Hystaspes. 

—  72  — 


commissioned  to  crush  a  national  uprising,  called  by  him  a  revolt.     The 
tiara  of  a  Satrapy  was  no  doubt  to  be  the  felon's  reward. 

The  record  in  stone  reads  thus: 

''And  Darius,  the  King,  said:  An  Armenian  named  Dadarses,  my 
"servant,  I  sent  into  Armenia.  I  spoke  in  this 
"manner  to  him:  "Go  against  the  army  of  the 
"rebels  that  say  they  are  not  mine;  kill  them!" 
"Then  Dadarses  set  forth.  When  he  arrived 
"in  Armenia,  the  rebels  massed  together  and 
"went  out  against  Dadarses  to  battle.  Then 
DOUBLE  GOLDEN  DARIC  ;;Dadarses  fought  them.  There  was  a  fortress 
OF  THE  ACHAEMENIDS         named  Zura  m  Armenia.     1  here  Urmazd  was 

"my  support.  By  the  favor  of  Ormazd  my 
"army  killed  many  of  the  rebels'  army.  This  was  the  eighth  day  of  the 
"month  Thuravashara  [May-June,  519  B.C.]  that  this  battle  was  fought 
"(2)." 

A  second  encounter  took  place  near  the  city  named  Tigra  (June  519), 
and  a  third  one  the  same  month  against  a  fortress  called  Ethyama.  But 
in  his  narratives,  Darius  speaks  only  of  the  losses  sustained  by  the  enemy, 
without  saying  if  his  troops  were  victorious. 

It  seems  likely,  however,  that  the  Persians  under  Dadarses  did  not 
meet  with  all  the  success  expected  by  the  King  of  Kings,  or  else  this  per- 
son who  was  undoubtedly  an  Armenian  prince  fell  under  his  suspicion, 
for  shortly  after  the  above  expedition  Darius  replaced  him  by  a  Persian 
general  named  Omises. 

On  their  side,  the  Armenians  apparently  advanced  to  well  beyond 
their  frontier,  and  were  subsequently  the  victors  in  the  campaign  against 
Darius.  It  was  indeed  in  Assyria,  probably  in  the  southern  buttresses 
of  the  Armenian  Taurus  that  Omises  met  and  defeated  the  insurgents 
towards  the  end  of  that  year.  A  decisive  battle  seems  according  to  the 
inscriptions  to  have  been  fought  in  May  518  B.C.  in  a  district  called 
Antyarus,  a  location  we  cannot  identify.  However,  the  Achaemenean 
statements  contradict  the  facts  as  a  whole,  for  Omises,  afraid  to  commit 
himself  and  enter  enemy  territory,  perhaps  because  of  reverses,  deemed 
it  wiser  to  wait  for  his  master,  then  engaged  in  besieging  Babylon,  to 
come  and  pacify  in  person  the  north  of  his  empire. 


(2)   Transl.  J.  Oppert,  in  Le  Peuple  et  la  Langue  des  Medes,  p.  127  sq. 

—  73  — 


These  battles  of  the  armies  of  Darius  I.  against  the  Armenians  arc 
the  oldest  records  of  Armenian  prowess  that  have  come  down  to  us,  but 
before  them  there  were  certainly  some  expeditions  of  Cyrus  into  the 
Ararat  massif.  These  wars  succeeded  long  efforts  on  the  part  of  Haik's 
descendants  to  conquer  their  new  homeland,  so  that  about  520  B.C.  the 
Armenian  people  had  already  acquired  much  experience  in  the  art  of 
war.  According  to  the  testimony  of  the  Achaemenids  themselves,  it  was 
the  Persians  who  had  to  repulse  attacks,  and  not  the  Armenians  who 
were  obliged  to  drive  back  from  their  land  the  soldiers  of  Omises. 

These  few  lines,  written  by  their  enemy,  are  entirely  to  the  credit 
of  the  Armenian  nation.  They  show  this  people,  two  centuries  after  their 
settling  in  their  land,  a  regularly  constituted  State,  conscious  of  sufficient 
strength  to  dare  to  cross  swords  with  the  cohorts  of  the  Immortals.  Per- 
haps also  this  uprising  was  a  coalition  of  the  northern  peoples  seeking 
to  compel  Darius  to  raise  the  siege  of  Babylon.  In  any  case,  the  campaign 
of  Omises  and  the  way  his  undertaking  terminated,  place  Armenia  at  the 
end  of  the  6th  century  B.C.  in  the  position  of  a  Power  playing  a  very 
important  part  In  the  general  political  life  of  the  East. 

Inevitably,  however,  despite  their  valor,  the  Armenians  had  to  suc- 
cumb to  numerical  force,  and  so  after  the  above  wars  we  see  their  country 
included  in  the  13th  Satrapy  of  the  Persian  Empire,  together  with  the 
districts  of  the  Ligyes  and  the  Carducii,  whilst  the  mountains  of  the 
Lesser  Caucasus  not  yet  settled  by  the  Armenians  but  inhabited  by  the 
Saspires  and  the  Alarodii  were  placed  in  the  18th  Satrapy  along  with  the 
Macrones  and  the  Moschi  of  Lazistan,  and  the  Matienes  of  Central  Kurd- 
istan and  Aberzaidjan.  It  would  seem  that  at  this  period  the  Armenians 
had  not  yet  reached  the  middle  valley  of  the  Araxes,  that  they  owned, 
it  is  true,  the  provinces  of  Van  and  Erzerum,  but  their  main  center  was 
rather  towards  the  Euphrates,  at  the  modern  site  of  the  town  of  Erzind- 
jian,  on  the  road  leading  from  Cappadocia  to  Ararat.  In  this  connection, 
however,  we  can  only  surmise. 

The  peoples  of  the  18th  Satrapy,  hardly  yet  subdued  by  the  Persians 
and  hostile  to  the  Armenians,  encircled  the  latter  on  the  north  and  east 
in  a  vast  semi-circle,  whereas  towards  the  east  and  south-east  the  royal 
army  kept  watch  on  the  great  stronghold. 

The  power  of  the  Achaemenean  empire,  like  that  later  of  the 
Parthians  and  the  Sassanids,  rested  on  the  feudal   system,  a  conception 

—  74  — 


COIN  OF  THE  ACHAEMENEAN 
SATRAP  PHARNABAZUS 


of  government  which  the  Iranians  took 
from  Assyria,  Chaldaea  and  Elam,  and 
which  corresponded  moreover  to  the 
traditions  of  the  Aryas  formerly  divided 
into  clans  on  the  steppes.  The  kings 
of  the  various  nations,  when  they  were 
not  themselves  satraps  of  their  country, 
rendered  obedience  to  governors  of  the 
Persian  race  appointed  by  the  Court- 
But  in  most  cases  the  local  rulers  reigned 
in  actual  fact  over  their  people.  The  King  of  Kings  demanded  loyalty 
to  his  cause,  a  more  or  less  heavy  tribute,  and  contingents  of  troops  as- 
sessed by  himself.  This  system  was  applied  by  the  vassals  and  by  the 
heads  of  districts  and  even  of  villages. 

My  statements  are  supported  by  an  abundance  of  proofs;  one  of  these 
proofs  is  of  particular  interest  because  it  deals  with  the  government  of 
Armenia  under  the  Achaemenids. 

Herodotus  who  had  visited  only  the  great  Powers,  and  who  en- 
deavored especially  to  explain  the  causes  and  effects  of  the  wars  of  the 
Medes,  was  necessarily  very  terse  as  regards  the  peoples  subject  to  the 
Great  King.  But  Xenophon  (1),  whose  journey  had  quite  another  pur- 
pose, was  much  more  copious  than  the  Father  of  History  in  his  remarks  on 
the  peoples  through  whose  territory  he  crossed  with  his  soldiers,  and  he  has 
left  us  very  detailed  information  about  Armenia.  His  narrative  is  of  the 
utmost  value  for  our  knowledge  of  the  Armenians  about  400  B.C. 

He  says:  "When  the  army  had  all  crossed  the  river  Centrites  (2) 
"about  noon,  and  had  ranged  themselves  in  order,  they  proceeded  for 
'•another  five  leagues  over  large  plains  and  gently  sloping  hills;  for  there 
"were  no  villages  near  the  river,  because  of  the  proximity  of  the  hostile 
"Carducii  (Kurds)  (3).  The  village,  however,  at  which  they  stopped 
"was  of  considerable  size,  and  contained  a  palace  for  the  satrap;  upon 
"most  of  the  houses  there  were  towers,  and  provisions  were  in  great 
"plenty.  Thence  they  proceeded,  two  days'  journey,  a  distance  of  ten 
"leagues,  until  they  passed  round  the  sources  of  the   river  Tigris.    (4). 


(1)  Anabasis,  book  IV,  ch.  2  &  3. 

(2)  The  Bohtan-tchai. 

(3)  In  the  Armenian  Taurus    (Djoudi-dagh). 

(4)  Rather  the  Bitlis-tchai. 


—  75 


"Thence  they    advanced   three    days'   journey,    fifteen    leagues,    to   the 
"small  river  Teleboas  (5),  a  stream  of  much  beauty  and  with  many  vil- 
"lages  on  its  banks.     Here  begins  Western  Armenia,  the  deputy-governor 
«of  which  was  Tiribazus,  an  intimate  friend  of  the  king  of  Persia,  who  held 
"the  king's  stirrup  when  he  mounted  his  horse.    He  rode  up  to  the  army 
"with  a  few  horsemen  and  asked  through  an  interpreter  to  speak  with  the 
"commanders  ...  He  offered  to  let  the  army  pass  and  to  allow  the  soldiers 
"to  take  such  provisions  as  they  required,  provided  no  damage  should 
"be  done  as  they  passed  through,  which    was    granted.     Thence  they 
"proceeded,   three    days'   march,   fifteen   leagues   through   a   large   plain. 
"Tiribazus  followed  them  with  his  troops,  keeping  at  a  distance  of  about 
"ten  stadia,  till  they  arrived  at  palace  buildings,  with  several   villages 
"around  stored  with  abundance  of  provision.    While  they  were  encamped, 
"there  fell  in  the  night  a  great  quantity  of  snow  and  in  the  morning  it 
"was  thought  advisable  to  take  up  quarters  in  the  neighboring  villages  .  .  . 
"Here  they  found  all  kinds  of  provisions  in  abundance,  cattle,  corn,  dried 
"grapes,  vegetables  of  all  sorts,  and  fragrant  old  wines.  .  .  .  (The  Greeks) 
"lighted  fires  and  anointed  themselves  with  oils  of  sesamum,  turpentine, 
"and  bitter  almonds,  of  which  there  was  plenty  around,  with  hog's  lard, 
"and  ointments  made  of  all  kinds  of  drugs  .  .  .  They  despatched  in  the  night 
"Democrates  of  Temenos  with  a  detachment  of  men  to  the  hills  where 
"fires  had  been  seen  ...  He  brought  back  a  prisoner  who  had  a  Persian 
"bow  and  quiver,  and  a  short  battle-ax  such  as  the  Amazons  have  .  .  . 
"(It  was  learned  that  Tiribazus)  with  his  own  troops  of  the  province  and 
"some  mercenaries  from  the  Chalybes  and  Taochians  was  prepared  to 
"attack  the  Greeks  at  the  foot  of  the  mountains  ...  It  was  therefore  re- 
"solved  to  seize  the  passes  .  .  The  enemy  were  put  to  rout,  some  were 
"killed,  and  twenty  horses  were  taken  as  was  also  the  tent  of  Tiribazus; 
"in  the  latter  were  couches  with  silver  feet  and  drinking-cups  ....  Thence 
"they  proceeded  three  days'  journey  through  a  desert  tract  of  country,  to 
"the  river  Euphrates  (1)  which  they  passed  not  far  from  its  source  .  .  . 
"They  advanced  in  snow  five  or  six  feet  deep;  many  of  the  baggage  slaves 
"and  beasts  of  burden  perished  in  It  along  with  thirty  soldiers." 

The  army  suffered  severely  from  the  cold  on  these  high  plateaus  and 
lost  many  men;  so  they  spread  out  into  the  villages.  The  Athenian 
Polycrates  with  his  followers  found  in  the  village  allotted   to  him  "the 


(5)   Probably  the  Qara*6oa,  a  river  of  Monch,  tributary  of  the  eastern  Euphrates. 
(1)   The  Arsanias. 

—  76  — 


"head-man  with  all  the  villagers,  together  with  seventeen  colts  that  were 
"being  bred  as  a  tribute  for  the  king.  The  head-man's  daughter,  who  had 
"been  married  but  nine  days,  was  there,  but  her  husband  had  gone  out  to 
"hunt  hares.    Their  houses  were  underground,  the  entrance  like  the  mouth 
"of  a  well;  the  people  descended  by  ladders,  but  there  were  other  passages 
"dug  into  them  for  the  cattle.     In  the  houses  were  sheep,  cows,  goats,  and 
"fowls,  also  wheat,  barley,  vegetables,  and  beer  to  drink,  which  last  was 
"very  strong,  unless  one  mixed  water   with  it,  and  apparently  pleasant 
"to  those  accustomed  to  it.  It  was  drunk  with  a  reed  from  the  vessels;  many 
"reeds  of  different  kinds,  with  no  knots,  lay  in  the  beer,  whereon  also  floated 
"the  barley.  Xenophon  made  the  chief  man  of  the  village  sup  with  him 
"and  told  him  to  have  no  fear,  that  they  would  cause  him  no  vexation  if 
"he  would  but  lead  the  army  safely  to  the  border.    This  the  chief  promised 
"and  to  regale  Xenophon  showed  him  where  the  wine  was  hidden.    The 
"soldiers  spent  the  night  in  the  midst  of  great  abundance,  setting  a  guard 
"over  the  chief  and  keeping  his  children  under  their  eye.  The  following 
"day  Xenophon  took  the  head-man  and  went  with  him  to  Cheirisophus, 
"and  wherever  he  passed  he  found  the  soldiers  feasting.    The  latter  made 
"him  dismount  and  sit  down  to  eat  with  them,   serving  him  veal,  lamb, 
"pork,  together  with  fowl  and  bread  of  wheat  and  barley.    To  drink  to 
"anyone's  health,  however,  it  was  necessary  to  go  to  the  cask  and  drink 
"stooping  down,  like  an  animal  at  the  trough  .  .  .  When  they  came  to 
"Cheirisophus,    they   found    them   all   feasting,   with    wreaths    on   their 
"heads  made  of  dried  grass  in  lieu  of  flowers,  and  being  served  by  boys 
"in  their  native  costumes  to  whom  they   had  to  make  signs  for  every- 
"thing  as  to  mutes  ....  (The  chief  man  when  questioned)  said  they  were 
"in  Armenia,  and  that  the  neighboring  country  was  that  of  the  Chalybes, 
"and  told  them  in  what  direction  the  road  lay." 

After  ten  days'  march,  the  Greeks  reached  the  banks  of  the  Phasis 
(Araxes)  (1),  and  entered  the  land  of  the  Taochil  (Kars),  crossed  the 
valley  of  the  Harpasos  (Jorokh),  the  country  of  the  Saspires,  and  the 
mountains  of  the  Chalybes  (Lazistan),  finally  arriving  at  Trebizond. 

Xenophon    states    that   Tiribazus,    on    instructions   from    his   king, 
Tigranes,  and  following  orders  he  had  received  from  Susa,  had  intended 


(1)  Xenophon  is  mistaken  in  speaking  of  the  Phasis,  a  river  of  Mingrelia. 

—  77  — 


attacking  the  Ten  Thousand  on  their  way  through  the  Armenian  territory; 
whereas  his  own  account  shows  that  actually  the  Greeks  seized  Tiribazus' 
camp  without  any  provocation  on  the  latter's  part  and  merely  because 
of  the  statement  of  one  prisoner.  This  attack  seems  all  the  less  justifiable 
when  one  considers  that  the  Armenian  governor  had  taken  no  precautions 
to  protect  his  tent;  the  hospitality  that  Xenophon's  soldiers  subsequently 
received  in  Armenia  and  which  they  seem  to  have  abused,  shows  that  the 
inhabitants  were  well  disposed  towards  them,  and  not  hostile. 

Armenia  thus  was  enjoying  very  considerable 

ALEXANDRIAN     freedom  under  the  Achaemenids  when  there  came 

CONQUEST  the  defeat  of  Darius  Codomannus,  first  at  Issus  and 

then    at  Arbela.     The  conquests  of  Alexander  the 

Great  caused  indeed  the  greatest   revolution  that  ever  changed  the  face 

of  the  Asiatic  world.     The  beneficent  civilization  of  the  Hellenes  spread 

as  far  as  India,  ex- 
tinguishing for  centur- 
ies the  obsolete  princi- 
ples of  the  old  Eastern 
empires,  bringing  to 
the  various  peoples 
nobler  conceptions  re- 
garding everything. 
It  was  the  triumph 
of  civilization  over 
barbarism,  and  this 
ascendancy  of  the 
Hellenic  spirit  prevailed  in  Asia  for  six  hundred  years,  until  the  accession 
of  the  Sassanids  to  the  Persian  throne  brought  about  a  return  to  the  old 
Iranian   culture. 

The  defeat  of  the  Achaemenean  monarchy  by  the  Macedonian  king 
had,  as  regards  Armenia,  the  only  political  result  of  exchanging  Persian 
for  Greek  authority,  but  finding  in  this  new  status  greater  civil  and  relig- 
ious freedom,  the  Armenians  forsook  Mazdeism  that  they  had  accepted 
only  under  compulsion  and  returned  to  the  gods  of  their  forefathers. 
They  adopted  progress  with  enthusiasm  and  under  their  Greek  rulers' 
influence  made  great  strides. 


TETRADRACHMA  OF  ALEXANDER  THE  GREAT 


—  78 


ERVAND  II 
220-215  ? 


We  have  extremely  little  light  concerning  the 

ALEXANDER'S       events    that   took   place   in   this    part  of  Western 

SUCCESSORS         Asia  from  the  time   of  Alexander's  death  until  the 

period   of  Mithidrates   the  Great,   king  of  Pontus. 

We  know,  however,  through  Armenian  chronologists  (1),  that  in  the  year 

324  B.C.  the  Greeks  had  sent  into  Armenia  a  governor  named  Phraata- 

phernes  or  Neoptolemaeus;  that  in  322  the  latter  was  replaced  by  Orontes 

(Hrant  or  Ervand)  who  ruled  from  322  to  301;  that  in 

ERVAND  I       301    (?)    the    country    was    governed    by    Ardoates    or 

322-301  B.C.      Artavazt;  and  that  after  a  series  of  rulers  whose  names 

are  unknown,  with  the  exception  of  Arsames  who  struck 

coins  (2)  in  the  year  82  of  the  Seleucidan  era    (230  B.C.),  Artabazanes 

or  Artavaz  (239-220  ?)  ruled  over  Armenia  and  was  succeeded  by  Orontes 

II    (.?)    (220-215    ?). 

This  Orontes  (Ervand)  just  mentioned  is  credited 
by  Armenian  tradition  with  having  founded  the  city  of 
Erivan.  With  their  southern  border  constantly 
threatened  first  by  the  Persians  and  then  by  the  Greeks, 

and  finding  their  northern 
enemies  far  less  formidable 
than   those    on   the  south, 
the    Armenians  entrenched 
themselves  more  and  more 
strongly     in     the    districts 
north  of  the  Araxes.     Ani, 
already   fortified,  contained 
holy    places    venerated   by 
the  people,  and  Erivan  was 
founded  in  the  plain  com- 
manding on  one  side  the  chief  passages  of  the  Araxes  and  on  the  other  the 
gorges  communicating  from  the  Araxes  valley  to  that  of  the  river  Cyrus. 
Moses  of  Khoren  has  left  us  a  curious   description  of  the  new  city 
of  Erivan: 

"I  love  to  speak  of  the  splendid  city  of  Yervandakert  built  by  king 
"Ervand,  who  laid  it  out  delightfully.     In  its  center  he  built  magnificent 


TETRADRACHMA  OF  SELEUCUS  I,  NICATOR 


(1)  K.  J.  BASMADJIAN,  op.  laud. 

(2)  E.  BABELON,  Numis.  des   rois  de  Syrie,  d'Armenie,   et   de  Commagene, 
Paris,  1890. 


79  — 


"edifices  radiating  as  from  the  pupil  of  the  eye;  around  the  dwellings  are 
'^gardens  and  pastures  encircling  like  the  eye's  orbit;  numerous  vineyards 
"are  like  a  rich  and  gracious  fringe  of  eye-lashes;  the  ground  to  the  north 
"in  a  handsome  arch  is  indeed  comparable  to  the  lofty  eye-brows  of  lovely 
"damsels;  on  the  south  the  smooth  surface  of  the  meadows  remind  one 
"of  attractive  tender  cheeks:  the  river  opens  as  a  mouth  between  the 
"two  banks  that  are  its  lips.  And  this  lovely  scenery  seems  to  look  up- 
"ward  to  the  eminence   whereon    stands  the  monarch's  palace.    (1)" 

The  Armenians  long  considered  the  succession  of  princes  just 
mentioned  to  be  the  first  period  of  their  kingdom,  but  this  was  a  grievous 
mistake  for  it  robbed  them  of  their  oldest  claim  to  royalty.  Before  the 
Achaemenean  period,  during  the  reign  of  Cyrus,  Armenia  is  known  to  have 
been  governed  by  its  own  kings.  We  do  not  know  the  names  of  the 
sovereigns  of  Armenia  during  the  two  centuries  following  Haik's  conquest, 
any  more  than  we  do  those  of  the  tributary  kings  under  the  Achaemenlds; 
only  the  record  of  one  Tigranes,  the  contemporary  of  Xenophon,  has  been 
preserved;  but  we  do  know  nevertheless  that  these  dynasties  existed. 
Therefore,  to  pass  them  over  unmentioned  would  be  stripping  Armenian 
history  of  its  opening  pages.   (2). 

In  any  case,  after  the  dynasty  that  was  contemporary  with  the  first 
Seleucids  in  Syria,  the  native  chronologers  place  a  period  of  Greek 
domination  lasting  from  215  (?)  to  190  B.C.,  to  the  defeat  of  Antiochus 
the  Great  by  the  Romans  at  Magnesia.  Armenia  then  became  free,  and 
split  into  two  kingdoms,  Greater  Armenia,  on  the  east  of  the  Euphrates,  and 
Lesser  Armenia  bounded  on  the  east  by  that  same  river. 


(1)  MOSES   OF   KHOREN,  II,   42,  transl.  A.  TCHOBANIAN,  Le   Peuple  ar- 
menian.  son  passe,  sa  culture,  son  avenir,  p.  37,  Paris,  1913. 

(2)  Moses  of  Khoren,  and  the  Armenian  historians  who  drew  from  his  writings, 
give  a  list  of  36  names  of  the  Haikian  patriarchs  and  make  this  succession  last  1480 
years,  thus  allowing  about  41  years  to  each  reign.  This  estimate  of  duration  is  in- 
admissible. Moreover,  from  870  to  330  B.C.,  seventeen  are  supposed  to  have  reigned, 
which  would  give  31  years  apiece,  which  figure  we  cannot  accept  either.  But  if  we 
take  the  only  certain  date  in  this  legendary  chronology,  viz.  330  B.C.,  and  reduce  to 
a  probable  ratio  the  different  reigns,  we  see  that  the  list  of  kings  corresponds  to  the 
time  of  the  Achaemenean  monarchy,  and  that  the  series  of  patriarchs  can  very  well 
be  included  in  the  two  or  three  centuries  taken  up  by  the  nation's  advance  from 
Cappadocia  to  the  Ararat  country  and  by  their  occupation  of  the  new  homeland. 
In  this  case,  the  successions  listed  by  Armenian  traditions  would  correspond  to 
actuality,  the  only  mistake  being  the  chronological  estimates.  These  estimates  are, 
moreover,  of  comparatively  late  compilation,  they  date  from  the  time  that  Christian 
authors  endeavored  to  make  Armenian  history  tally  with  the  Biblical  record. 

—  80  — 


At. this  same  period,  about  180  B.C.  a  prince  of  the  name  of  Sames, 
probably  driven  from  Armenia  by  the  Parthian  invasion  and  believed  to 
have  been  the  son  of  Antiochis,  a  concubine  of  Antiochus  IV,  who  married 
the  Armenian  king  Xerxes,  (1)  declared  himself  independent  at  Samosata, 
on  the  Euphrates,  and  founded  the  kingdom  of  Commagene,  the  destiny 


TETRADRACHMA  OF  ANTIOCHUS  THE  GREAT 


of  which  was  so  closely  linked  to  that  of  Armenia  Minor.  The  empire  of 
the  Seleucids  was  at  that  time  disintegrating  into  a  multitude  of  small 
states. 

The  first  king  of  Greater  Armenia   was  Artaxias 
ARTAXIAS        or  Artashes  I,  a  former  general  of  Antiochus  III.     This 
CA.  160  B.C.      king  founded  the  city  of  Artaxata  on  the  Araxes,  at  the 
foot  of  Qara-bagh,  and  made  it  his  capital.    The  shape- 
less ruins  of  this  city  are  still  to  be  seen  near  the  village  of  Khorvirah, 
about  nineteen  miles  to  the  south  of  Erivan. 

During  the  early   days   of  the  reign  of  Artaxias,  Armenia  enjoyed 
independence;  but  about  165  or  159  B.C.  it  was  attacked  by  Antiochus  IV 

Epiphanes,  and  fell  once  more  under  Sel- 
eucidan  control.  In  this  fight  for  the  inde- 
pendence of  his  kingdom  Artaxias  was  de- 
feated by  Antiochus  Epiphanes  and  lost  his 
life.  We  do  not  know  how  long  the  new  peri- 
od lasted,  but  Justin  informs  us  that  at  the 
beginning  of  the  first  century  B.C.  a  king 
of  Armenia  named  Ortoadistes  was  fighting 
against  the  king  of  Pontus.    This  Armenian 


COIN  OF  SAMES,  KING 
OF    COMMAGENE 


(1)   Cf.  E.  BABELON,  Les  Rois  de  Syrie,  d'Armenie  et  de  Commagene,  1890, 
p.  CCVIII  sq. 

—  81  — 


ruler  would  appear  to  be  the  predecessor  of  one  of  the  greatest  among  the 
sovereigns  of  Armenia,  viz.  Tigranes  II,  who  gained  such  brilliant  dis- 
tinction by  his  alliances  with  Mithidrates  and  his  wars  with  the  Romans. 
We  know  through  Strabo  that  the  reign  of  Artaxias  was  an  era  of  con- 
quests for  Armenia.  This  king,  by  forming  a  powerful  monarchy  upheld 
by  Roman  statecraft,  became  a  menace  to  the  kings  of  Syria,  and  we  may 
be  certain  that  Antiochus  Epiphanes  only  attacked  him  to  be  rid  of  a 
dangerous  neighbor.  With  the  Parthians  pressing  them  on  the  east,  and 
Roman  power  ever  on  the  increase,  the  Scleucids  for  the  safety  of  their 
dominions  had  to  stifle  this  kingdom  in  its  early  stages  as  it  was  growing 
daily  stron£er  and  becoming  a  greater  challenge. 

Whilst  Artaxias  was  reconstructing  the  kingdom  of 

ZARIADRAS      Greater  Armenia,  Zariadras,  likewise  a  former  general 

of  Antiochus  the  Great,  was  founding  Lesser  Armenia, 

a  State  which  continued  to  be  ruled  by  his  descendants  until  the  time  of 

Mithidrates. 

The  names  of  these  two  rulers,  Artaxias  (in  Armenian  Artashes)  and 
Zariadras  (Zareh)  are  Persian,  and  we  cannot  therefore  know  whether 
they  were  Armenians  or  Iranians.  On  the  one  hand,  the  Achaemeneans 
had  spread  their  princes  around  over  all  the  provinces  of  their  vast  em- 
pire, as  viceroys,  and  these  satraps  fretting  under  the  Greek  overlordship, 
were  inclined  to  assert  their  freedom;  on  the  other  hand,  the  Armenians 
had  often  adopted  Iranian  names  through  the  Persian  Influence;  con- 
sequently the  nationality  of  these  two  kings  remains  uncertain.  In  any 
case,  they  relied  on  the  Armenian  element  to  shake  off  the  yoke  of  the 
Seleucids.  According  to  Cicero,  Antiochus  after  his  defeat  was  ordered 
by  the  conqueror  to  make  the  Taurus  the  boundary  of  his  dominions,  and 
this  stipulation  was  a  great  help  In  furthering  the  independence  of  the 
princes  governing  In  his  name  In  both  Armenlas. 

These  kingdoms  were  then  the  only  really  civilized  countries  of  the 
Transcaucasian  region.  Their  inhabitants  were  intelligent  and  industrious, 
wide-awake,  and  thoroughly  permeated  with  Hellenic  influence.  They 
had  adopted  the  Greek  language  for  their  writings,  and  since  the  Mace- 
donian conquest  had  become  quite  familiar  with  the  use  of  money.  The 
gold  darlcs  and    the  silver  shekels  of  the  Achaemenlds    and  the  coins 


(1)  "We  have  no  Armenian  coins  of  the  Achaemenian  period,  whereas  daring 
that  same  period,  in  Phoenicia  and  Cappadocia,  the  satraps  of  the  Great  King  etmck 
silver  money  with  their  own  names  inscribed  in  Aramaean  characters. 

—  82  — 


minted  by  the  satraps  (1),  which  had  had  little  currency  in  the  northern 
countries,  were  succeeded  by  Macedonian  money,  and  that  of  the  Seleu- 
cids,  also  by  the  coins  struck  by  the  Greek  colonies  on  the  Black  Sea.  The 
drachmas  of  the  Parthians,  just  then  appearing,  were  to  be  for  several 
centuries  the  main  medium  of  trade. 


NUMISMATIC 
RECORDS 


COIN  OF  CHARASPES 


Moses  of  Khoren  states  that  Artaxias  struck 
money  bearing  his  effigy,  which  is  extremely  probable. 
But  no  coin  of  this  ruler  has  been  preserved.  More- 
over, the  sequence  of  Armenian  coins    discovered  to 

date  is  very  incomplete,  and  the  interpretation  of  the  inscriptions  they  bear 

is  often  dubious.  According  to  col- 
lections available,  these  numismatic 
records  start  with  the  second  half  of 
the  first  century  of  the  Seleucidan  era, 
and  the  only  rulers  whose  coins  we 
have  are:  Charaspes,  period  unknown, 
Arsames  (ca.  230  B.C.)  (1)  Abdis- 
sares  (ca.  200  B.C.)  and  Xerxes  (ca. 
170  B.C.)    (2),  none  of  which    names 

appear  in  the  Armenian  lists;  then  Tigranes  II,  Artavazd  II,  Tigranes 

III,  Tigranes  IV,  Tigranes  V.  and  his  sister  Erato.    Finally  we  have  the 

head  of  Artaxias,  the  son  of  Polemon,  which  is  found  on  the  back  of 

some  of  the  coins  struck  by  Germanicus  (3). 
In  the  absence  of  Armenian  objects 

of  art  or  craftsmanship,  and  of  structural 

remains  contemporaneous  with  the  Greek        /^Tc^'^r^^^^^  MMW)^P/'!^^ 

period,  (4)  the  study  of  the  types  and  in- 
scriptions of  what  coins  we  have   assures 

us  that  Armenia  soon  became  one  of  the 

centers  of  Hellenism  In  the  East.  In  vain 

had  the    Persians  tried  to  assimilate  the 

Armenians,  and  to  impose   on  them  their  oriental  customs  and  beliefs; 


COIN  OF  ARSAMES 


(1)  POLYAENUS,  IV,  17,  mentions  an  Armenian  prince  who  showed  himself 
a  friend  of  Antiochus  Hierax  (who  died  227  B.C.) . 

(2)  POLYBIUS,  Excerpta,  VIII,  25.     This  ruler  was  contemporary  with  Antio- 
chus IV,  Epiphanes  (175-164  B.C.). 

(3)  Cf.  E.  BABELON,  op.  laud. 

(4)  A  very  fine  female  head  discovered  at  Satala  in  Armenia  has  been  ascribed 
to  a  statae  of  the  goddess  Anahit,  but  we  have  no  supporting  proof. 


83 


Iranian  culture  did  not  meet  the  aspirations  of  this  people,  whereas  Greek 
civilization  in  line  with  the  traditions  of  the  Aryans  of  Europe  found  in 
Armenia  a  favorable  soil  for  development. 


Such  is  the  history  of  the  beginnings  of  the  Ar- 
menian nation.  These  annals,  hitherto  little  known, 
are  such  as  to  inspire  with  pride  this  people  who,  hold- 
ing an  outpost  of  Indo-European  civilization  amidst 
Asiatic  powers,  never  failed  to  uphold  firmly  the 
Aryan  standard.  In  heathen  times  the  Armenians 
maintained  for  centuries  Greek  culture,  and  as  Christ- 
ians they  became  the  great  champions  of  our  faith  and 
western  civilization;  consequently  their  role  in  history 
has  always  been  a  famous  one,  ever  since  the  con- 
quest of  Asia  by  the  Macedonians.  But  before  Al- 
exander the  Great  even,  when  the  Hellenic  peoples 
were  themselves  struggling  individually,  Armenia  was 
a   powerful   State  with  which  the   mighty  sovereigns 

of  Asia    had  to   reckon.     This   is  the  part  of  Armenian   history   that 

is   least    known,    although   it  Is   the   most 

interesting,  for  the  whole  life  of  the  Ar- 
menian people,  up  to  our  times,  Is  but  the 

consequence  of  those  early  pages,  and  the 

reason    that    the    Armenians    for    twenty 

centuries    have   shown    such    energy,    such 

valor,     and     such     attachment     to     their 

national  spirit,  is  that  "noblesse  oblige."  (1) 


COIN  OF 
ABDISSARES 


COIN  OF  XERXES 


(1)  The  leading  facts  contained  in  this  chapter  were  pnblished  in  le  Mercure  de 
France,  (Sept..Oct.,  1916)  vol.  CXVII. 


84 


PORTRAIT  OF  KING  TIGRANES  II,  THE  GREAT 
(From  a  tetradrachma  in  the  British  Museum) 

CHAPTER   III 

Reign  of  Tigranes  II,  the  Great. — Lucullus  and  Pompey  in  Ar- 
menia.—The  Country  Divided  by  the  Romans.— The  Last  Kings  of 
the  Dynasty  of  Artaxias 


Until  the  beginning  of  the  first  century  B.C.,  the  Armenians  had 
encountered  on  the  battle-field  only  Asiatic  peoples,  who,  though  ad- 
mittedly powerful,  were  lacking  in  the  organization  and  discipline  that 
are  an  army's  chief  strength.  Themselves  accustomed  to  Eastern  prin- 
ciples which  neither  the  Greek  influence  nor  the  conquest  by  Alexander 
had  succeeded  in  uprooting,  and  governed  according  to  the  feudal  system 
like  the  Persians,  they  raised  troops  through  the  medium  of  noblemen  who 
remained  at  the  head  of  their  contingents,  and  whose  obedience  to  the 
royal  power  was  not  always  what  it  should  have  been  for  the  nation's 
welfare.  But  among  the  Parthians,  the  rulers  of  Pontus,  all  the  petty 
kings  of  Asia  Minor,  and  even  among  the  Seleuclds  themselves,  adminis- 
trative and  military  inexperience  was  the  same  as  in  Armenia.  ,  Conse- 

—  85  — 


quently  the  Armenian  people  were  able  to  hold  their  own,  often  very 
successfully,  against  any  of  their  neighbors  seeking  to  encroach  on  them. 

From  the  time  of  Tigranes  the  Great,  however,  the  opposing  elements 
took  on  new  aspects  due  to  the  appearance  of  the  Roman  legions.  Pitted 
against  equal  numbers,  the  Asiatics'  resistance  became  mythical.  The 
great  Republic,  relying  on  its  generals  and  diplomats  and  on  its  military 
strength,  used  the  latter,  alternately  with  its  political  shrewdness,  to  get 
possession  of  the  natural  stronghold  of  Armenia  commanding  Western 
Asia  and  constituting  a  bridgehead  against  Media,  Syria,  and  Pontus.  As 
soon  as  opportunity  occurred,  therefore,  the  Roman  generals  lost  no  time 
in  taking  the  very  opposite  course  from  that  pursued  formerly  by  the 
Achaemenids,  even  still  by  the  Parthians,  and  resumed  later  by  Sas- 
sanids,  Arabs,  and  Turks.  The  possession  of  Armenia  was  to  be  fought 
over  for  centuries,  and  the  Armenians  were  to  be  subjected  to  all  kinds  of 
influences  which  often  were  disastrous  when  they  became  divided  in 
purpose.  Some  of  their  feudal  nobility  favored  the  Persians,  others  the 
Romans,  and  many  of  them  too  often,  alas!  forgot  the  paramount  in- 
terests of  their  king  and  nation. 


ARTAVAZD  II 
CA.  112B.C. 


During  the  reign  of  Artavazd  II  (1),  about  112 
B.C.,  his  neighbor,  Mithidrates  V.  the  Great,  king 
of  Pontus,  extended  by  conquest  the  borders  of  his 
dominions.     Recognizing  all  the  danger  his  kingdom 


would  incur  one  day  from  the 
proximity  of  the  newly  ac- 
quired possessions  of  Rome, 
this  ruler  conceived  the  idea 
of  founding  a  vast  empire 
that  could  hold  its  own 
against  the  Roman  generals. 
The  blood  of  the  Achaemenids 
flowing  in  his  veins  inspired 
him  with  the  thought  of  re- 
covering for  Asia  Minor  its 
erstwhile  splendor  and  power, 
but  his  idea  was  a  Hellenized 


TETRADRACHMA  OF  MITHIDRATES 

THE  GREAT 

(Numismatic   Collection,    Paris. 

Drawn  by  M.  J.  Emonts) 


(1)   or  Artoadistus  (123-94  B.C.). 

—  86  — 


Asia,  combining  not  only  the  old  traditions  of  the  East  but  also  the  Greek 
culture  now  threatened  with  ruin  by  the  West.  With  profound  political 
foresight,  he  saw  the  schism  that  would  eventuate  later  between  Rome 
and  Byzantium,  between  the  West  and  the  East.  Within  seven  years, 
Mithidrates  had  added  to  his  dominions  Colchis  (2),  the  Black.  Sea 
coast  (3),  the  Tauric  Chersonese  (4),  and  a  part  of  Armenia  (5).  When, 
however,  he  sought  to  expand  to  the  east  of  the  Euphrates,  he  was 
stopped  in  that  direction  by  the  valor  of  the  Armenians,  and  the  peoples 
of  the  Caucasus  leagued  together  to  preserve  their  homelands.  To  the 
east,  Mithidrates'  kingdom  never  went  beyond  the  pass  of  Souram  (1): 
and  the  inhabitants  of  the  valleys  of  the  Cyrus  and  Araxes,  and  those  of 
the  plateau  of  Erzerum,  preserved  their  independence.  These  countries 
were  split  up  into  a  large  number  of  petty  kingdoms,  principalities,  and 
minor  domains,  whose  warlike  lords  brooked  no  authority  but  their  own 
good  pleasure.  In  Transcaucasia  and  in  the  mountains,  there  were 
gathered  a  number  of  still  very  uncivilized  tribes  who  were  ever  at  war 
with  their  neighbors  including  the  Armenians,  and  only  the  power  of 
Rome  was  able  to  subdue  them  eventually,  even  nominally. 

Such  was  the  situation  politically  in  the  north 
TIGRANES  II         of  western  Asia,  when  Tigranes  II,  called  the  Great 
THE  GREAT,  94-      (94-54    B.C.)    (2)    ascended  the   throne   of  Ar- 
54  B.C.  menia.     With  him  began  the  most  glorious  mili- 

tary period  in  the  country's  history. 

Still  a  young  man,  Tigranes  had  once  been  a  hostage  in  Persian 
hands,  and  it  was  the  Parthian  king  Mithidrates  II  who  caused  him  to 
be  given  the  crown.  The  King  of  Kings,  moreover,  exacted  in  payment 
sixty-six  valleys  of  Artavazd  IPs  dominions. 


(2)  The  basin  of  the  river  Phasis. 

(3)  Afkhasia,  Lazislan,  Trebizond,  as  far  as  Amisus. 

(4)  The  Crimea. 

(5)  Lesser  Armenia,  on  the  west  of  the  Euphrates. 

(1)  Between  the  valleys  of  the  Phasis  and  the  Cyrua. 

(2)  E.  Babelon,  Les  Rois  de  Syrie,  (FArmenie  et  de  Commagene,  p.  213  (nninis- 
matics),  calls  this  prince,  Tigranes  I  and  states  that  he  reigned  from  215  to  2S6  of 
the  Seleucidan  era  (97-56  B.C.). 

—  87  — 


DRACHMA  OF 
THE    PARTHIAN 

KING 
MITHIDRATES  II 


The  definite  history  of  Armenia  may  be  said  to 
begin  with  the  new  king,  for  the  statements  of  native 
Christian  writers,  often  so  questionable  unfortunately, 
can  henceforth  be  verified  by  the  many  writings  left 
us  by  Greek  and  Latin  authors.  As  for  the  annals  of 
heathen  Armenia,  which  no  doubt  once  existed  either 
in  Greek  or  in  Pehlevi,  they  have  not  been  preserved 
to  us. 

The  king  of  Pontus,  Mithidrates,  realizing  that 
he  would  never  be  able  to  subdue  the  Armenians  and 
that  Tigranes  would  be  a  very  dangerous  neighbor  in 
his  way,  unless  he  could  have  him  as  an  ally,  did  all 
he  could  to  draw  Tigranes  into  his  war  against  Rome. 
Tigranes,  to  whom  the  Pontine  kingdom  relinquished 
the  whole  of  the  south  of  Asia  Minor,  thought  this  al- 
liance would  assure  to  his  dominions  a  status  enabling  him  to  treat  as  an 
equal  both  with  the  Romans  and  the  Persian  Arsacids.  He  therefore 
decided  to  espouse  the  aims  and  share  the  dangers  of  Mithidrates. 

The  young  king,  who  already  owned  vast  territories,  began  by  con- 
quering Sophene,  then  turning  his  army  against  the  Parthians,  he  re- 
covered from  Persia  the  districts  he  had  been  obliged  to  give  up  on  his 
accession.  Finally,  taking  advantage  of  a  palace  revolution  at  Ctesiphon 
and  of  the  assassination  of  Mithidrates  II  by  Orodes  I,  Tigranes — who 
had  had  time  to  establish  his  power  and  whose  ambition  was  unlimited — 
remembering  the  humiliations  he  had  known  at  the  Parthian  court,  ar- 
rogated to  himself  the  title  of  King  of  Kings  (1).  This  title  had  been 
borne  by  the  sovereigns  of  Iran 
from  the  time  of  the  Achaeme- 
nids.  Tigranes  thus  followed  the 
example  set  by  the  Seleucids,  and 
showed  that  he  was  contemplat- 
ing great  conquests.  He  had  al- 
lied himself  by  marriage  with  the 
family  of  the  shrewd  king  of 
Pontus,  the  sworn  enemy  of  the 
Romans.  Consequently  he  did 
not  hesitate  to  attack  the  rulers  under  the  protection  of  Rome,  and  about 


TETRADRACHMA   OF  THE   PARTHIAN 
KING  ORODES  I 


(1)     Basileas  Basileon,  Vide  coins  of  Mithidrates  II  &  Orodes  I. 


GOLD  COIN  OF  SULLA 


MITHIDRATES  V. 

CONQUERED  BY 

SULLA 


91  B.C.  he  invaded  Cappadocia  which  he  considered,  probably  from  tra- 
dition, as  belonging  to  the  Armenian  patrimony.     Driving  out  Ariobar- 

zanus,  whom  Sulla  had  just  placed  on  the 
throne  of  this  region,  he  put  in  his  stead 
Ariarathes,  possibly  the  son  of  his  ally  Mith- 
idrates.     The  king  of  Pontus  undoubtedly 
joined   in   this    expedition,   for  Cappadocia 
had   hardly    been    conquered    before  Aria- 
rathes set  out  to  attack  the  legions  then  in 
Attica.     The  young  prince   died,  however, 
on  the  way,  and  Mithidrates  vanquished  by  Sulla  was  compelled  by  the 
treaty  of  Dardanus  to  relinquish  his  claims  to  Asia  Minor  and  Cappadocia. 
The  former  king  of  the  latter  province,  Ariobar- 
zanus,  returned  to  his  throne. 

Tigranes,  however,  taking  warning  from  the 
repulses  suffered  by  his  ally,  deemed  it  wiser  not 
to  pursue  his  aims  on  lands  protected  by  Rome 
and  turned  to  his  other  frontiers.  Within  a  few  years  he  had  subdued 
Gordyene  (2),  Median  Atropatenes  (3),  Adiabenes  (4),  the  region  of 
Nisibis  (5),  and  finally  the  kingdom  of  Edessa,  or  Osrhoene,  over  which 
he  appointed  an  Arab  family,  of  which  Abgar  and  Manou  were  later  mem- 
bers. His  ambitions,  however,  were  not  yet  satisfied,  for  then,  throwing 
caution  to  the  winds  as  regards  the  Romans,  he  again  took  arms  against 
the  West.  After  subduing  Sophene  for  the  second  time,  he  ravaged  Cap- 
padocia where  he  captured  very  many  slaves  and  rich  booty  and  marched 
on  Cilicia  and  Syria. 

During  these  campaigns  Tigranes  had  encountered  no  opposition 
from  the  Romans.  It  seemed  to  him  that  their  generals  were  afraid  to 
come  to  blows  with  a  monarch  whose  dominions  had  grown  to  such  an 
extent  in  a  few  years.  On  his  way  to  Antioch,  the  king  of  Armenia  stopped 
awhile  in  his  province  of  the  Tigris  to  draw  up  the  plans  and  supervise  the 
building  of  the  great  city  of  Tigranocerta  which  he  had  decided  to  found 
south  of  the  river.  The  prisoners  taken  in  Cappadocia,  Cilicia,  and  Syria, 
were  engaged  in  this  work  when  suddenly,  after  the  king  had  left  for 
Antioch,  Lucullus  appeared  at  the  head  of  the  Roman  legions. 


(2)  Northern  Kurdistan. 

(3)  Azerbaidjan. 

(4)  Mosul. 

(5)  Nisibin  (Antioch  of  Mygdonia). 


—  89 


This  was  the  first  time  that  the  Armenians  had  come  face  to  face 
with  the  Roman  army,  for  hitherto  the  Senate  had  spared  the  king  of 
Armenia.  As  a  matter  of  fact,  although  the  ambitions  of  the  king  of 
Pontus  ran  counter  to  Rome's  political  aims  in  Asia,  it  was  not  so,  at 
least  for  the  time  being,  as  regards  Armenia.  This  kingdom,  standing 
between  the  Parthian  dominions  and  those  of  the  Republic,  and  being 
itself  hostile  to  the  Persians,  was  of  considerable  service  by  its  very  exis- 
tence, and  the  Armenians  besides  were  the  only  intermediaries  for  the 
trade  of  the  Mediterranean  with  Central  Asia  now  that  relations  were 
broken  between  Rome  and  Ctesiphon.  However,  Tigranes'  expeditions 
into  Cappadocia,  Cilicia,  and  Syria,  all  under  the  Senate's  protection,  had 
aroused  in  Italy  both  annoyance  and  anxiety.  It  was  known  that  although 
he  had  not  taken  part  in  the  last  aggression  of  Mithidrates  V,  Tigranes 
was  nevertheless  the  ally  of  his  father-in-law  and  brother-in-law,  the  king 
of  Pontus.  An  actual  coalition  of  the  two  kings  might  become  very 
dangerous,  should  as  was  probable  these  two  powerful  States  join  up 
with  the  Arsacids  of  Persia  to  drive  out  the  legions  from  Asia.  A  firm 
hand  was  therefore  necessary  in  dealing  with  the  Armenians,  whose  king 
must  be  made  to  understand  that  he  had  to  respect  the  territories  under 
Roman  protection  and  keep  to  his  own  frontiers  of  the  Tigris  and  the 
Armenian  Taurus. 

The  Senate  hesitated  to  undertake  a  war  against  a  ruler  who  seemed 
to  them  like  another  Mithidrates,  and  were  wondering  whether  the  results 
of  any  such  campaign  would  be  commensurate  with  the  risks  to  the  Re- 
public and  the  enormous  expense  it  would  entail,  when  Antiochus  and 
his  brother,  the  heirs  of  the  Seleucids  who  had  been  driven  from  Asia, 
appealed  to  the  Conscript  Fathers  for  the  restitution  of  their  dominions. 
Thereupon  Lucullus,  more  farsighted  than  the  Senators,  lost  no  time  in 
espousing  the  cause  of  Alexander's  successors  ousted  from  their  heritage. 

His  late  success  at  Cabira,  near  the  source  of  the  river 
LUCULLUS  Halys,  over  the  king  of  Pontus  urged  him  on,  more- 
over, to  proceed  with  his  plans,  and  without  awaiting 
orders  from  Italy  he  haughtily  summoned  Tigranes  to  deliver  up  to  him 
Mithidrates.  The  latter  upon  the  loss  of  his  army  had  fled  to  the  Ar- 
menian court,  after  first  slaying  at  Pharnacia  his  two  sisters  and  his  wives 
to  save  them  from  slavery. 

Tigranes  was  at  Antioch  when  Appius  Clodius,  sent  to  him  by  Lucullus, 
presented  himself.     Upon  the  king's  refusal  to  hand  over  his  guest  and 

—  90  — 


relative,  the  Roman  general  hastened  to  the  Euphrates  at  the  head  of 
twelve  thousand  veterans  and  three  thousand  horsemen,  and  crossing 
Sophene  marched  against  the  city  of  Tigranocerta. 

Thus  threatened,  the  king  of  Armenia  left  Syria  and  repaired  to  the 
mountains  separating  the  sources  of  the  Euphrates  from  those  of  the 
Tigris,  after  having  the  messenger  hanged  en  route  who  had  brought  him 
ihc  news  of  LucuUus'  advance.  From  the  center  of  his  dominions  he 
was  summoning  to  arms  his  many  subjects  and  vassals  when  he  learned 
that  the  Roman  vanguard,  after  routing  the  troops  of  his  lieutenant 
Mithrobarzanus,  was  besieging  Tigranocerta. 

The  city  resisted  bravely,  and  Mankeos  in  command  of  the  garrison 
used  all  the  means  of  defense  at  his  disposal.  The  besiegers'  engines 
of  war  were  consumed  in  rivers  of  burning  naphtha,  and  the  Roman  sol- 
diers riddled  with  arrows  were  compelled  to  keep  far  away  from  the 
walls,  when  Tigranes  emerging  from  the  mountains  with  twenty  thousand 
men  advanced  to  raise  the  blockade,  expecting  an  easy  mastery  of  LucuUus' 
small  army.  The  Roman  general,  however,  allowed  his  adversary  no  time; 
leaving  five  thousand  men  before  the  city,  he  went  forward  against  Ti- 
granes with  ten  thousand  only,  and  boldly  crossed  the  river  separating 
him  from  the  enemy. 

Taxile,  one  of  Mithidrates'   lieutenants,   who 
BATTLE  OF  ^^as  with  the  Armenian  army,  wisely  advised  the 

TIGRANOCERTA  king  to  avoid  an  all-out  battle,  to  surround  Lu- 
cuUus and  harass  him  unceasingly,  till  he  suc- 
cumbed from  hunger.  But  Tigranes  measuring  his  great  number  of  men 
with  the  comparatively  few  of  the  enemy,  disdained  Taxile's  advice,  al- 
though the  latter  was  counseling  him  out  of  experience  of  Roman  prowess 
learned  at  personal  cost.  The  king's  heedlessness  even  went  so  far  as  to 
omit  occupying  two  hillocks  commanding  the  ground  where  his  thousands 
of  horsemen  were  massed.  Noticing  this  omission,  Lucullus  despatched 
two  cohorts  to  occupy  these  small  eminences,  and  as  soon  as  these  werj 
secured  he  let  loose  "his  cavalry  and  attacked  that  of  the  Armenians  on 
their  flank.  Once  the  battle  was  on  and  Tigranes'  horsemen  were  facing 
the  Romans,  the  legionaries  rushing  down  from  the  hills  charged  them 
in  reverse.  Attacked  on  both  sides  at  once,  the  pick  of  the  Armenian 
cavalry  consisting  of  the  king's  body-guard  was  thrown  back  on  the  m- 
fantry.  The  latter  had  not  had  time  to  get  Into  battle  array,  and  thus 
the  whole  army  was  thrown  into  disorder  and  giving  ground  took  to  flight 

—  91  — 


pursued  by  the  victors.  Tigranes  owed  his  life  only  to  his  swift  steed, 
and  the  Romans,  carrying  the  day  at  the  end  of  a  short  encounter,  picked 
up  his  royal  head-dress  and  diadem  on  the  battle-field. 


KINGDOMS  OF  PONTUS  AND  ARMENIA  DURING  THE  WARS 
WITH  THE  ROMANS 

At  Tigranocerta,  Mankeos  tried  to  maintain  the  garrison's  courage 
following  this  sudden  overwhelming  disaster,  but  the  countless  Greek 
prisoners  within  the  walls  opened  its  gates  to  the  Romans.  Lucullus 
found  in  the  city's  granaries  20  million  medlmni  of  corn  (1)  and  in  the 
treasury  8,000  talents  of  gold  (2),  an  enormous  sum  for  the  time,  which 
enabled  him  to  defray  all  the  cost  of  the  war  and  to  pay  each  soldier  a 
bonus  of  one  hundred  denarii   (3). 

This  battle  liberated  from  Armenian  rule  all  the  middle  valley  of 
the  Tigris  and  the  provinces  south  of  that  river  taken  by  Tigranes  a  short 
time  before  from  the  Parthlans  and  Syrians.  Lucullus  kept  the  territory 
.and  went  on  to  Invade  Commagene,  the  throne  of  which  country  he  gave 
to  Prince  Antiochus  Theos.    He  then  took  the  city  of  Samosata,  passed 


(1)  about  27^/4  million  bushels. 

(2)  9  million  dollars. 

(3)  $22.60. 


—  92  — 


triumphantly  through  Syria,  Phoenicia, 
Cilicia,  Galatia,  and  Sophene,  and  re- 
established the  kingdom  of  the  Seleucids. 

This   was    a    terrible   blow  for   Ti- 
granes,  but  the  king  of  Pontus  soon  re- 
stored his  courage.    While  the  battle  of 
Tigranocerta  was  on,  Mithidrates  was  al-     COIN  OF  ANTIOCHUS  THEOS, 
ready  on  the  way  to  his  ally's  aid  with  KING  OF  COMMAGENE 

ten  thousand  Armenians.    He  arrived  too 

late  to  prevent  Lucullus'  victory  but  he  did  come  in  time  to  save  the 
Armenians  from  still  greater  defeat.  Tigranes  thenceforth  was  discredited 
with  the  Romans,  and  it  was  to  the  interest  of  the  king  of  Pontus  that 
the  war  should  go  on,  for  if  the  king  of  Armenia  were  to  make  terms  with 
the  victors,  the  cause  of  Pontus  was  irretrievably  lost.  Consequently  Mith- 
idrates used  all  his  influence  and  all  his  persuasive  powers  with  his  son- 
in-law  and  brother-in-law  to  induce  him  to  continue  fighting  and  to  en- 
trust him  (Mithidrates)  with  the  generalship.  He  was  then  sixty  years 
old  and  his  age  and  experience  with  the  enemy's  tactics  and  strategy  were 
a  guaranty  of  the  success  of  their  allied  arms. 

The  two  kings  sent  ambassadors  to  all  the  rulers  of  Asia  asking  them 
to  arise  against  the  common  enemy,  against  the  desecrator  of  their  gods, 
for  Lucullus  had  no  scruples  in  letting  his  troops  sack  their  most  revered 
temples.    Had  he  not  just  pillaged  the  famous  holy  place  of  Anahit? 

Most  of  the  rulers  responded  to  the  appeal  of  Mithidrates  and  Ti- 
granes. The  king  of  the  Parthians,  Phraat  HI,  however,  declined  all 
the  proposals  made  to  him,  even  though  he  was  offered  the  recovery  of 
Mesopotamia  and  Adiabene  that  had  been  taken  from  him.  The  Persian 
king  then  possibly  had  his  hands  full  on  his  eastern  borders,  or  perhaps 
he  was  not  unwilling  to  see  the  downfall  of  Tigranes  who  had  caused  the 
Arsacids  of  Iran  so  many  grievances.  We  have  too  little  knowledge  of 
Persia's  annals  to  be  able  to  discern  the  reasons  for  his  refusal  (1). 

A  new  army  was  speedily  raised,  and  the  two  kings,  recognizing  that 
Asiatic  troops  were  unable  to  remain  in  line  against  the  legions,  decided 
to  use  the  tactics  of  the  Parthians,  i.e.  to  harass  the  enemy  unceasingly 
without  ever  joining  battle.  The  great  amount  of  cavalry  at  the  two 
allies'  disposal,  practically  half  their  army,  enabled  them  to  give  the  enemy 


(1)  All  the  historical  records  of  Persia  were  destroyed  by  order  of  the  caliphs 
when  the  country  was  invaded  by  the  Arabs. 

—  93  — 


TETRADRACHMA  OF  THE  PARTHIAN 
KING   PHRAAT   III 


no  respite.  Nothing  could  be  more  fatal  for  Lucullus  whose  prestige  was 
waning  every  day  in  Rome,  and  who  was  sure  to  be  recalled  at  the  slight- 
est failure.  This  general's  pride  and  luxurious  and  aristocratic  tastes,  had 
raised  him  up  many  enemies  in  Italy,  and  those  jealous  of  him  accused  him 

of  premeditated  slowness  in  wag- 
ing the  war.  It  was  claimed,  and 
justifiably  so,  that  the  procon- 
sul was  much  more  concerned 
with  winning  treasures  than  bat- 
tles. Moreover  the  Roman  army, 
tired  of  ceaseless  fighting,  of  iron 
discipline,  and  of  long  and  weari- 
some marches,  and  sharing  very 
little  in  the  plunder  with  which 
their  chief  was  enriching  himself 
so  shamefully,  were  murmuring  and  threatening  to  revolt.  Lucullus  must  at 
all  costs  carry  off  a  striking  victory  to  raise  his  soldiers'  morale  and  silence 
the  dissatisfaction  in  Rome. 

After  staying  some  time  (68  B.C.)  at  Tigranocerta,  Lucullus  left 
there  about  midsummer  and  crossed  the  Sindjar  mountains,  the  Tigris 
valley,  and  the  Armenian  Taurus,  and  passing  by  the  eastern  side 
of  lake  Van  entered  Greater  Armenia  and  the  Arsanias  valley.  After 
routing  the  Armenian  cavalry,  he  crossed  the  latter  river  and  was  about 
to  besiege  Artaxata  when  he  was  caught  by  the  severe  winter  which  sets 
in  so  early  on  these  high  tablelands.  His  soldiers  mutinied,  and,  in  these 
lands  so  ill-known  to  the  Romans  both  as  regards  the  problem  of  sup- 
plies and  the  natural  difficulties,  Lucullus  was  afraid  of  endangering  his 
army.  He  therefore  withdrew  into  southern  Armenia  to  winter  at  NIsibIs, 
which  important  town  he  took  by  assault  under  cover  of  a  dark  and 
stormy  night.  This  withdrawal  though  caused  by  the  inclement  weather 
was  nevertheless  made  much  of  by  his  enemies  in  Italy. 

Upon  hearing  that  Lucullus  had  gone  north,  the 
LUCULLUS  Armenians  had  returned  to  Tigranocerta.  The  city  had 
RECALLED  been  left  with  only  a  small  garrison  under  the  general's 
lieutenant  Fannius,  and  the  latter  unable  to  man  the 
ramparts  had  evacuated  it  and  taken  refuge  in  a  detached  fort  where 
Tigranes  was  besieging  him.  Lucullus,  despite  his  promise  to  his  soldiers 
to  return  them  to  Italy,  left  Nisibis  to  extricate  his  lieutenant,  but  that 


—  94  — 


IS  as  far  as  his  offensive  went.  Bad  news  reached  him  both  from  northern 
Asia  and  from  Italy.  Mithidrates  had  just  wiped  out  the  army  corps  of 
Triarius  at  Ziela  (Zillah)  not  far  from  the  river  Iris,  and  reconquered 
his  kingdom  of  Pontus;  whilst  the  Senate  yielding  to  the  clamors  of  the 
demagogues  and  financiers  whose  exorbitant  dealings  LucuUus  had  in- 
terfered with  or  diverted  to  his  own  profit,  had  recalled  the  commander 
of  the  campaign  in  the  East  together  with  his  troops,  and  were  sending 
in  their  place  a  fresh  army  under  Pompey.  Lucullus  was  at  Talaura 
when  the  orders  of  the  Conscript  Fathers  reached  him.  He  continued  on 
his  way  in  a  memorable  retreat  through  very  difficult  country,  whilst 
Mithidrates,  delivered  from  all  anxiety  and  assisted  by  a  large  army 
brought  him  by  Tigranes,  set  about  reestablishing  himself. 

Lucullus  came  back  from  the  East  after  a  barren  but  none  the  less 
notable  campaign,  laden  with  enormous  treasures  as  his  only  triumph. 
Pompey  on  the  other  hand,  more  fortunate,  found  on  his  arrival  in  Asia 
his  enemies  divided.  Tigranes,  who  was  of  a  naturally  cruel  disposition, 
embittered  by  his  ill-fortune,  had  slain  two  of  his  own  sons,  and  Tigranes 
the  Younger,  the  grandson  of  the  king  of  Pontus  by  his  mother  Cleo- 
patra, incited  either  by  fear  or  ambition,  joined  the  new  Roman  general 
and  took  up  arms  against  his  father.  Finally  by  a  clever  stroke  of  diplo- 
macy the  Parthian  king  of  Iran,  Phraat  III,  allied  himself  with  Rome 
and  for  his  help  was  promised  his  old  provinces  of  Mesopotamia  extended 
to  the  Euphrates.  The  contingents  of  the  King  of  Kings  raised  Pompey's 
army  to  fifty  thousand  men,  whereas  Mithidrates  had  only  thirty  thousand 
infantry  and  three  thousand  horsemen. 

The  first  encounter  of  the  two  opponents  took 

•CN.  POMPEIUS       place  on  the  left  bank  of  the  river  Lycus   (lechil- 

Irmak),  near  the  future  site  of  the  city  of  Nicopolis, 

and  the  Roman  success  due  to  a  surprise  attack  was  disastrous  for  the 

enemy. 

Pompey  had  occupied  the  heights  overlooking  the  mountain  passes 
through  which  the  Pontine  army  had  to  come,  and  Mithidrates  ill-informed 
by  his  scouts  had  unsuspectingly  halted  by  the  gorge  to  rest  in  the  heat 
of  the  day.  The  legionaries  seized  the  opportunity  to  fall  suddenly  on 
their  enemy's  broken  ranks  and  carry  out  a  frightful  massacre.  The  king 
fled  with  a  handful  of  officers  and  one  of  his  wives  who  had  fought  by 
his  side,  and  reached  the  Euphrates,  where  he  was  rejoined  by  the  rem- 
nants of  his  army.     Thence   he  proceeded  to  Armenia  hoping  to  find 

—  95  — 


shelter  and  assistance  from  his  son-in-law.  Tigranes,  however,  had  been 
obliged  himself  to  flee  into  the  mountains  to  escape  from  his  son  and  the 
Parthian  king  Phraat  III  then  besieging  Artaxata,  and  consequently  could 
give  his  ally  no  help.  Shortly  afterwards,  however,  Tigranes  learned  of 
the  withdrawal  of  the  Persian  king  and  drove  out  the  body  of  enemy 
troops  left  in  his  capital,  putting  to  flight  his  own  son's  contingents. 

Despite  these  minor  successes,  the  king  of  Armenia  felt  the  weight  of 
Rome's  power,  and  seeing  himself  doomed  unless  he  could  free  his  throne 
from  the  wrath  of  the  Senate,  sent  peace  terms  to  Pompey.  He  promised 
tc  forsake  Mithidrates  and  even  offered  one  hundred  talents  (1)  reward 
to  whomsoever  should  deliver  up  his  former  ally.  He  arrested  his  father- 
in-law's  envoys  and  delivered  them  to  the  victorious  general  who,  halting 
his  pursuit  of  Mithidrates  fleeing  towards  the  Phasis,  Afkhasia,  and  Cri- 
mea, crossed  the  Araxes  and  pitched  his  camp  within  sight  of  Artaxata. 
Pompey  certainly  was  not  refusing  to  negotiate  with  Tigranes,  but  he 
meant  to  impose  his  own  terms  on  Armenia  in  order  to  keep  it  in  obe- 
dience to  Rome  and  to  make  the  country  a  rampart  for  the  legions  against 
the  Parthians  with  whom  Rome's  alliance,  running  counter  to  the  Senate's 
general  Eastern  policy,  could  not  last  long. 

Recognizing  all  resistance  as  useless  and  fearing  the  intrigues  of  his 
son,  Tigranes  accepted  the  hard  terms  of  the  conqueror.  The  old  king, 
discarding  his  purple  mantle  and  wearing  only  his  head-band  and  royal 
diadem,  rode  to  the  Roman  camp  and,  handing  the  victors  his  steed  and 
his  sword,  was  led  before  the  proconsul  to  whom  he  delivered  his  tiara 
and  diadem  and  did  obeisance. 

Satisfied  with  this  complete  submission,  Pompey  raised  the  king 
kindly,  returned  him  his  royal  insignia,  and  treated  him  as  a  monarch. 
The  terms  Tigranes  had  to  accept,  however,  were  very  hard.  He  sur- 
rendered to  the  Romans  Syria  and  Phoenicia,  Cillcia  and  Cappadocia, 
Sophene  and  Gordyene,  abandoned  all  future  claims  to  those  provinces, 
and  was  to  pay  the  victors  an  indemnity  of  six  thousand  talents  (2). 

With  Armenia  thus  vanquished  and  reduced  as  it  were  to  a  Roman 
protectorate,  and  Mithidrates  in  flight  and  stripped  of  his  dominions, 
Pompey  had  no  further  reasons  for  any  alliance  with  the  Parthians.  On 
flimsy  pretexts,  he  proceeded  against  Phraat  and  seized  Gordyene  and 


(1)  $108,000. 

(2)  About  $6,500,000. 


—  96 


northern  Mesopotamia,  which  he  gave  to  Tigranes  in  order  to  prevent 
any  reconciliation  of  the  Armenians  and  the  Persians.  On  the  north, 
the  Iberians  and  the  Albanians  having  attacked  the  Romans  during  the 
winter  of  66-65  B.C.  the  proconsul  threw  the  Albanians  back  to  the  north 
bank  of  the  Cyrus  and  drove  into  the  mountains  the  Iberian  king, 
Artoces.  Finally  he  carved  out  for  Deiotarus,  a  former  tetrarch  of  the 
Galatian  tribe  of  the  Tolostobogii,  a  new  kingdom  of  Armenia  Minor, 
comprising  Pontic  Armenia  as  far  as  the  borders  of  Colchis  and  the  ter- 
ritory of  Tigranes,  the  eastern  half  of  the  kingdom  of  Pontus  with  the 
cities  of  Pharnacia  and  Trapezus  (Trebizond).  The  former  possessions 
of  Deiotarus  were  included  in  this  new  State,  namely,  Galatia  and  the 
provinces  between  Amisus  and  the  mouths  of  the  river  Halys. 

Pompey's  expedition  left  Asia  consequently  in  a  very  favorable 
situation  politically  for  Rome.  On  the  north,  Armenia  Major  and  Armenia 
Minor,  both  protectorates  of  the  Republic,  were  a  standing  threat  to  the 
Arsacids  of  Iran,  and  enabled  the  legions  to  take  the  offensive  against 
the  Persians  as  soon  as  circumstances  were  favorable.  It  would  have 
been  premature  to  exact  harder  terms  and  make  Roman  provinces  of 
these  countries,  for  the  Senate's  policy  had  a  much  longer  range  and  fore- 
saw the  day  when,  with  the  conquest  of  the  Parthians,  Rome's  power 
should  extend  over  the  whole  of  both  the  Tigris  and  Euphrates  basins, 
over  the  lands  to  the  north  of  the  Araxes,  and  over  the  Persian  Arabistan 
or  Khouzistan  of  our  times.  These  ambitions  included  not  only  an  im- 
mense expansion  of  Rome's  Asiatic  provinces,  but  also  and  above  all, 
possession  of  the  silk  caravan  routes  through  Syria  and  the  Persian  Gulf. 
Two  thousand  years  after  these  events,  a  large  empire  also  dreamed  of 
world  dominion  and  to  satisfy  that  same  ambition  let  loose  the  most 
frightful  war,  aimed  at  seizing  this  great  Eastern  highway. 

On  his  departure  from  Asia,  Pompey  left  Armenia  not  only  conquered 
but  humiliated.  Tigranes  the  Younger,  in  chains,  was  sent  to  Rome  for 
the  victor's  triumph.  As  for  the  Arsacids  of  Persia,  they  were  just  as 
much  wounded  in  pride;  driven  from  Gordyene,  and  stripped  of  that  prov- 
ince and  of  northern  Mesopotamia  in  favor  of  the  old  king  Tigranes,  they 
could  dream  only  of  a  resumption  of  arms  to  get  back  their  lost  territory. 

By  crushing  Mithidrates  and  Tigranes,  the  Romans  had  put  an  end 
to  Macedonian  civilization  in  Asia,  for  nothing  remained  of  all  the  States 

—  97  — 


born  of  Alexander's  conquests  but  mere  ruins,  petty  kings  quite  unable 
of  sustaining  the  Hellenic  name.  The  two  great  kings  of  Pontus  and  Ar- 
menia were  the  last  who  could  ever  have  revived  in  their  lands  the  splen- 
did civilization  of  Greece. 


Among  the  finest  treasures 
of  Greek  numismatics  in  Asia 
we  must  give  first  place  to  the 
splendid  tetradrachmas  of  Mith- 
idrates  and  Tigranes,  two  rulers 
of  cultured  tastes  whose  active 
reigns  earned  them  the  title  of 
"Great,"  No  coin  of  the  Syrian 
Seleucids,  nor  of  the  Egyptian 
Ptolemies,  can  be  compared  with 
the  superb  portraits  of  the  kings 
of  Pontus  and  Armenia.  The 
misfortune  that  befell  these  two  thrones  arose  from  both  monarchs  daring 
to  stand  up  to  the  power  of  Rome.  Had  Tigranes  and  Mithldrates  lived 
in  other  times,  they  would  have  founded  great  empires,  for  their  political 
ideas  were  vast  in  scope.  They  both  do  honor  to  Greek  culture  not  only 
in  the  courage  they  showed  in  giving  battle  to  the  greatest  generals  of 
ancient  times,  but  also  in  their  breadth  of  view  and  perspicacity. 


TETRADRACHMA  OF  KING 

TIGRANES  II  OF  ARMENIA 

(on  reverse,  the  Fortuna  of  Antioch) 


Like  Alexander,  Tigranes  founded  cities.  At  his  command  Tigrano- 
certa  rose  as  in  a  dream  in  the  south  of  his  kingdom,  while  in  the  new 
capital  of  Armenia  Athenian  actors  arrived  as  soon  as  the  theatre  was 
built  to  play  the  masterpieces  of  Greek  literature.  Greek  sculptors  were 
summoned  to  adorn  the  city,  and  just  as  Mithidrates  gathered  art  treasures 
at  Panticapaeum,  (in  the  Crimea),  so  did  Tigranes  cause  to  be  brought 
to  him  in  his  dominions  the  divinities  of  ancient  Greece.  At  the  royal 
court  all  the  dignitaries  of  the  kingdom,  like  all  the  princes  there  present, 
spoke  and  wrote  In  the  language  of  Demosthenes,  and  Artavazd,  the  king's 
own  son,  composed  Greek  tragedies  and  discourses  of  which  we  still  read 
Plutarch's  praises.  Thus  Tigranes,  engrossed  as  he  was  with  war  and 
vast  political  schemes,  devoted  nevertheless  his  few  leisure  hours  to  cul- 
tural pleasures.  Both  at  the  Pontine  court  and  the  Armenian  court  there 
■was  as  much  mental  refinement  as  at  Rome,  at  Athens,  or  at  Alexandria, 
the  court  of  the  sumptuous  Cleopatra. 


—  98  — 


Fortune  was  not  kind  to  Tigranes;  vanquished 
by  an  enemy  before  whom  all  the  world's  rulers  BRONZE  COIN  OF 
had  to  bow,  he  had  to  humble  himself,  and  his- 
torians have  not  always  been  just  to  this  monarch 
because  of  his  lack  of  good  fortune.  Had  he 
gained  the  day  over  LucuUus  and  Pompey,  he 
would  have  been  lauded  to  the  skies  by  the  ancient 
writers,  and  by  modern  writers  in  turn. 

Tigranes,  however,  had  shown  himself  a  very  great  ruler,  an  able 
warrior,  and  had  not  Mithidrates  drawn  him  away  into  ambitions  out  of 
proportion  to  his  people's  resources,  his  statesmanship  would  have  been 
profound.  Greater  foresight  would  have  enabled  this  king  to  found  a 
lasting  empire.  He  had  unfortunately  Asiatic  ideas  concerning  the  cre- 
ation and  government  of  a  State;  one  success  led  him  to  want  yet  another, 
and  his  Oriental  views  included  no  other  reasons  for  the  possession  of 
power.  Inevitably  Armenia  had  to  become  one  day  an  agent  of  Rome 
against  the  Parthians,  but  her  rulers  could  have  chosen  to  be  the  Re- 
public's ally  and  not  its  servant. 

With  the  Romans,  friendship  first  and  then  protection  were  the 
forerunners  of  annexation.  But  Armenia's  position  and  military  strength 
would  have  constrained  Rome  to  treat  her  with  consideration,  had  her 
kings  not  alternated  in  alliances  with  both  the  great  rival  powers,  the 
Republic  and  the  Persians,  and  if  her  provincial  governors  had  not  been 
most  of  the  time  at  enmity  among  themselves,  divided  by  contrary  in- 
terests. The  Iranian  Arsacids  and  the  Romans  both  had  numerous 
agents  working  for  them  in  the  Armenian  dominions,  and  their  influence 
on  the  inhabitants,  on  the  ruling  classes,  and  on  the  monarchs  themselves, 
was  pernicious.  Tigranes  IPs  superior  intelligence  and  the  blood  the 
Armenian  people  so  bravely  shed  deserved  a  better  reward  than  the 
bitter  fruit  of  servitude.  Thus  crumbled  in  dust  the  hopes  of  two  men 
of  genius  who  at  one  time  seemed  raised  up  by  destiny  to  revive  Greek 
culture  in  the  Eastern  world. 


The  Parthians  had  just  taken  up  arms  once  more  and  were  threaten- 
ing not  only  Armenia  but  the  Roman  possessions  in  Asia.  Rome  there- 
fore had  to  prepare  for  war. 


—  99  — 


The  Senate  selected  for  the  expedition  the  member  of 
MARCUS  the  triumvirate  (Caesar,  Pompey,  and  Marcus  Crassus) 

CRASSUS  the  least  fitted  for  the  task.  Marcus  Crassus,  an  old  man 
notorious  for  his  ambition,  his  incompetence,  and  his  sor- 
did avarice,  was  appointed  over  the  Roman  army.  He  left  the  Eternal 
City  during  the  autumn,  54  B.C.,  sailed  from  Brundisium  with  seven 
legions,  disembarked  at  Dyrrachium,  and  crossing  Epirus,  Macedonia, 
and  Thrace  by  the  Via  Ignatia,  reached  Asia  Minor  by  the  Hellespont, 
and  proceeded  to  the  Euphrates.  On  M.  Crassus'  arrival  at  the  frontier 
of  Armenia,  Tigranes'  son,  Artavazd,  whom  his  father  had  made  co-regnant 
ever  since  the  battle  of  Tigranocerta,  had  been  reigning  alone  since  the 
previous  year,  the  probable  date  of  the  old  king's  death. 

In  Persia,  Phraat  HI  had  prepared  an  immense 
ARTAVAZD  III     expedition  against  the  Armenians,  and  he  would  un- 
56-34  B.C.  doubtedly  have  taken  back  his  former  provinces  had 

he  been  able  to  carry  out  his  plans,  but  he  had  just 
been  slain  by  his  sons  Mithidrates  and  Orodes.  After  committing  this 
odious  crime,  the  two  brothers  were  fighting  one  another  for  the  throne 
of  the  King  of  Kings.  Mithidrates  feeling  his  side  was  the  weaker  had 
appealed  for  help  to  Gabinius,  the  proconsul  of  Syria,  when  he  was  de- 
feated by  an  army  under  the  Surena  or  grand  vizier  of  his  brother.  He 
was  captured  and  put  to  death  in  his  brother's  presence  at  Babylon. 

Rid  of  his  rival  by  this  fresh  murder, 
and  no  longer  embarrassed  by  a  civil  war, 
Orodes  resumed  the  execution  of  his  fa- 
ther's plans,  and  his  forces  started  out 
against  the  king  of  Armenia.  Crassus  who, 
after  occupying  Nicephorium  (Rakkah) 
beyond  the  Euphrates,  was  back  in  Syria, 
crossed  the  river  again  with  40,000  men, 
uncertain  as  to  which  road  he  should  take 
Artavazd,  arriving  with  6,000  horsemen, 
advised  the  general  to  go  forward  through  Armenia  where  his  army  would 
have  no  difficulties  and  run  no  danger.  Crassus  however  chose  the  south- 
ern route  across  the  desert.  Abgar  HI,  king  of  Osrhoene,  who  occupied 
Edessa  and  Carrhae,  was  an  ally  of  the  Romans,  and  the  triumvir  expected 
that  the  great  Greek  cities  of  the  Euphrates  and  the  Tigris  would  rise 
against  the  Persians  and  render  him  much  assistance.    Abgar  encouraged 


COIN  OF  THE  PARTHIAN 
MITHIDRATES  III 

to   advance   against  Orodes. 


100  — 


these  hopes  in  Crassus'  mind  and  urged  him  to  take  the  southern  road. 
Fear  lest  the  Parthian  king  should  carry  away  the  treasures  of  Ctesiphon 
into  the  interior  of  the  empire  also  weighed  much  in  the  greedy  general's 
decision,  for  mindful  of  the  riches  that  LucuUus  brought  back  with  him 
from  Asia,  he  thought  he  saw  his  own  chance  of  making  a  tremendous 
fortune. 


Crassus  crossed  the  Euphrates  at  Zeugma  (Biredjik)  with  seven 
legions,  43,000  men.  On  arriving  there  his  lieutenant  Cassius  advised  him 
to  follow  the  river  bank  and  have  a  flotilla  of  boats  laden  with  supplies 
and  material  follow  alongside  on  the  water,  (the  method  later  adopted 
by  the  Emperor  Julian),  so  as  to  strike  his  enemies  a  big  blow  by  ap- 
pearing before  their  capital  cities  of  Seleucia  on  the  right  bank  of  the 
Tigris  and  Ctesiphon  on  its  left.  But,  lured  by  the  plan  of  the  king  of 
Osrhoene,  Crassus  marched  directly  on  Carrhae  across  the  desert  of 
eastern  Mesopotomia.  By  way  of  Tigranocerta  and  Nisibis  the  Roman 
army  was  to  reach  the  Tigris  and  going  down  that  river's  bank  via  Hatra 
reach  Seleucia,  remaining  protected  in  the  direction  of  Persia.  This  cam- 
paign plan  was  much  less  favorable  than  that  of  having  the  legions  follow 
the  Euphrates,  for  it  necessitated  transporting  the  war  material  and  sup- 
plies on  camels,  and  the  enormous  supply  caravans  hindered  and  delayed 
the  army's  advance.  Crassus  in  command  for  the  first  time  in  these  arid 
lands  did  not  realize  properly  the  natural  difficulties.  He  went  forward 
confidently,  therefore,  but  when  a  few  days  later  the  legions  reached 
the  Balissos  river  (the  Nahr-Belik),  they  saw  in  the  distance  a  detach- 
ment of  enemy  cavalry.  Abgar  and  his  Arabs  set  off  in  pursuit  of  the 
latter,  but  these  men  of  Osrhoene  did  not  come  back.  The  following  day, 
the  Roman  army  weary  and  thirsty  was  six  miles  south  of  Carrhae 
(Harran),  a  little  to  the  north  of  Ichnae,  when  the  Parthian  squadrons 
appeared  with  their  standards  of  gold-embroidered  silk.  The  Grand 
Vizier  was  in  personal  command,  and  near  him  was  seen  the  traitor  Abgar 
with  his  Arabs. 


Publius  Crassus,  the  son  of  the  Roman  general,  commanding  a  corps 
of  Gauls,  was  afraid  lest  he  be  surrounded;  he  rushed  on  the  enemy, 
but  the  latter  going  backward  drew  him  away  from  the  main  body  of 
his  army.  Then  the  Persian  heavy  cavalry  charged  down  on  him  from 
all  sides,  with  their  long  spears  and  their  steel  scale-armor  covering  man 

—  101  — 


and  steed,  and  the  Gauls,  obliged  to  form  a  ring,  were  submerged  on 
this  shelterless  plain  under  a  deluge  of  arrows.  Publius  Crassus  was 
wounded,  and  seeing  his  six  thousand  men  massacred,  ordered  his  atten- 
dants to  kill  him. 

A  few  hours  after  this  first  disaster,  the  host  of  Parthian  bowmen 
under  the  protection  of  mailed  lancers  were  busy  destroying  two-thirds 
of  Crassus'  army.  The  remnants  of  the  seven  legions  took  refuge  first 
of  all  in  the  city  of  Carrhae,  but  proceeded  during  the  night  to  withdraw 
to  the  Armenian  mountains,  led  by  Ca'ius  Cassius.  The  Parthians,  how- 
ever, did  not  mean  to  lose  their  hold  and,  harrassing  unremittingly  the 
Roman  army,  forced  Crassus  to  sue  for  terms.  Once  they  had  drawn 
him  into  a  trap,  they  slaughtered  him  and  his  escorting  officers. 

Ten  thousand  Roman  soldiers  fell  into  the  enemy's  hands  and  were 
sent  to  the  Persian  army  of  Margiana.  Caius  Cassius  painfully  regained 
Syria,  bringing  back  eight  or  nine  thousand  men,  all  that  were  left  of 
the  splendid  army  of  43,000  soldiers  that  had  left  Italy.  The  grand  vizier 
sent  the  Roman  general's  head  to  his  master  Orodes,  who  was  then  in- 
vading Armenia.  Artavazd  III  (56-34  B.C.)  was  on  the  throne  of  the 
latter  country. 

This  ruler,  the  son  and  heir  of  Tigranes  the  Great,  was  loyal  during 
the  early  part  of  his  reign  to  his  father's  commitments  towards  the  Ro- 
mans, and  he  supplied  Crassus  at  the  opening  of  the  campaign  with  a 
corps  of  6,000  men.  Whether  he  forsook  the  Roman  general  upon  the 
latter's  refusal  to  pass  through  Armenia,  or  whether  he  was  getting  ready 
to  come  to  his  assistance,  we  cannot  say.  However,  the  invasion  of  his 
kingdom  by  the  Parthians  seems  to  have  been  his  chief  reason  for  with- 
drawing to  his  own  land.  Crassus'  disaster  prompted  him  to  make  peace, 
and  he  therefore  came  to  terms  with  the  Persians.  To  seal  the  new  al- 
liance he  gave  his  sister  in  marriage  to  Prince  Pacorus,  Orodes'  favorite 
son. 

The  news  of  the  great  victory  won  by  the  Surena  reached  the  Persian 
court  during  the  celebration  of  this  marriage,  and  a  Greek  company  of 
players  were  giving  Euripides'  "Bacchantes"  before  the  two  assembled 
royal  courts,  both   sovereigns   and  their  courtiers  being  well  versed  ia 

—  102  — 


COIN  OF  KING 
ARTAVAZD  III 
OF  ARMENIA 


Greek  literature  and  enthusiastically  fond  of 
Greek  plays.  Artavazd,  as  we  have  seen,  had 
himself  written  tragedies,  speeches,  and  nar- 
ratives in  that  language,  and  his  writings  were 
still  extant  in  the  first  century  of  our  era. 

The  player  who  took  the  part  of  Agave 
seized  the  head  of  Crassus  in  the  place  of  that 
of  Pentheus,  and  in  a  burst  of  bacchantlc 
frenzy,  grasped  it  by  its  hair  and  held  it  aloft, 
declaiming  the  famous  lines:  "From  the  mountains,  lo!  we  bring  to  the 
palace  our  new-slain  quarry  fair.  Blessed  chase!"  We  can  be  sure  that 
the  applause  of  the  Armenians  amid  that  of  the  Parthians  could  hardly 
have  been  genuine,  for  Artavazd  undoubtedly  understood  that  the  Romans, 
his  allies  of  yesterday,  would  make  him  responsible  for  their  misfortune. 
The  Partho-Armenian  army  invaded  Syria,  but  Cassius  in  Antioch 
resisted  him  successfully,  and  with  the  help  of  fresh  contingents  that  had 
been  sent  him  posthaste,  the  former  lieutenant  of  Crassus  even  managed 
to  drive  Pacorus  from  Coelo-Syria.  Six  years  later  (45  B.C.)  Orodes 
taking  advantage  of  the  neglect  in  which  Rome  seemed  to  be  leaving  her 
Eastern  affairs,  again  sent  Pacorus  into  Syria  to  give  armed  assistance  to 
the  republican  Cecilius  Bassus  who  had  risen  against  Caesar. 

At  this  period,  Armenia's  history  becomes  so  close- 
ly mixed  with  world  politics  that  it  is  impossible  to 
speak  of  the  Armenians  and  their  doings  without  see- 
ing the  latter  as  resulting  from  the  actions  of  the  great 
empires.  Their  so-called  autonomy  becomes  purely 
nominal  and  their  kings  become  mere  lieutenants  of 
Persian  or  Roman  generals  as  the  case  may  be. 

Caesar  was  thinking  of  avenging  the  indignity  suf- 
fered by  Rome  in  the  disaster  and  murder  of  Crassus, 
of  recapturing  from  the  Parthians  at  Ctesiphon  the 
standards  that  had  been  taken  and  of  punishing  Paco- 
rus for  his  new  attempts  on  Syria,  when  the  dictator's  days  were  cut 
short  by  the  assassin's  dagger.  The  confusion  that  prevailed  in  the  Re- 
public upon  the  death  of  the  great  leader  left  Asia  unprotected  and  al- 
lowed the  Persians  and  Armenians  to  advance  into  Syria  and  Phoenicia, 
and  even  into  Palestine,  these  provinces  now  being  at  liberty  due  to  the 
flight  of  their  governor  Decidius  Saxa.  Quintus  Labienus,  the  son  of 
Titus  Labienus,  Caesar's  enemy,  who  had  gone  over  to  the  Persian  side, 


DRACHMA    OF 

THE    PARTHIAN 

PRINCE 

PACORUS    I 


103  — 


was  back  in  Syria  with  the  army  of  Pacorus.  Thus  the  civil  war  in  Rome 
brought  the  Parthians  unexpected  aid.  Orodes  had  himself  schooled  in 
Roman  methods  of  war  and  the  tactical  formation  of  armies,  and  was  be- 
coming every  day  a  more  formidable  adversary. 

Despite  these  disturbing  signs,  good  fortune  still  attended  the  Eternal 
City.  Antony,  his  quarrels  with  Octavius  having  subsided,  was  able  to 
send  Ventidius  Bassus  to  Asia  Minor.  Labienus  was  beaten  and  fled 
to  Cilicia  where  he  was  taken  and  put  to  death,  and  the  skillful  Ventidius, 
in  possession  of  the  gorges  of  the  river  Amanus,  defeated  the  Parthian 
general  Pharnapates.  Pacorus  after  being  compelled  to  return  to  the 
other  side  of  the  Euphrates  likewise  suffered  defeat  at  Qindara,  to  the 
north-east  of  Antioch,  where  he  was  killed  (1).  Meanwhile,  Publius 
Canidius  Crassus  vanquished  in  battle  the  Armenians  together  with  Phar- 
nabazus,  the  king  of  the  Iberians,  and  Zober,  prince  of  Albania,  who  had 
joined  with  the  Parthians  against  Rome.  The  sovereignty  of  the  Re- 
public thus  extended  from  the  deserts  of  Syria  to  the  shores  of  the  Caspian 
Sea. 

Tired,  however,  of  these  seemingly  interminable  wars,  Rome  de- 
termined to  strike  a  decisive  blow,  and  her  opportunity  for  such  action 
was  greatly  enhanced  by  events  taking  place  at  the  Persian  court. 

The  death  of  Pacorus  and  the  loss  of  the 
Syrian  provinces  threw  the  Arsacid  king  Orodes 
into  despair.  He  had  just  appointed  his  son, 
Phraat  IV,  as  his  successor,  when  the  latter  in 
his  impatience  to  don  the  diadem  of  the  King 
of  Kings,  caused  the  assassination  of  his  father, 
his  own  brothers  and  eldest  son,  and  all  the 
nobles  who  showed  loyalty  to  the  slain  king. 
These  crimes  impelled  many  of  the  Persian  no- 
bility and  satraps  to  flee  their  country  and  take 
refuge  with  the  Romans.  Menoeses,  one  of  the 
highest  among  the  chief  Iranian  lords,  was  one 
of  the  refugees.  Thus  the  strife  in  Persia  had  enabled  Rome  to  take  Ar- 
menia again  under  her  wing. 


TETRADRACHMA    OF 

THE  ARSACID  KING 

OF  PERSIA 

PHRAAT    IV 


MARK  ANTONY 


The  quarrels  in  Rome  seemed  stilled  for  the 
present,  and  no  longer  worried  in  that  direction, 
Mark  Antony  with  the  support  of  his  colleague 


(1)  June  9th,  38  B.C. 


—  104  — 


and  brother-in-law  Octavlus,  set  out  for  the  East  at  the  head  of  70,000 
infantry,  40,000  auxiliaries  and  10,000  Spaniards.  Armenia  supplied  the 
triumvir  with  a  contingent  of  6,000  horsemen.  The  Roman  army  con- 
sisted accordingly  of  126,000  fighting  men.  Their  general,  reverting  to 
Caesar's  plans,  and  relying  on  his  numerical  strength,  hoped  to  recapture 
at  Ctesiphon  or  Ecbatana  the  standards  lost 
by  Crassus. 


Their  cruel  defeats  had  taught  the  Ro- 
mans finally  that  the  plains  of  Mesopotamia 
were  too  unsafe  for  any  expeditionary  force. 
The  triumvir  proposed,  therefore,  to  make  Ar-         DENARIUS  OF  MARK 
menia  his  bridgehead  and  strike  through  Media  CLEOPATRA 

to  the  heart  of  Iran.     But  though  dauntless  in        "ARMENIA  DEVICTA" 
action,  he  did  not  have  those  qualities  of  caution 
and  foresight,  of  dominion  over  himself  and  his 

passions,  needed  to  succeed  in  great  undertakings.  After  wasting  in  idle- 
ness several  months  of  the  favorable  season,  he  set  out  for  the  Euphrates, 
accompanied  by  Cleopatra.  Then,  impatient  to  return  to  his  life  of 
pleasure  with  the  Egyptian  queen,  who  had  left  him  when  he  reached 
the  river,  he  did  not  take  the  time  to  winter  in  Armenia.  Anxious  to 
finish  as  soon  as  possible  with  the  Persians,  he  crossed  the  Armenian 
mountains  and  entered  the  plains  of  Atropatenes.  In  this  too  rapid  ad- 
vance, the  Roman  general  was  so  unwise  as  to  leave  in  his  rear  his 
caravan  of  besieging  engines,  and  this  train  of  heavy  equipment  was  sud- 
denly attacked  by  Artavazd,  the  son  of  Ariobarzanus,  king  of  Atropatenes, 
and  by  Menoeses  who  had  made  peace  with  the  Parthians;  both  of  the 
legions  who  were  in  charge  of  these  engines  of  war  under  the  command 
of  Oppius  were  overwhelmed  by  the  Persians. 

On  account  of  this  loss  Antony  was  unable  to  take  Phraaspa,  one 
of  the  strongholds  of  Atropatenes  inhabited  by  the  Sagartii  (modern 
Gherrous),  and  he  was  abandoned  by  the  king  of  Armenia  who  returned 
to  his  kingdom  with  his  six  thousand  horsemen.  The  Roman  general 
did  not  begin  his  retreat  until  later,  much  too  late  even.  He  withdrew 
eventually  by  way  of  Gazaka  (1),  the  shore  of  lake  Mateanas  (2),  and 


(1)  Chahr-e-viran   (Kurdistan  of  Moukri). 

(2)  Lake  Urumiah. 

—  105  - 


the  mountains  south  of  the  Araxes.  But  in  this  march  of  three  hundred 
Roman  miles  across  dry  and  barren  lands,  no  less  than  24,000  of  his 
legionaries  perished  from  fatigue,  cold,  and  hunger,  or  else  under  the 
arrows  of  40,000  Parthian  horsemen  who,  notwithstanding  Phraat's  pro- 
mises, harassed  the  retreating  army  unceasingly. 

Far  from  acknowledging  his  own  lack  of  caution,  Antony  accused 
Artavazd,  the  king  of  Armenia,  of  being  responsible  for  his  disaster,  by 
withdrawing  and  taking  back  his  cavalry.  Nevertheless,  so  anxious  was 
he  to  get  back  to  the  queen  of  Egypt  that  he  refused  to  winter  in  the 
Ararat  territory  and,  postponing  his  vengeance  against  Artavazd,  he 
pushed  on  to  Antioch  in  Syria,  losing  another  8,000  men  on  the  way  from 
sickness  and  cold. 


Amid  the  shameful  feasts  he  gave  at  Antioch,  however,  Antony 
did  not  forget  his  grievances.  In  vain  did  he  try  to  induce  Artavazd  to 
come  to  him.  In  the  following  spring  (34  B.C.)  the  triumvir  returned 
to  Armenia  and  succeeded  through  Q.  Dellius  in  persuading  the  king  that 
he  should  accept  an  interview  with  Antony  for  the  sake  of  keeping  his 
throne.  Hardly  did  the  unhappy  prince  arrive  in  Roman  hands  than  in 
defiance  of  plighted  faith  he  was  placed  In  chains  and  paraded  as  a  cap- 
tive through  his  own  dominions  where  he  was  forced  to  throw  open 
his  strongholds  and  to  bring  forth  their  treasures.  Antony  kept  him  to 
adorn  his  triumph  in  chains  along  with  his  wife  and  sons,  and  to  walk 
captive  through  the  streets  of  Alexandria.  Consequently,  although  van- 
quished by  the  Parthlans  and  with  his  army  destroyed,  the  triumvir  did 
score  a  triumph  nevertheless;  his  only  captives,  however,  were  his  former 
allies. 

Antony  dreamed  of  restoring  in  the  East  an  Alexandrian  empire, 
able  to  hold  its  own  with  that  which  the  Roman  State  was  about  to 
become.  He  knew  the  ambitious  schemes  of  Octavlus  and  was  pre- 
paring to  carve  out  for  himself  his  share  of  the  Republic's  provinces. 
As  for  king  Artavazd  of  Armenia,  he  was  ousted  to  make  room  for  the 
son  of  Antony  and  Cleopatra,  named  Alexander,  and  also  to  reward  the 
king  of  Atropatenes.  The  latter  who  bore  also  the  name  of  Artavazd 
was  the  only  ruler  who  had  suffered  from  the  Roman  incursion  Into 
Persia;  his  suzerain,  Phraat,  reaped  all  the  advantages  of  that  campaign. 

—  106  — 


The  king  of  Atropatene  gave  his  daughter,  lotape,  in  marriage  to  the 
new  king  of  Armenia,  Alexander,  and  delivered 
to   Antony  the   standards    taken  from   Statilius, 
receiving    for    himself    Symbacia,    an    Armenian 
province  once  a  part  of  Media.     The  kingdom 
of  Armenia  Major  fell  to  Alexander,  while  Pole- 
mon,  the  husband  of  Pythodoris,  Antony's  neph- 
ew, who  had  furthered  the  intrigues  of  the  king  of  Atropatenes  against 
the  Armenian  king,  was  placed  on  the  throne  of  Lesser  Armenia  or  Ar- 
menia Minor. 


ALEXANDER 

SON  OF  ANTONY 

&  CLEOPATRA 

34-31   B.C. 


COIN  OF  KING 
TIGRANES    II 
OF  ARMENIA 


But  these  political  arrangements,  turning  rival 
peoples  into  allies  and  giving  nations  kings  against  their 
will,  met  with  stiff  resistance  among  the  inhabi- 
tants. The  Armenians  refused  to  obey  Alexander  and 
set  up,  in  opposition  to  Antony's  son,  the  son  of  their 
own  captive  king,  or  Artaxes  II  (1).  The  latter,  beset 
by  the  troops  of  Rome  and  the  satrap  of  Atropatenes, 
was  obliged  to  take  refuge  with  the  Parthians  at  the 
court  of  Phraat  IV.  Finally,  taking  advantage  of  the 
fact  that  Antony  had  been  compelled  to  withdraw  his 
legions  from  Armenia  to  maintain  his  struggle  against 
Augustus,  the  Persian  king  invaded  both  Atropatene 
and  Armenia,  and  gave  the  latter  crown  to  the  national 
claimant. 


Thinking  that  the  civil   war  in  Rome   would  last 
ARTAXES  II      a  long  time,   Phraat  IV  of  Persia  and  Artaxes   II  of 
30-20  B.C.  Armenia  were  planning  to  take  from  the  Romans  their 

possessions  west  of  the  Euphrates,  when  a  claimant  to 
the  throne  of  Iran,  Tiridates  II,  rose  up  against  the  Arsacid  monarch, 
proclaimed  himself  Great  King  in  Cteslphon,  and  forced  his  adversary 
to  flee  for  safety  to  the  eastern  Scythians   (2).     Armenia  was  thus  left 


(1)  Archam  of  the  Armenians. 

(2)  In  the  Transcaspian  territory. 


107  — 


alone  to  carry  out  the  above  ambitions,  and  feeling  herself  too  weak,  she 
refrained.  Meanwhile,  Cleopatra  having  beheaded  her  prisoner,  Arta- 
vazd,  the  son  of  that  unhappy  monarch  took  his  revenge  by  slaying  all 
the  Romans  within  his  dominions. 


DENARIUS  OF 
AUGUSTUS 
"ARMENIA 
CAPTA" 


In  the  meantime,  however,  the  battle  of  Actium  re- 
sulted in  giving  Octavius  the  supreme  power,  and  he, 

tired  of  the  unceasing  conflicts  either  because  of  Armenia 

or  about  Armenia,  decided  to  place  all  the  regions  on  the 

east  of  the  Euphrates,  north  of  the  Tigris,  and  above  the 

Araxes,  under  Roman  protection.  Thus  the  territories  of 

the  Iberians  and  the  Albanians,  i.e.  all  the  peoples  south 

of  the  Great  Caucasus  chain,  were  included  for  the  first 

time.  This  plan  meant  a  downright  check  to  the  power  of 

Persia  and  Octavius  would  stop  at  nothing  to  carry  out 

his  intention.     Bribed  by  Roman  gold,  the  Ar- 
menians rebelled  against  Artaxes  II,  put  him  to  ^ 
death,    and  Tiberius   Claudius   Nero,    then    22 
years  old,  came   and  crowned   as  king  of  Ar- 
menia   the  younger    brother    of    Artaxes,    Ti- 
granes    III.     Armenia    then   was    given   up    to 
anarchy.     Tigranes  III  was  carried  off  appar- 
ently by  sickness,  but  more  probably  by  poison. 
Tigranes  IV  demanded  investiture  by  the  Romans, 
while  two  other  claimants  to  the  throne  made  their 
appearance,  namely  Erovaz  (?)  and  Artavazd  IV. 


COIN  OF  TIGRANES  III 
KING  OF  ARMENIA 


LAST  SUCCES- 
SORS OF 
ARTAXIAS 


TIGRANES  III 

AND  IV 

20  B.C.  TO 

A.D.  1 


This  period  of  Armenian  history  is  very  ob- 
scure. The  Persians  and  Romans  fought  long  for 
influence  in  the  country.  Finally,  in  the  first  year 
of  our  era,  Phraat,  who  had  recovered  the  throne  of 
Iran,  relinquished  all  claims  to  the  kingdom  of  Ar- 
menia, and  left  his  brothers  as  hostages  with  the 
Romans. 


But,  as  we  have  seen  in  the  foregoing  pages, 


—  108 


the  word  of  a  ruler  was  of  little  value 
in  those  days.  Each  one,  whether  Ro- 
man or  Persian,  spoke  according  to 
his  momentary  interest.  Crimes  and 
treacheries  followed  one  another  un- 
ceasingly and  the  Armenian  question  re- 
mained ever  the  chief  concern  of  the 
two  great  rival  States,  both  pursuing 
their  own  aims  regarding  general  policy 
in  the  East  (1). 


COIN  OF  TIGRANES  IV  KING 

OF  ARMENIA,  WITH  HIS 

SISTER   ERATO 


(1)  For  the  facts  related  in  this  chapter,  consult:  PLINY,  Nat.  Hist.;  PLU- 
TARCH, Lucullus,  Pompey;  FAUSTUS,  TACITUS,  Annals;  STRABO,  APPIAN, 
DION  CASSIUS  and  MOMMSEN,  Rom.  Gesch.;  HUBSCHMANN,  Die  Altarmen. 
Ortsn.;  Fr.  TOURNEBISE,  Histoire  politique  et  religieuse  de  VArmenie. 


V  ^  V 


—  109  — 


CHAPTER  IV 


The  Foreign  Dynasty  (A.D.  2-53).  —  The  Arsacids  of  Armenia 
(A.D.  53-429)  —  Tiridates  II  the  Great  (A.D.  217-238).  —  Conversion 
OF  Armenia  to  Christianity.  —  Saint  Gregory  the  Illuminator. 

The  succession  of  rulers  named  by  the  historians  of  Armenia 
"the  Foreign  Dynasty"  coincides  with  the  period  when  the  Armenians, 
though  nominally  independent,  were  subjected  in 
turn  to  Roman  and  Persian  influence.  Divided  by 
their  powerful  neighbors'  policies,  they  wavered  ac- 
cording to  circumstances  towards  the  one  or  the  other 
of  these  temporary  overlords,  too  weak  to  assert 
their  national  independence.  The  armies  of  the  Caes- 
ars, like  those  of  the  King  of  Kings,  imposed  for  a 
while  their  wills  on  the  Armenian  court,  and  the 
crown  was  given  to  the  partisans  of  Rome  or  those 
of  Persia  as  the  exi- 
gencies of  the  day  de- 
manded. This  was  fol- 
lowed by  peaceful  peri- 
ods when  the  Persians 
and  Romans,  too  busy 
elsewhere,  left  Arme- 
nia alone  and  enabled  her  to  throw  oflF  the 
yoke.  Even  then,  however,  she  remained 
in  a  state  of  indecision  as  to  her  course  of 
action. 

But  national  life  was  still  vigorous  in  Ar- 
menia;   her    army    furnished    contingents    some- 
times to  the  Persians,  sometimes  to  the  Romans. 
The   feudal  lords   maintained   very   considerable 
independence,   and  thought  continued  to  develop   along  the   traditional 

(1)  Obv.  Laureate  head  of  Augustus,  right:  CAESAR.  AUGUSTUS.  DIVI.  F. 
PATER.  PATRIAE.  Rev.  Caius  and  Lucius  standing  each  with  spear  and  shield, 
C.  L.  CAESARES.  AUGUSTL  F.  COS.  DESIGN.  PRINC.  lUVENT.  FieW:  Augur's 
ladle  and  staff.     Silver. 

—  110  — 


DRACHMA  OF 

ONONES   OR 

VONONES  AS 

KING   OF    PERSIA 


IMITATION  OF 
DENARIUS  of  AUGUSTUS  (1) 
STRUCK  IN 
TRANSCAUCASIA 


ARIOBARZANUS 
A.D.  2 


lines  of  the  great  Tigranes.  The  little  we  know  of  this  ill-defined  period 
shows  that  notwithstanding  the  constant  wars  inflicted  on  the  country 
the  people  were  progressing  both  under  foreign  influence  and  by  their 
own  energy.  As  we  have  seen,  letters  and  arts  flourished  at  the  Armenian 
court  under  Tigranes.  We  know  that  this  progress  did  not  lapse  under 
Artaxias'  dynasty,  for  the  moment  that  the  Armenians  acquired  a  few 
centuries  later  the  art  of  writing  they  had  lacked,  there  sprang  forth  a 
language  of  considerable  refinement  which  originated  surely  from  an  oral 
culture.  In  the  same  way,  many  centuries  earlier,  the  Greeks  had  acquired 
a  taste  for  literature  long  before  they  knew  the  alphabet,  and  owned  their 
intellectual  development  to  a  number  of  other  Aryan  nations  who  were  still 
illliterate.  Moreover,  in  Rome  the  Armenians  were  far  from  being  looked 
on  as  barbarians;  their  rulers  were  received  with  great  respect,  and  in  the 
Eternal  City  writers  spoke  highly  of  the  sumptuous  life  of  these  lordly 
Easterners. 

Under  Persian  and  Roman  influence  in 
turn,  there  arose  in  Armenia,  despite  the 
country's  burning  desire  to  regain  indepen- 
dence, a  period  of  kings  who  occupied  the 
throne    without    belonging    to  'the    nation. 

The  first  of  these  rulers  was  a  Persian  of 

,  r     A    •   ,  V  ■        J        COIN  OF  AUGUSTUS  AND 

the    name    of    Ariobarzanus    who    reigned  ARTAVAZD  V 

about  A.D.  2.     He  was  already  king  of  Media  and 

Atropatenes  when  at  Augustus'  orders  he  was  made 

king  of  Armenia  by  Caius  Caesar.     This  king  was 

succeeded  by  his  son  Artavazd  V   (A.D.  2-11).     A 

Jewish  king,  Tigranes  V  (A.D.  11-14)  then  ascended 

the  throne,  but  as  this  foreign  monarch  did  not  govern 

to   the    Armenians'   liking,   the    nationalists    recalled 

Erato,  the  sister  of  Tigranes  IV,  who  resumed  her 

reign  (A.D.  14-15).    She  was  succeeded  by  Vonones, 

a  Parthian   (A.D.    16-17)    (1).  Then  Zeno,  the  son 

of  Polemon  and  Pythodoris,  to  whom  Antony  had 

formerly  given  the  kingdom  of  Pontus,  was  sent  and 


ARTAVAZD  V 
2-11 

TIGRANES  V 
11-14 

ERATO  14-15 

VENONES 
15-17 


(1)  About  A.D.  16  Vonones  or  Onones.  son  of  Phraat,  king  of  Persia,  was  a 
hostage  at  Rome  when,  after  the  murder  of  Orodes  11,  the  Parthians  asked  Angnstns 
to  appoint  a  son  of  Phraat  as  successor.  He  was  appointed,  but,  vanquished  by 
Artaban,  a  rival  for  the  throne,  he  had  to  flee  to  Armenia  where  he  was  named 
king.  Abandoned  however  by  Tiberius  who  had  succeeded  Augustus,  he  was  driven 
from  Armenia  by  the  Parthians  and  took  refuge  in  Syria  where  the  Romans  had 
him  slain.    (Cf.  TACITUS,  Annals  II,  2,  4,  68) . 


Ill   — 


ARTASHES  III      enthroned  by  Germanicus  to  rule   over  Armenia  as 
18-31  Artashes   III.     For  sixteen  years    (A.D.   18-34)   the 

latter   governed   the   dominions   under  Western   vas- 
salage.    But  the  Persians  regaining  the  ascendancy, 
ARCHAK  1  in  the  place  of  the  Romans  the  Arsacids  appointed 

34-35  one    of   their   number,   Arsaces   or   Archak   I    (A.D. 

34-35)  as  king  of  Armenia. 
In  this  period,  at  the  beginning  of  the  Christian  era,  (A.D.  8),  is 
recorded  the  accession  to  the  throne  of  Osrhoene  of  a  branch  of  the  royal 
family  of  Armenia.  Presumably  the  Arabian  princes  who  had  succeeded 
Osrhoes  (137-132  B.C.)  had  feudal  connection  with  Armenia,  In  any 
case,  Moses  of  Khoren  and  Vartan  both  inform  us  that  Abgar  V.  Uchama, 
the  "Apkar"  of  the  Armenians,  a  grandson  of  Artashes  and  consequently 
a  descendant  of  Tigranes  the  Great,  left  Medzpin  and  transferred  his 
capital  to  Edessa,  and  that  his  descendants  ruled  over  Osrhoene  until 
the  time  of  Gordian  III,  when  about  A.D.  240  that  emperor  dispossessed 
Abgar  XI  of  his  kingdom  and  made  it  a  Roman 
province.  This  expansion  of  Armenian  influence 
into  Syria  played  an  important  part  in  Eastern  pol- 
itical life,  but  we  have  insufficient  information  on 
this  point,  and  what  we  have  is  vague  and  often 
contradictory. 

Fresh  wars  resulted  in  the 

Armenian  throne  passing  to  the 

hands   of  the   Iberians    in    the 

person  of  Mithidrates  (A.D.  35- 

37  and  47-51)  who  drove  out  the  Arsacid  ruler.    He 

was  succeeded  by  his  nephew  Rhadamistus    (A.D. 

51-53)  the  son  of  Phraasmanes  I,  king  of  Georgia, 

who  murdered  him  in  a  dastardly  statagem.    Tacitus 

(1)  has  given  us  the  account  of  this  crime  in  terms 

depictmg    vividly    the    infamous   customs    of    those 

disturbed  times. 

Rhadamistus  arrived  at  his  uncle's  court,  al- 
legedly fleeing  from  the  unjust  severities  of  his 
father  and  stepmother.  He  craved  hospitality  of 
the  xArmenians,  and  was  received  with  open  arms. 


MITHIDRATES 

35-37  &  47-51 


COIN  OF  ABGAR  XI 

OF  OSRHOENE  AND 

GORDIAN   III 


RHADAMISTUS 
51-53 


(1)  Annals  XII,  44-52. 


—  112  -^ 


He  was  not  long  in  making  friends  among  the  nobles  of  the  country,  and 
taking  advantage  of  his  uncle's  good  nature  he  ere  long  formed  a  power- 
ful party.  When  the  time  was  ripe,  he  sent  word  to  the  king  of  Iberia,  who 
suddenly  invaded  Armenia  and  put  his  son  on  the  throne.  Mithidrates, 
taken  by  surprise  and  betrayed  by  most  of  his  feudatories,  took  refuge 
in  the  stronghold  of  Gornea  (Garni),  the  ruins  of  which  town  are  still  to 
be  seen  at  the  foot  of  the  mountains  near  Erivan.  It  was  then  held  by  a 
Roman  garrison,  for  Armenia  was  at  that  time  a  vassal  State  of  the  Em- 
pire, and  the  king  relied  on  the  legions  to  protect  him.  But  the  prefect  of 
the  fort.  Coelius  Pollio,  seduced  by  gifts  from  the  Iberians,  planned  to 
deliver  up  his  guest,  and  while  apparently  negotiating  with  Phraasmanes, 
urged  the  king  to  accept  a  meeting  proposed  him  by  Rhadamistus.  Mith- 
idrates, however,  was  not  without  misgivings.  Being  a  Georgian,  he 
knew  he  had  everything  to  fear  from  his  nephew's  treachery.  But  as 
the  Romans  threatened  to  abandon  him,  he  at  last  yielded.  The  meeting 
was  arranged  near  a  sacred  wood  at  the  foot  of  the  mountain  where  the 
friendship  of  the  two  princes  was  according  to  custom  to  be  sealed  by  a 
sacrifice  to  the  gods. 

The  Iberian  custom  on  such  occasions  was  to  join  the  two  right 
hands,  tie  both  thumbs  together,  and  prick  them  so  that  blood  flowed 
from  each.  The  rivals  then  each  raised  the  other's  bleeding  thumb  to 
his  lips  and  swore  the  oath,  rendering  the  mutual  promise  more  sacredly 
binding. 

When  about  to  go  through  this  ceremony,  Mithidrates  was  seized  and 
pinioned.  Rhadamistus  had  sworn  not  to  kill  his  uncle  by  the  sword  or 
by  poison,  and  so  he  had  him  suflFocated  under  cushions,  while  the  victim's 
wife,  Rhadamistus'  sister,  was  strangled  and  her  children  slaughtered. 

These  heinous  crimes,  though  committed 
by  barbarians,  were  a  shameful  record  for  the 
Roman  authorities  who  bore  all  the  respon- 
sibility. Nevertheless  the  governor  of  Cappa- 
docia,  Julius  Paelignus,  Coelius  Pollio's  su- 
perior, recognized  the  new  king  of  Armenia. 
The  Iberian  gifts   had  done  their  work  even  DENARIUS  OF 

to  the  halls  of  Caesarea.     But  the  Emperor's  GERMANICUS    with. 

o        •  XT  'I-  r\         J  REVERSE,    THE 

representative  m  byria,  JNumidms  Quadratus,  CROWNING  OF 

was  rightly  disturbed  as  to  the  public  reaction  ARTAXIAS 

to  the  misdeed  of  Coelius  Pollio,  and  was  con- 
sidering punishing  him.    His  council,  however,  were  of  a  difTerent  opinion. 

—  113  — 


Of  what  consequence  was  it,  anyhow,  that  the  throne  of  Armenia  should 
be  filled  by  the  uncle  or  the  nephew,  or  that  the  barbarians  should  kill  one 
another;  did  not  their  quarrels  serve  Rome's  pur- 
pose? The  Persians  had  very  little  influence  over 
Iberia  where  Rome  was  all-powerful;  was  it  not 
better  to  let  a  Georgian  dynasty  settle  in  all  the 
districts  of  Armenia  bordering  the  Parthians? 
After  the  death  of  Phraasmanes,  Rhadamistus 
COIN  OF  ANTIOCHUS  would  unite  the  two  kingdoms  and  thus  form  a 

IV  EPIPHANES,  WITH  g^-^j-g  strong  enough  to  hold  the  Parthians  in  check. 
lOTAPE  .        , 

Rome,     moreover,     missed     no     opportunity     to 

strengthen  its  power  by  means  of  the  small  nations.  Antiochus  IV.  Epi- 
phanes  (A.D.  38-72)  king  of  Commagene,  had  helped  Corbulo  in  his 
Eastern  campaign,  and  Nero  to  reward  him  for  his  assistance  took  advan- 
tage of  disturbances  in  Armenia  to  add  a  part  of  that  country  to  his 
dominions. 


This  episode  in  one  of  the  most  troubled  periods  in  Armenia's  history 
gives  an  idea  of  the  frightful  upheavals  this  unhappy  kingdom  under- 
went. Not  only  did  they  suffer  from  Roman  and  Persian  treachery,  and 
that  of  their  northern  neighbors,  but  they  were  divided  among  themselves 
by  the  rivalries  and  greed  of  their  feudal  lords  .  Anarchy  was  rampant. 
Every  day  the  frontiers  of  kingdoms  were  altered,  Armenia  was  separated 
into  upper  and  lower  countries,  whole  districts  were  taken  away  from  or 
added  to  the  domains  of  the  various  rulers,  and  with  continual  bloodshed 
and  towns  and  villages  aflame,  ruin  and  mourning  spread  over  the  land. 


COIN  OF 

ANTIOCHUS  IV 

EPIPHANES  KING  OF 

COMMAGENE 


The  Persians,  apprehensive  of  the  increasing 
Roman  power,  then  invaded  Armenia  intending  to 
dethrone  the  Georgian  usurper  and  make  these 
mountain  people  accept  a  king  whom  they  them- 
selves could  rely  on.  Rhadamistus  fled  at  full 
speed,  with  his  wife  Zenobia  behind  him  on  his 
horse,  she  being  several  months  pregnant.  This 
Zenobia  was  the  daughter  of  the  uncle  he  had 
murdered.  Fainting  and  unable  to  bear  the  mad 
flight,  the  queen  begged  him  to  end  her  agony. 
Plunging  his  dagger  into  her  breast,  the  son  of 
Phraasmanes  threw  her  into  the  Araxes  and  rushed 


lU 


COIN    WITH 

HEAD  OF 

lOTAPE,    SISTER 

AND   WIFE   OF 

ANTIOCHUS  IV 

EPIPHANES 


onward,  with  the  Parthian  horsemen  sent  to  seize  him,  close  on  his  heels. 
Zenobia,  however,  did  not  die.     Saved  by  some  shepherds,  she  was  de- 
livered to  king  Tiridates  whom  the  Persians  had  just 
raised  to  the  throne  and  this  king  received  her  with  all 
the  respect  owed  to  her  rank  and  her  misfortunes.  /'^. 

After  the  Parthians  had  left,  Rhadamistus  returned 
to  Armenia  and  endeavored  to  obtain  the  assistance 
of  the  feudatories  in  regaining  his  crown;  but  his  be- 
havior to  the  inhabitants  was  so  wicked  and  his  ven- 
geance so  cruel  that  he  was  driven  off  by  his  former 
subjects  and  had  to  flee  back  to  his  father. 

At  this  point  begins  the  rule  of  the  dynasty  of  the 
Arsacids  in  Armenia.  These  rulers  occupied  the  throne 
of  the  descendants  of  Haik  for  about  four  centuries  and 
gave  to  Armenian  history  one  of  its  most  brilliant  pages. 

The  first  sovereign  of  this  dynasty  was  Tiridates  I 
TIRIDATES   I      (A.D.  53-59  and  66-100),  the  brother  of  Vologeses,  king 
53-100  of  Persia.     His  accession  meant  Armenia's  entry  into 

the  wide  feudal  system  of  the  Arsacids,  at  the  head 
of  which  political  set-up  stood  the  Iranian  overlord  who  bore  the  title 
of  King  of  Kings.  Next  to  him  ranked  the  Arsacids  of  Armenia;  thirdly, 
those  of  Bactriana;  and  the  fourth  place  was  that  of  the  Arsacid  rulers 
of  the  northern  Caucasus  reigning  over  the  Massagetes.  The  king  of 
Persia,  as  suzerain,  was  alone  entitled  to  mint  money  and  have  his  head 
appear  on  coins. 


—  lis 


CORBULO 


TIGRANES  VI 

60-62 


Rome  viewed  with  misgivings  the  oc- 
cupancy of  the  Armenian  throne  by  the 
brother  of  the  king  of  Persia.  For  a  ruler 
hostile  to  the  Empire  to  be  thus  raised  to 
power  augured  the  early  downfall  of  Roman 
influence  in  those  regions  so  important  pol- 
itically to  the  Imperial 
State.  Nero  entrusted 
Corbulo  with  the  task  of 
driving  out  the  Arsacid 
king  and  putting  on  the 
t  h  rone  Tigranes  VI 
(A.D.  60-62),  the  nephew 
of  the  last  king  of  that  name,  and  grandson 
of  Archelaos,  king  of  Cappadocia.  This 
protege  of  Rome  died,  however,  after  reign- 
ing two  years,  and  Vologeses  induced  Cor- 
bulo to  agree  to  his  brother  receiving  the 
Emperor's  investiture  in  Rome.  Tiridates 
went  accordingly  to  be  crowned  by  Nero.  But  this  step  meant  no  humilia- 
tion for  the  Armenian  king.  He  had  hardly  crossed  into  Roman  territory 
when   he    was    received    as    a 

sovereign    and    welcomed    in  

every  city  with  signal  honors. 
Tiridates  was  accompanied  by 
all  the  chief  lords  of  the  king- 
dom and  by  the  Queen  and 
her  children,  also  by  an  escort 
of  three  thousand  horsemen, 
in  short  all  the  splendor  of 
Eastern  pomp.  Tacitus,  Pliny, 
Dion  Cassius,  have  all  given 
us  accounts  of  the  visit  of  the 
king  of  Armenia  to  Italy.     He 

entered  the  city  of  Nicopolis  on  a  chariot  to  greet  the  Emperor  who  was 
there   at  the  time,  but  the  coronation  took  place   further  on  at  Rome 


SILVER  COIN  OF  EMPEROR 

LUCIUS   VERUS   SHOWING. 

CAPTIVE   ARMENIA,   AND 

BRONZE    COIN    SHOWING 

HIM    GIVING    ARMENIA 

A  KING.   (1) 


COIN  OF  EMPEROR  ANTONIUS  PIUS 

SHOWING  HIM  CROWNING  THE 

KING  OF  ARMENIA 


(\)   Obv.  L.  VERUS    AUG.  ARMENICUS.  Laureate  head  of  L.  Varus  on  right. 
Rev.  T.R.P.  IIII.  IMP.  II.  COS.  II    REX.  ARMEN.  DAT.  SC. 


—  116 


where  the  Senate  had  voted  the  arrangement  of  sumptuous  feasts.  Nero 
seated  on  a  throne  placed  the  royal  crown  on  Tirldates'  head,  the  latter 
kneeling.  Once  he  was  back  in  his  dominions,  he  restored  the  city  of 
Artaxata  which  he  renamed  Neronia,  and  took  back,  with  the  help  of  the 
legions,  from  the  Albanians  the  land  those  people  had  seized  from  Armenia 
during  the  disturbances  of  the  Foreign  Dynasty. 

Exedares  (A.D.  100-113),  Tiridates'  successor,  added 

EXEDARES     Lower  Armenia  to  his  domains,  surrendering  it  later  to 

100-113  the   Romans.     Lesser  Armenia    had   already   become    a 

province   of  the  Empire,   after  having  passed  from  the 


TETRADRACHMA    OF 

VOLOGESES  I,  ARSA- 

CID  KING  OF  PERSIA 


COINS  OF  EMPEROR  TRAJAN,  COMMEMORATING 
HIS  CAMPAIGNS  IN  ARMENIA 


hands  of  Polemon,  King  of  Pontus,  to  those  of 
Archelaos,  king  of  Cappadocia,  and  then  to  Cotys, 
king  of  the  Cimmerian  Bosporus,  (Crimea) — her 
last  rulers  being  Aristobulus  under  Nero  and  Ti- 
granes  under  Vespasian.  Thus  the  limits  of  the 
Roman  Empire  gradually  moved  forward  from 
the  banks  of  the  Euphrates  to  those  of  the  Tigris,, 
and  as  the  Arsacid  dynasty  of  Armenia  seemed 
more  loyal  to  their  suzerain  power  than  they  were 
to  their  kinsmen,  the  kings  of  Persia,  Rome  had 
every  reason   to  support  them    (1). 

Parthamasiris    (A.D.    113-114),   Parthamas- 


(1)  The  tille  ARMENICUS  in  the  inscriptions  on  coins,  is  given  to  Marcus 
Aurelius  and  Lucius  Verus.  That  of  PARTICUS  is  given  to  Trajan,  Hadrian,  Marcus 
Aurelius,  Lucius  Verus,  Septimius  Severus,  Caracalla,  and  Carus.  These  titles  cease 
before  the  time  of  Constantine  I,  and  are  never  found  on  Byzantine  coins  although 
long  used  in  Imperial  rescripts.  Justinian  I  calls  himself  Allemanicus,  Gothicns,, 
Germanicus,  Franciscus,  Alamicus,   Vandalicus,  etc. 


—  117  — 


pates    (116-117),   Vologeses    (Vagharch)    (117-140), 
Sohemus  (140-162,  163-178),  Pacorus  (162-163),  San- 
atruces  (178-216),  Vologeses  II  (Vagharch  II)   (217- 
238),  all  these  rulers  of  the  Arsacid  line  followed  one 
another  on  the  throne  of  Armenia.     Constantly  at 
strife  with  their  Persian  kinsmen  as  well  as  with  their 
Roman  suzerains,  these  kings  dealt  very  tactfully 
with  their  powerful  neighbors,  always  acting  so  as 
to  prevent  any  setback  having  irretrievable  conse- 
quences.     These    rivalries,    however,    caused    the 
greatest  calamities  to  fall  on  Armenia  during  the 
reigns  of  the  first  Arsacid  kings.     Finally,  TIrldates 
II.  also  called  Chosroes  I  the  Great  (A.D.  217-238) 
ascended  the  throne,  and  from  his  time  began  the 
great  development  of  the  Armenian  people,  later  destined  by  the  adoption 
of  Christianity  to  join  forever  with  Western  civilization  and  break  away 
from  Eastern  culture. 


FIRST 

ARSACIDS  OF 

ARMENIA 

113-238 


TIRIDATES 

II 

(CHOSROES  I) 

KING  OF 

ARMENIA 

217-238 


ADVENT  OF  THE 

SASSANIDS  IN 

PERSIA,  A.D. 

226 


A  great  revolution  had  just  transformed 
Iran.  Artakchater  (Artaxerxes),  the  son  of  Pa- 
pek,  of  the  lineage  of  Sassan,  prince  of  the  prov- 
ince of  Persis,  had  overthrown  the  Arsacid  mon- 
archy, and  ascended  the  throne  of  the  King  of 
Kings.  Descended  from  the  Mazdean  high-priests 


—  118  — 


STATUE  OF  TIRIDATES 

KING   OF   ARMENIA 
(Marble,   Louvre    Museum) 


of  Fars,  he  announced  his  intention 
of  restoring  to  his  new  empire  the  re- 
ligion of  their  ancestors  and  of  ex- 
pelling the  Greco-Parthian  deities 
along  with  Greek  influence.  But,  al- 
though he  had  vanquished  Artaban, 
the  new  Great  King  had  not  yet  con- 
quered all  the  Arsacid  princes,  and 
the  Parthians  of  Armenia  were 
among  those  who  refused  to  accept 
him  as  their  suzerain 

Agathangelus  has  left  us,  in 
Greek  and  Armenian,  (1)  a  history  of 
Tiridates  II,  and  his  account  of  the 
first  contacts  of  the  Mazdean-Per- 
sians  and  the  still  heathen  Armen- 
ians, although  highly  colored,  shows 
vividly  the  new  state  of  things 
brought  about  by  the  revival  of  the 
Zoroastrian  worship  and  by  the  ac- 
cession of  the  son  of  Papek. 

"When  the  kingdom  of  the  Par- 
"thians  was  nearing  its  downfall 
"Ardashir,  the  son  of  Sassan,  satrap 
"of  the  province  of  Sdahr  [Istakhar], 
"killed  Artaban,  the  son  of  Vologeses, 
"and  seized  his  throne.  Then  he 
"drew  to  his  side  the  Persian  armies 
"who    forsook    and   shook    off   with 


(1)   Transl.  V.  LANGLOIS,  Coll.  Hist,  armeniens,  vol  I,  1881,  p.  114  sq. 

—    119  — 


"contempt  the  Parthian  rule,  and  with  one  accord 
"Ardashir,  son  of  Sassan,  was  chosen  to  be  their  king. 
"Chosroes  [Tiridates  II],  the  king  of  the  Armenians, 
"learned  of  Artaban's  death.  Chosroes  held  second 
"rank  in  the  Persian  [Arsacid]  monarchy.  Although 
"he  had  the  news  early,  he  made  no  preparations  to 
"fight.  He  returned  to  his  country  extremely  sad,  not 
"having  been  able  to  foresee  these  events  or  put  them 
"right. 

"But  early  the  following  year  (227)  Chosroes, 
"king  of  Armenia,  raised  an  army.  He  gathered  the 
"armies  of  the  Aghouank  [Albania],  and  the  Georgians, 
"opened  the  Gate  of  the  Alans  [the  gorges  of  Dariall] 
"(1)  and  called  forth  the  Huns  to  attack  the  frontiers 
"of  Persia.  He  ravaged  the  lands  of  Assyria,  as  far  as 
"the  gates  of  Ctesiphon;  he  sacked  and  put  to  fire  and 
"sword  the  populous  cities  and  flourishing  towns  and 
"ruined  the  country,  leaving  it  uninhabited.  He  sought 
"to  destroy  everything;  he  leveled  cities  to  their  foun- 
"dations  and  sought  to  change  the  laws  of  the  Persian 
"monarchy.     He   had   sworn  to  avenge   his  race   de- 

"spoiled  of  their  kingdom.    Relying  on  his  large  number  of  soldiers  and 

"expecting  much  from  their  might,  he  became  inflamed  with  pride,  hatred, 

"and  desire  for  vengeance.     Many  valiant  cohorts  of 

"well-armed  cavalry  from  the  Aghouans,  the  Lepins, 

"the  Gasps    (2),  and  many  others  from  that  region, 

"flocked  to  his  side  to  avenge  the  blood  of  Artaban. 

"He  was  so  distressed  that  the  Persians  should  have 

"forsaken   his   kinsmen    and   submitted  as  vassals   to 

"the  new  rule  of  the  Sdahrs  [Princes  of  Istakhar]  that 

"he  sent  envoys  to  those  same  kinsmen  to  urge  them 

"to  gather  together  with  the  help  of  the  warlike  inhab- 

"itants  and  brave  soldiers  of  the  Kouschans   (3)   and 

"beyond,   also  that  of  their   own    subjects.      But  his 

"kinsmen,  the  heads  of  families  and  the  notables  among 

*'the   Parthians  did  not  listen   to  him,  for  they  had 

"already  submitted  to  Ardashir  and  were  content  to 

"be  his  subjects  rather  than  those  of  their  compatriot 


DRACHMA    OF 

ARTAXERXES  I, 

SON   OF    PAPEK, 

FIRST  OF  THE 

SASSANID 

KINGS  OF 

PERSIA 

(rev.   the    Fire 

Altar) 


COIN    OF   THE 

LAST    OF    THE 

ARSACID    KINGS 

OF  PERSIA 

ARTABAN  V 


"and  relative." 


(Footnotes  on  p.  121) 


120  — 


The  Mazdean  regression,  which  the  satrap  rulers  of  Persis  had  long 
been  preparing  in  the  people's  thought  had  been  well  received  throughout 
the  Empire.  Only  the  grandees  of  the  Arsacid  stock  had  attempted  any 
resistance  against  the  new  King  of  Kings.  Yielding,  however,  to  armed 
strength,  and  feeling  that  the  people  looked  with  favor  on  the  old  Persian 
religion  being  restored,  and  that  theirs  was  a  lost  cause,  they  accepted  the 
new  state  of  things.     Armenia  alone  held  out. 

"Meanwhile  Chosroes  [Tiridates  II]  gathered  his  host  of  soldiers 
"and  of  auxiliaries  that  had  arrived  from  all  sides  to  fight  for  him.  When 
"the  king  of  the  Persians  saw  this  host  rushing  so 
"furiously  at  him,  he  moved  forward  to  meet  it  de- 
"ploying  every  unit  at  his  command.  But,  unable  to 
"stem  the  enemy,  he  began  to  flee.  He  was  pursued 
"and  the  whole  Persian  army  routed.  Their  slain  were 
"scattered  over  all  the  highways  and  fields,  while  those 
"who  escaped  the  sword  were  dispersed  in  all  dlrec- 
"tions." 

Were  we  in  possession  of  the  chronicles  of  the  Sas- 
sanid  kings,  unfortunately  systematically  destroyed  by 
the  Arabs,  we  should  certainly  find  that  the  first  en- 
counters between  Artaxerxes  and  the  Armenian  Ar- 
sacid were  less  glorious  for  the  Armenians  than  Aga- 
thangelus  relates.  There  was,  no  doubt  whatever,  a 
coalition  of  the  northern  peoples  against  the  new  regime,  for  what  little 
we  know  of  the  Sassanid  history  shows  these  kings  as  engaged  in  constant 
struggles  with  the  nations  of  Transcaucasia  and  the  Oxus,  but  if  the  Per- 
sian forces  did  suiTer  a  few  reverses  in  the  early  days  of  this  dynasty, 
they  could  certainly  have  been  only  minor  battles. 

Agathangelus  concludes  his  narrative  (1)  after  the  manner  of  the 
Assyrian  kings,  enumerating  the  booty  taken  by  Tiridates  in  this  alleged 
devastating  expedition  into  Persian  territory: 

"The  king  of  the  Armenians  after  this  sanguinary  exploit  returned 


THE 

ZOROASTRIAN 

FIRE    TEMPLE 

(from    the   reverse 

of    a    tetradrachma 

of    the    princes    of 

Persis) 


(Footnotes  p.  120)  ^„„,« 

(1)  In  Persian  Der-i-AIan,  gate  of  the  Alans  (Cf.  PLINY,  VI,  11;  PROCOPIUS, 
De  Bello  Goth..  IV,  1). 

(2)  Nomad*  of  northern  Armenia  and  Georgia,  Caucasian  mountaineers. 

(3)  Peoples  of  the  Transcaspian  territory,  probably  Sogdians  and  Bactrians. 
(CF.  SAINT-MARTIN.  Mem.  sur  TArmenie,  vol.  II,  p.  436437). 

(Footnote  this  page) 

(1)  AGATHANGELUS,  ch.  L  transl.  LANGLOIS,  Hist.  Arm.,  voL  I,  p.  117. 
See  also,  for  this  campaign,  MOSES  OF  KHOREN,  H,  71-73;  and  UKHTHANNES 
OF  EDESSA,  both  of  them  doubtless  influenced  by  Agathangelus'  narrative. 

—   121   — 


"joyously  to  Armenia,  to  the  city  of  Vagharchapat  [Etchmiadzin]  in  the 
"province  of  Ararat,  having  gained  the  day  and  taken  much  plunder.  He 
"ordered  messengers  sent  out  and  letters  to  be  written  in  various  places, 
"for  thanksgivings  to  the  gods  to  be  celebrated  in  the  temples  of  the  Seven 
"Altars  [district  of  Phaidagaran.]  He  ordained  that  in  the  Arsacid  tra- 
"ditional  sites  consecrated  to  the  national  worship,  there  be  presents  of 
"white  bulls  and  goats,  also  of  gold  and  silver  vestments  with  briUiant 
"fringes,  also  silk  cloths  adorned  with  wreaths  and  festoons,  golden  crowns, 
"silver  ornaments,  magnificent  silver  and  gold  vases  set  with  precious 
"stones,  splendid  garments  and  superb  decorations.  To  all  this  he  added 
"besides  a  fifth  part  of  all  the  booty  he  had  taken,  and  munificent  awards 
"to  the  priests.  The  soldiers  also  who  had  accompanied  him  were  gen- 
"erously  rewarded  before  they  were  disbanded." 

Western  writers  (1)  throw  quite  another  light  on  the  above  events. 
Artaxerxes,  hailed  on  the  28th  of  April  A.D.  227  as  King  of  Kings  and  the 
restorer  of  the  religion  and  language  of  the  Persians,  and  calHng  himself: 
"The  Mazdean,  offspring  of  the  gods,  King  of  Kings  of  Iran  and  Aniran" 
(2),  revived  the  Achaemenean  claims  over  all  Asia,  and  summoned  the 
Roman  Empire  to  return  to  him  the  old-time  provinces  of  Darius.  Alex- 
ander Severus  sent  immediately  a  large  army  which  was  joined  by  the 
Armenians  and  the  peoples  of  the  North.  The  center  marched  on  Meso- 
potamia, the  right  wing  on  Chaldea,  and  the  left  wing  on  Armenia  and 
Atropatenes.  But  the  center  was  stopped  by  the  main  body  of  the  Persian 
army  commanded  by  the  king  himself;  the  left  wing  had  to  withdraw 
from  Media  and  return  to  Armenia,  while  Artaxerxes  would  have  driven 
the  Romans  from  Mesopotamia  had  he  been  able  to  keep  his  troops  on  a 
war  footing.  Abandoned,  however,  by  his  troops  who  clamored  to  be 
disbanded,  he  had  to  withdraw  to  his  own  dominions  without  obtaining 
decisive  results.  Armenia  remained  under  Roman  suzerainty,  and  Alex- 
ander Severus  was  the  hero,  on  the  Forum,  of  imaginary  victories. 

The  restoration  of  a  national  monarchy  in  Persia  was,  from  the  stand- 
point of  Eastern  statesmanship,  a  highly  important  occurrence,  for  the 
Sassanid  rulers  never  genuinely  gave  up  their  claims  to  the  countries  for- 
merly included  in  the  Achaemenean  dominions.     The  new  dynasty  by 


(1)  Cf.  ZONARAS,  XII,  18;  HERODIAN,  VI,  5,  7;  Amm.  MARCELL,  XXIII, 

5,  1,  17,  etc. 

(2)  Inscription  on  his  coins:  Mazdiasn  baghi  artahchatr  Malkan  Malka  Iran  ou 
Aniran  minoutchetri  men  yezdan. 

—  122  — 


making  the  religious  question  its  basis  of  support  had  by  its  very  acces- 
sion restored  order  in  Persia,  where  affairs  had  fallen  into  utter  confusion 
under  the  last  Arsacid  kings. 

But  a  development  of  even  greater  importance  was  taking  place  in 
the  world.  While  Ahura-Mazda  was  reasserting  his  ancient  rights  over 
Iran,  the  religion  of  Christ  was  spreading  throughout  the  Roman  Empire. 
To  the  opposing  state  interests  of  the  two  Empires  there  would  within  a  few 
years  be  added  the  most  implacable  opposition  of  all,  that  arising  from 
contrary  religious  convictions. 

Prior  to  the  restoration  of  Mazdeism,  while  Persia  was  under  the 
Arsacids,  religious  quarrels  were  unknown  between  Iranians,  Armenians, 
and  Romans.  The  gods  of  the  Parthians,  along  with  those  of  Armavir, 
Artaxata,  Ani  (Gamakh),  were  all  accepted  by  Roman  tolerance.  More- 
over, impregnated  with  Greek  lore,  the  Eastern  religions  had  innumerable 
common  ties  with  that  of  the  West,  and  the  clever  assimilations  practised 
by  the  Romans  obviated  any  danger  of  religious  conflict  with  the  various 
nations  connected  with  the  Empire.  This  structure  so  lab- 
oriously built  up  during  the  centuries  was  soon  to  crumble: 
a  new  era  was  opening,  and  men  were  reverting  to  the  times 
when  a  national  god  was  the  nation's  standard.  Assyria 
had  ruled  Asia  in  the  name  of  Assur;  henceforth  the  religion 
of  Christ  was  to  enter  into  combat,  first  against  Mazdeism, 
and  then  against  Islam,  to  continue  until  our  day.  The  re- 
ligious tolerance  born  of  Alexander  the  Great's  conquests  and 
of  Roman  shrewdness,  lasted  only  five  and  a  half  centuries. 

Shortly  after  Christ's  crucifixion,  the  Christian  faith  made 
its  appearance  in  Armenia,  of  that  we  may  be  sure.  The 
apostles  Thaddeus,  Bartholomew,  and  Jude,  who  preached 
the  gospel  in  the  Ararat  regions,  were  according  to  legend 
put  to  death  by  Sanatruces  (Sanadruk),  then  reigning  over 
Adiabene  and  a  part  of  Armenia. 

The  Armenians,  as  we  know,  then  had  no  written  lan- 
guage; consequently  no  contemporaneous  documents  of  the 
first  three  centuries  have  been  handed  down  to  us,  and  we  have  very  little 
information  concerning  the  progress  of  Christianity  in  this  land  before  its 
official  conversion.  However,  the  religious  persecutions  said  to  have  been 
carried  out  by  the  kings  of  Persia  and  Armenia  show  the  Christians  to 
have  been  already  in  considerable  numbers  at  the  accession  to  the  throne 
of  Tiridates  III  (A.D.  250).    During  his  reign  the  Christian  religion  was 


SAINT 
GREGORY 
(from  a  10th 

century 
miniature) 


123 


adopted,  — thirteen  years  before  it  triumphed  in  the  West,  i.e.  before  the 
date  of  Constantine's  victory  at  the  Milvian  Bridge.  Only  one  hundred 
years  later  did  Theodosius  Issue  his  decrees  against  paganism.  Armenia 
consequently  was,  according  to  its  historians,  the  first  of  any  people  to 
adopt  Christianity  officially  (1). 

The  great  evangelist  of  Armenia  v/as  Saint  Gregory  Loussavoritch, 
i.e.  The  Illuminator,  also  called  by  the  chroniclers  Grigor  Partev  (Gregory 
the  Parthian). 

Gregory  was  born  A.D.  257,  of  royal  Arsacid  descent.  His  father. 
Prince  Anak,  while  out  hunting  caused  the  death  of  Tiridates  II,  a  crime 
instigated  by  the  king  of  Persia  who  was  irked  by  the  latter's  power  and 
authority  as  an  ally  of  the  Romans.  Tiridates  II  on  his  death-bed  ordered 
the  extermination  of  Anak  and  all  his  family,  a  command  which  was 
carried  out.  Gregory  alone  escaped  and  was  taken  to  Caesarea  in  Cappa- 
docia,  where  his  foster-brother,  a  Christian,  received  him  and  brought 
him  up  in  the  Christian  faith.  His  place  of  refuge  and  the  facts  of  his 
birth  were  not  unknown,  however,  for  on  reaching  his  majority  he  married 
the  daughter  of  an  Armenian  prince,  also  a  Christian.  Two  children  were 
born  to  them,  after  which  the  couple  separated  to  enter  monastic  life,  and 
Gregory  went  to  Armenia  where  he  hoped  to  make  amends  for  his  father's 
crime  by  converting  his  native  land. 

After  the  death  of  Tiridates  II,  the  Persians 

TIRIDATES  seized  Armenia  (238-250),  but  with  the  help  of  the 

III  Romans  Tiridates  III  ascended  the  throne.     This 

250-330,  ruler  had  been  brought  up  in  Rome,  was  of  an 

&  ST.  GREGORY       enlightened  mind  and  well  versed  in  the  Western 

languages  and  literature,  and  properly  understood 

the  duties  of  a  king.    According  to  legend  he  was  of  Herculean  strength. 

"His  breath,"  wrote   Agathangelus,  "burst   river-dikes   and  stopped  the 

raging  of  waters."    He  frequently  proved  his  valor  and  mettle  as  a  soldier. 

At  the  beginning  of  his  reign,  however,  he  had  the  same  feelings  as  his 

tutors  in  Rome  regarding  the  Christians,  who  at  that  time  despite  the  very 

wide  spread  of  their  religion  were  still  considered  as  disturbers  of  the 

social  order.    A  fervent  worshiper  of  the  gods,  he  was  at  first  extremely 


(1)  This  assertion  made  by  all  the  Armenian  historians  is  not  corroborated  by 
the  statements  of  the  Greeks  and  Latins,  with  the  exception  of  Eusebius.  Several 
modern  authors  conclude  that  Armenia  became  Christian  at  the  same  time  as  the 
Roman  Empire. 

—  124  — 


opposed  to  the  new  faith,  and  to  put  an  end  to  Gregory's  preaching  and 
his  daily  increase  of  converts,  he  had  the  evangelist  seized  and  kept  him 
twelve  or  fourteen  years  in  a  dungeon  of  the  citadel  at  Artaxata  where  he 
was  most  cruelly  treated. 

Meanwhile,  say  the  chroniclers,  the  king  fell  ill,  and  appealed  not 
only  to  the  most  renowned  physicians  of  the  day  but  also  to  his  ancestral 
deities.  Receiving  no  help,  he  had  Gregory  brought  out  of  prison,  and 
was  healed  by  him.  Moved  by  gratitude  and  touched  by  the  unshakable 
faith  of  the  martyr,  Tiridates  accepted  Christianity  along  with  his  whole 
court,  and  made  his  erstwhile  prisoner  his  minister. 

Gregory,  who  was  still  only  a  monk,  then 
CONVERSION  OF  proceeded  to  Caesarea  in  Cappadocia  where  the 
ARMENIA  TO  Exarch  Leontius  ordained  him  both  priest  and 

CHRISTIANITY  bishop.  He  thereupon  returned  to  Armenia,  bap- 
tized the  king,  and  began  his  official  evangelization 
of  the  country. 

Armenia's  conversion  to  Christianity  was  not  without  difficulties  in  the 
way,  for  the  heathen  priests  were  both  enormously  rich  and  very  powerful. 
They  had  from  time  immemorial  reaped  profit  from  every  fortunate  cir- 
cumstance attending  the  kings  of  Armenia,  and  although  their  temples 
had  often  been  ravaged  by  war,  they  owned  huge  treasures  and  vast  lands 
on  which  the  peasants,  their  serfs,  were  turned  into  their  soldiers  when 
necessary. 

Gregory,  with  Tiridates'  support,  converted  peacefully  many  districts 
where  the  people  were  ready  for  the  change.  In  others,  however,  the 
bishop  accompanied  by  the  chief  satraps  and  a  body  of  troops  traveled 
over  the  country  sacking  the  pagan  sanctuaries,  breaking  their  idols,  and 
slaying  without  pity  any  priests  offering  armed  opposition.  According  to 
Zenobius  of  Glak  (1),  resistance  was  extremely  violent  in  the  district  of 
Taron  among  others,  also  in  the  territory  of  Palounik.  In  the  large  town 
of  Kisane  a  regular  battle  occurred  between  the  priests'  army  and  that  of 
Gregory.  The  victorious  bishop  "ordered  the  idol  of  Kisane  to  be  thrown 
"down;  It  was  made  of  brass  and  twelve  cubits  high.  When  those  who  re- 
"ceived  the  command  entered  into  the  temple,  the  ministers  of  the  holy 
"place  seeing  them  coming  rushed  at  them  and  attacked  them,  crying, 
"Let  us  die  rather  than  let  Great  Kisane  be  destroyed.'  The  soldiers  sur- 


(1)   Hist,  du  district  de  Daron.    Transl.  V   LANGLOIS,  p.  350. 

—  125  — 


"rounded  the  priests  and  killed  six  of  them."  After  which  "the  soldiers 
"overturned  the  Gates  of  Death.  Thereupon  the  demons  raised  their 
"voices,  crying:  'Though  you  drive  us  hence,  there  will  be  no  rest  for 
"those  who  would  dwell  here.'  It  seems  incredible!  Like  the  city  gates 
"through  which  pour  hosts  of  soldiers,  this  place  was  the  Demons'  Gate, 
"their  number  was  as  great  at  Kisane  as  in  the  depths  of  the  abyss." 
Unfortunately  the  prophecy  of  the  devils  of  Kisane  seems  to  have  come 
true,  for  Armenia  has  never  yet  found  rest. 

Although  Gregory's  campaign  was  intended  to  convert  the  people 
and  overthrow  paganism,  yet  the  satraps  were  not  disdainful  of  the 
riches  piled  up  in  the  temples. 

Zenobius  continues:  "Next  day  a  pagan  priest  was  brought  to  the 
"prince  of  Siunia  (1);  they  [the  Christians]  pressed  him  to  tell  where  the 
"treasures  were  hidden  and  disclose  the  door  leading  to  the  underground 
"chamber.  He  refused  and  died  on  the  gallows  under  torture.  They 
"were  consequently  unable  to  discover  the  treasures." 

As  regards  the  lands  belonging  to  the  pagan  sanctuaries,  the  new 
churches  were  the  beneficiaries.  "After  laying  the  foundation  of  the 
church  and  placing  relics  thereon,  St.  Gregory  erected  a  wooden  cross  at 
its  entrance,  on  the  spot  formerly  occupied  by  the  idol  Kisane,  and  ap- 
pointed as  church  administrators  Antony  and  Gronites.  He  made  Epi- 
phanes  the  Superior  of  the  monastery,  and  gave  him  forty-three  monks, 
also  granting  him  twelve  villages  to  supply  the  monastery's  needs." 

The  Armenian  writer  goes  on  to  enumerate  the  villages  distributed 
to  the  new  clergy;  altogether  they  amount  to  12,298  houses,  and  are  able 
to  furnish  5,470  horsemen  and  3,807  infantry,  a  small  array  of  over  9,000 
men.    The  chronicler  adds: 

"All  these  villages  had  been  from  their  inception  affected  to  the  Idols' 
"service.  The  princes  confirmed  the  granting  of  them  to  the  churches, 
"and  St.  Gregory  arranged  accordingly." 

"Afterwards",  said  Korioun  (2),  "it  was  decided  to  fight  the  bold  and 
"insolent  sect  of  the  Borborides.  [This  sect  made  its  appearance  in  the 
"2nd  century  and  denied  the  last  judgment.]  Those  who  would  not 
"yield  to  the  word  of  truth  were  given  over  to  terrible  punishment,  to 
"imprisonment,  chains,  and  all  kinds  of  torture.  If  these  Godless  men 
"then  refused  to  turn  to  their  own  deliverance,  they  were  burned,  or  else 


(1)  Armenian  noble  belonging  to  the  bishop's  escort. 

(2)  KORIOUN,  Biogr.  de  Mesrob.  Transl.  LANGLOIS.  Historiens  de  TArmenie, 
vol.  II,  p.  11. 

—  126  — 


"incarcerated  or  driven  from  the  country,  after  being  put  to  all  manner 
of  shame." 

The  king  helped  Gregory  to  build  the  city 
FOUNDING  OF  of  Etchmiadzin  (i.e.  "the  place  where  the  Only 

THE   PATRIARCHAL     Son    descended")    and    ancient   Vagharchapat 
SEE  OF  ETCH-  became  the  holy  city  of  the  Armenians,  the 

MIADZIN  nation's  intellectual  center.  An  immense  group 

of  churches  end  cloisters  built  during  the  cen- 
turies, together  with  edifices  in  great  number,  the  present-day  residences 
of  archbishops,  bishops,  archimandrites,  priests,  and  monks,  such  is  Etch- 
miadzin, the  seat  of  the  Armenian  Catholicos.  159  patriarchs  in  succession 
have  held  office,  from  St.  Gregory  (A.D.  302-305)  to  Guevorg  V  (1912). 
This  ecclesiastical  dignity  can  only  be  compared  in  Christendom  to  the 
papacy,  but  whereas  the  successor  of  St.  Peter  only  mixes  incidentally 
with  politics,  the  Catholicos  of  Armenia  at  Etchmiadzin  has  been  forced 
by  circumstances  on  many  occasions  to  act  as  a  ruler  in  behalf  of  his  nation 
long  deprived  of  political  rights.  The  consequence  has  been  that  his  office 
has  become  invested  with  very  great  powers.  The  seat  of  the  Catholicos 
has  not  always,  however,  remained  at  Etchmiadzin;  it  was  later  trans- 
ferred to  Dovin,  to  Ani,  to  Akhtamar,  or  to  Sis,  maintaining  everywhere 
its  great  place  in  the  moral  and  Intellectual  life  of  the  nation. 

Today  the  sees  of  Sis,  Jerusalem,  and  Constantinople  recognize,  it 
is  true,  the  primacy  of  the  patriarch  of  Etchmiadzin,  but  actually  they  are 
autonomous  (1). 

Having  finished  his  work,  Gregory  entrusted  the  patriachate  to  his 
son  Aristaces  who  had  been  his  suffragan  since  the  year  318  and  had  in 
that  capacity  been  present  in  325  at  the  famous  Council  of  Nicaea,  whence 
emanated  the  summaries  of  faith  adopted  by  the  Armenians.  He  then 
retired  to  the  grotto  of  Mount  Sepouh  in  Upper  Armenia,  and  died  not 
long  after. 

The  king  looked  on  the  conversion  of  Armenia  as  a  political  step. 
By  giving  the  country  a  national  religion,  TIrldates  liberated  her  from 


(1)  The  Catholicos  of  Etchmiadzin  alone  has  the  title  of  "Catholicos  and  Su- 
preme Patriarch  of  all  the  Armenians",  being  the  head  of  the  Armenian  Church. 
The  patriarch  of  Jerusalem  is  a  local  patriarch,  while  that  of  Sis  is  regional  (for 
Cilicia).  The  patriarch  of  Constantinople  is  the  civil  and  religious  head  of  the 
Armenians  of  Constantinople  and  of  all  those  in  Turkey. 

Over  a  year  ago  (1916),  the  Turkish  government  abolished  the  office  of  Catho- 
licos at  Sis  and  the  patriarchate  of  Constantinople,  and  issued  a  decree  naming  the 
Patriarch  of  Jerusalem  as  Catholicos  of  all  the  Armenians  in  Turkey,  with  only  a 
vicar  at  Constantinople. 

—  127  — 


foreign  influence,  for  Rome  according  to  native  writers  still  remained 
heathen  for  some  years,  and  Persia  had  restored  the  religion  of  Zoro- 
aster. It  meant  therefore  asserting  Armenian  nationality  and  giving  Ha'ik's 
people  increased  individual  character  that  would  foster  their  racial  in- 
tegrity and  thereby  their  national  independence. 

Meanwhile  Tiridates'  conversion  to  Christianity,  together  with  that 
of  Constantine,  caused  the  Persians  anxiety  for  the  future.  To  forestall 
the  danger  they  foresaw  in  an  alliance  of  Christian  rulers  against  Ormuzd- 
worshiping  Iran,  their  emissaries  inveigled  a  large  number  of  princes  and 
high  officials  of  Armenia  into  a  plot  for  the  restoration  of  paganism  in  the 
lands  of  Ararat.  According  to  Agathangelus,  Tiridates  was  murdered 
when  out  hunting,  probably  at  the  instigation  of  the  Persians,  but  this 
assassination  had  no  success  in  restoring  the  old  worship,  for  the  king's 
death  was  a  cause  for  national  mourning  throughout  the  country. 

"The  body  of  Tiridates,"  says  the  writer  of  this  king's  biography, 
''was  transferred  to  Thortan,  and  placed  in  a  silver-mounted  coffin 
"adorned  with  precious  stones,  which  was  drawn  by  golden-harnessed 
"mules.  Bodies  of  armed  soldiers  with  standards  escorted  it  on  both  sides, 
"while  ahead  of  the  coffin  funeral  songs  were  chanted,  and  incense  was 
"burned  .  .  .  Behind  the  bier  trumpets  and  harps  played  dirges  to  the 
"accompaniment  of  voices  of  weeping  women  .  .  ." 

The  Sassanid  government's  aim  in  opposing  the  Christian  religion  was, 
as  we  see,  political.  Every  time  the  Persians  made  a  victorious  entry  into 
Armenia,  their  troops  were  accompanied  by  Mazdean  priests  commanded 
by  their  King  of  Kings  to  implant  the  Iranian  religion  in  the  country, 
lest  if  it  remained  Christian  it  should  become  the  advance  post  of  Roman 
power  against  Persia.  Along  with  the  Christians,  the  remnants  of  ad- 
herents to  the  ancestral  heathen  faith  of  Armenia  were  also  included  in 
the  Mazdean  persecution. 

"Ardashir  (Artaxerxes  I),"  says  Moses  of  Khoren,  "widens  the 
"temple  functions,  and  orders  the  fire  of  Ormuzd  to  burn  continually  on 
"the  altar  of  Pakaran.  As  for  the  statues  erected  at  Armavir  by  Valarsace 
"(Vagharchak)  to  his  ancestors,  and  to  the  sun  and  moon,  which  had  been 
"transferred  first  to  Pakaran  and  then  to  Ardashad,  Ardashir  demolishes 
"them.  Our  country  is  placed  under  tribute  to  him  by  decree,  and  his 
"authority  imposed  everywhere."  (1) 

These  attempts  of  the  Ctesiphon  court  to  bring  back  Armenia  into 


(1)   MOSES  OF  KHOREN,  II,  77.    Transl.  LANGLOIS,  I,  49. 

—  128  — 


the  Persian  sphere  of  influence  by  converting  it  to  Mazdeism,  went  on 
as  long  as  the  Sassanid  dynasty  lasted. 

"At  a  fixed  time,  the  sixth  month,"  says  Elisha  Vartabed  (2),  "they 
"[the  Persian  satraps  and  magi]  sought  to  enforce  a  royal  order  that  in 
"all  places  under  the  dominion  of  the  Great  King  (3)  all  church  cere- 
"monies  be  abolished,  the  doors  of  temples  of  worship  be  closed  and  sealed, 
"the  sacred  ornaments  be  delivered  to  the  treasury  officers,  and  that  all 
"psalm-singing  be  forbidden.  The  priests  were  to  give  no  further  in- 
"struction  to  the  people  in  their  homes,  and  the  books  of  the  true  prophets 
"were  no  longer  to  be  read  to  them.  Men  and  women  dedicated  to  Christ 
"and  living  in  monasteries  were  to  change  their  garb  for  that  of  laymen. 
"Also  governors'  wives  were  to  be  instructed  in  the  doctrine  of  the  Magi, 
"while  the  latter  were  to  teach  publicly  the  sons  and  daughters  both  of  the 
"nobility  and  the  people.  The  institution  of  holy  matrimony  received  of 
"their  fathers  according  to  the  tenets  of  Christianity  was  to  be  abolished, 
"and  instead  of  having  one  wife  only,  each  man  should  have  several  so 
"that  the  Armenian  nation  be  increased;  also  that  there  be  marriages  of 
"fathers  and  daughters,  brothers  and  sisters,  mothers  and  sons,  and  grand- 
"fathers  and  grand-daughters.  No  animals  were  to  be  killed  for  food 
"without  being  first  sacrificed,  and  no  dough  must  be  kneaded  without 
"wearing  the  phantam  (1).  Manure  must  not  be  used  for  fuel.  Beavers, 
"foxes,  and  hares  must  not  be  killed.  All  snakes,  lizards,  frogs,  ants, 
"and  vermin  of  every  sort  must  be  exterminated,  while  one's  hands  must 
"be  washed  in  cow's  urine.  (2) 

Thus  new-born  Christianity 
in  Armenia  was  threatened  from 
its  cradle  both  by  Mazdeism  and 
the  old  pagan  beliefs  that  still 
smouldered.  Faustus  of  Byzan- 
tium informs  us  in  fact  that  more 
than  a  century  after  the  Illumi- 
nator's death,  the  worshipers  of 
the  Ha'ikian  gods  attempted  up- 
risings. One  of  the  revolts  took 
place  during  the  patriarchate  of 
Schahag   I  of  Manazkert   (373- 


DRACHMA  OF  THE  SASSANID  TYPE  OF 
THE  GEORGIAN  ERISTHAW  GOURGEN 


(2)  Transl    LANGLOIS,  Hist.  Armen.,  vol.  I,  p.  99. 

(3)  Yezdedjerd. 

(1)  In  Zend:  peete-dane,  a  kind  of  veil  used  in  religious  ceremonies. 

(2)  In  order  not  to  defile  water. 


—  129  — 


DRACHMA  OF  THE  SASSANID  TYPE  OF 

THE  GEORGIAN  ERISTHAW 

STEPHANOS  I 


377);  but  all  such  attempts  were 
suppressed. 

We  are  without  any  archae- 
ological structural  remains  con- 
nected with  Armenia  during  the 
Sassanid  period,  but  a  few  rare 
coins  struck  by  the  rulers  of 
Iberia  show  that  in  those  days 
Persian  influence  extended  to  the 
foot  of  the  great  Caucasian  chain, 
and  consequently  to  Iran's  neigh- 
bor, Armenia.  One  of  these 
drachmas  minted  in  the  Persian  style,  bears  the  monogram  of  the  Eristhaw 
Gourgen  (3)  and  by  the  fire-altar  shown  on  the  reverse  of  the  coin  we  have 
proof  that  the  Iberians  hkewise  were  reached  by  Zoroastrian  preaching. 
On  another  coin  bearing  in  full  the  name  of  the  Eristhaw  Stephanos  1(1), 
the  pyre  is  replaced  by  the  Christian  cross. 

"The  recognition  of  Christianity  by  Tiridates 
THE  ARMENIAN      and  the  investiture  of  Gregory  the  Illuminator  with 
CHURCH  the  title  of  Chief  Bishop  brought  the  Armenian 

Church  into  being  without  any  intervention 
of  the  Greek  Church  such  as  later  occurred  in  the  Slavonic  countries  when 
Cyril  and  Methodius  preached  there.  The  founding  of  the  Armenian 
Church  was  therefore  a  national  undertaking,  and  the  investiture  given 
Gregory  by  the  Metropolitan  of  Caesarea  had  no  more  significance  than 
a  mere  act  of  ordination."  (2)  This  Church,  whose  dogma  at  first  was 
that  of  Rome  and  Byzantium,  separated  from  Constantinople  in  the  year 
491  on  account  of  the  Council  of  Chalcedon  (482),  for  it  refused  to  admit 
that  there  were  in  Jesus  Christ  a  single  person  and  a  single  nature.  Thus 
there  arose  a  separate  church  which  Orthodox  and  Catholics  alike  call  the 
Gregorian  Church  from  the  name  of  its  founder,  St.  Gregory,  but  which 
the  Armenians  name:  Hoi  Yekeghetzi,  or  Armenian  Church.  This  church 
has  produced  an  abundant  sacred  literature.  In  1166  the  patriarch  Nerses 
the  Gracious  set  forth  in  his  Outline  of  the  Armenian  Faith  the  ideas  of 
Ills  co-religionists  regarding  the  nature  cf  Christ. 


(3)    Contemporary  with  Hormisdas    (579-589). 

(1)  Contemporary  with  Chosroes  H    (591-628). 

(2)  K.  ASLAN,  Etudes  historiqites  sur  le  Peuple  armenien,  1909,  p.  250. 


—  130  — 


The  divergences  between  the  Armenian  and  Roman  Churches  relate 
to  questions  of  dogma.  The  Armenians  do  not  accept  the  Procession  of 
the  Holy  Ghost,  nor  do  they  believe  in  Purgatory.  It  is  the  dogma  of 
Incarnation,  however,  or  rather  the  belief  of  two  natures  and  one  person 
in  Christ  which  makes  the  Catholics  consider  the  Armenians  as  schis- 
matics, or  at  least  as  dissenters.  Consequently  this  Church  does  not 
recognize  the  supremacy  of  the  Pope,  and  like  many  other  Eastern 
Christians,  distinguishes  between  the  essence  and  the  existence  of  the 
Church.  It  admits  the  oneness  of  Christianity  like  that  of  its  founder 
Jesus  Christ,  but  maintains  that  the  conditions  of  its  existence  vary  ac- 
cording to  the  rites,  discipline,  and  usages  of  each  individual  church. 

There  is  every  reason  to  believe  that  it  was  to  escape  both  from  Papal 
authority  and  that  of  Constantinople  that  the  Armenians  entrenched  them- 
selves in  creeds  that  could  only  be  discussed  or  even  understood  by  the 
nation's  intellectual  elite.  Christianity  separated  them  from  the  Persians, 
and  they  did  not  wish  to  come  under  Latin  or  Greek  domination.  We  shall 
see'  later  with  what  vigor  her  clergy  and  nobles  rejected  proposals  for 
union  with  Rome  or  Constantinople  when  they  were  made. 

I  have  been  compelled  to  ex- 
patiate somewhat  on  this  subject 
and  encroach  on  the  centuries  sub- 
sequent to  St.  Gregory's  time,  in 
order  to  show  the  position  held  by 
the  Armenian  Church  in  the  Chris- 
tian world.  The  divergences  sprang 
up  by  degrees  following  the  Council 
of  Chalcedon,  and  today  the  Ar- 
m.enian  faith  is  definitely  estab- 
lished as  independent  of  all  other 
Christian  churches  and  as  a  national  Church. 

Tiridates  III  had  a  very  agitated  reign.  After  two  years  on  the 
throne  (250-252),  he  was  driven  out  by  the  Persians  and  for  nine  years 
(252-261),  Sapor  I  (240-271)  was  in  military  occupation  of  Armenia.  The 
Armenian  king  regained  his  throne  (283-294),  again  lost  it  (294-298), 
and  finally  with  Roman  help  reigned  uninterruptedly  for  thirty-two  years 
(298-330). 

The  Emperor  Valerian's  disgraceful  capture  (Valerian  253-260)  had 
encouraged  Sapor,  who  with  Mesopotamia  and  Armenia  at  his  mercy  pro- 


DRACHMA  OF  THE  SASSANID 
KING  SAPOR  I 


131   — 


ARTAVAZD 

VI   (252 

-261) 


ceeded  to  ravage  Cilicla,  Syria,  and  Cappadocia,  and  to  seize  Antioch  and 
Caesarea,  but  he  deemed  it  wise  to  spare  the  Armenians 
and  therefore   did  not  deprive   them  of   their   liberties. 
Artavazd  VI  (252-261),  of  the  Armenian  royal  house  was 
put  on  the  throne  by  the  Persian  army,  while  Sapor  in 
person  marched  against  Syria.    The  king  of  Persia  was 
defeated  at  the  siege  of  Edessa,  and  Ode- 
nath,  king  of  Palmyra,  compelled  him  to 
return  to  his  dominions.    Odenath  had  re- 
mained faithful  to  the  Emperor  Gallienus 
and  been  appointed  king  of  Palmyra  by 
the  Romans.    The  Emperor  granted  him 
the  title  of  Augustus,  and  made  him  his 
lieutenant  in  the  East.    With  the  help  of 
the  legions  placed  under  him,  this  ruler 
restored  Syria  to  the  Romans,  raised  the 
siege  of  Edessa,  and  having  conquered  a 
part  of  Armenia,  drove  out  the  Persians  along  with  their  puppet-king 
Artavazd  VI. 


COIN  OF  VABALATH,  SON  OF 
QUEEN  ZENOBIA,  KING  OF 
PALMYRA 
EMPEROR 


Odenath  was  assassinated,  however,  at  Emesa  (226-267)  and  Queen 
Zenobia,  less  prudent  than  her  husband,  claimed  in  behalf  of  her  son 
Vabalath  the  provinces  he  had  conquered,  including  Syria,  Arabia,  Cilicia, 
Cappadocia,  and  also  Armenia  which  remained  under  the  rule  of  Palmyra 
for  eleven  years  (261-272). 


/^^ 


COIN   OF 

ZENOBIA 

QUEEN  OF 

PALMYRA 


Zenobia's  ambitions  aroused  Rome's  wrath,  and 
Aurelian  destroyed  her  capital  city  in  the  year  273, 
whereupon  Armenia  came  again  under  Roman  rule. 
Probus  and  Carus  then  restored  the  kingdom  and  in 
331-339  Chosroes  II  the  Younger  occupied  the  throne. 
He  was  succeeded  by  Tiran  (340-350),  Archak  II  (351- 
367),  Pap  (369-374),  Varazdat  (374-378),  Archak  III 
(378-389),  Vagharchak  (378-386)  the  rival  of  Archak 
III,  and  then  Chosroes  III  (386-392  and  414-415).  In 
this  period  Armenia,  while  keeping  her  kings,  was  di- 


vided (387)  between  the  Persians  and  Romans. 


132  — 


Vramchapouh  (Varahran-Sapor)  was  on  the 
S"^  SAHAK  I  throne  (392-414)  when  a  highly  important  event 

AND  S'*'  MESROP  took  place,  the  invention  of  the  Armenian  alpha- 
bet, which  gave  a  great  impetus  to  the  nation, 
increasing  its  self-consciousness  and 
giving  it  a  literature.  Sahak  I,  called 
the  Great,  (387-428  and  432-439) 
who  was  then  Catholicos  of  Ar- 
menia, had  called  to  assist  him  as 
Co-adjutor,  Vartabed  (Doctor) 
Mesrop,  an  apostle,  scholar,  and 
man  of  letters  who  knew  Greek, 
Persian,  and  Syriac,  besides  the 
speech  of  his  fellow-countrymen. 
Sahak  entrusted  him  with  the  task 
of  composing  a  special  alphabet  for  the  Armenian  language,  so  that  the 
Scriptures  might  be  translated  therein.  Hitherto  only  the  Greek  and  Syriac 
versions  had  been  used,  and  the  necessity  for  the  priests  to  know  those  two 
languages  and  translate  them  verbally  hindered  considerably  their  work 
of  preaching  and  explaining  Holy  Writ. 


GOLDEN  COIN  OF  THE  SASSINID 
KING   OF  PERSIA   CHOSROES   II 


INVENTION  OF 

ARMENIAN 

WRITING 


Mesrop  utilizing  a  table  of  twenty-two 
letters  suggested  to  him  by  a  priest  named  Daniel, 
composed  a  thirty-six  letter  alphabet  in  which  each 
sound  of  the  Armenian  language  was  represented. 
Later  on,  at  the  end  of  the  12th  century,  the  gram- 
marians added  two  more  characters,  so  that  today  there  are  thirty-eight 
letters.  As  is  the  case  with  Zend  writing,  no  letter  is  accented,  the  differ- 
ent tone-values  of  the  vowels  being  shown  by  different  characters.  Mes- 
rop had  the  Latin,  Greek,  Zend,  and  Indian  alphabets  to  choose  from, 
and  did  so  but  added  special  signs  of  his  own  composition  while  also 
changing  somewhat  those  he  borrowed.  He  thus  created  an  alphabet 
adapted  to  Armenian  pronunciation,  and  this  step  not  only  hindered  the 
spread  of  the  language  but  further  separated  the  Armenian  people  from 
their  neighbors  both  on  the  east  and  west,  and  strengthened  their  national 
individuality.  Georgia  also  had  its  own  alphabet  which  though  it  has 
some  general  resemblance  to  the  Armenian  is  nevertheless  altogether 
different.  Moreover  the  two  writings  developed  in  opposite  ways,  the 
Georgian  characters  soon  becoming  less  angular  and  more  flowing,  while 


—  133  — 


the  Armenian  remained  square  until  the  modern  cursive  was  adopted. 

The  inventor  of  the  alphabet  himself  translated  the  book  of  Proverbs 
and  the  New  Testament,  and  under  his  guidance  the  rest  of  the  Scriptures 


'il''ri,ii' '♦■'•'  ■'  r   'r    r'  r  ^ 


Lf-Mi. 


ARMENIAN  INSCRIPTION  AT  ANI    (A.D.  622) 
(from  a  photograph  by  K.  J.  Basmadjian) 


were  written  in  Armenian,  young  men  having  been  previously  sent  forth  to 
Edessa,  Caesarea,  Antioch,  Alexandria,  and  Constantinople,  to  seek  out 
copies  of  the  sacred  writings  and  especially  of  the  Septuagint  version  of  the 
Bible,  all  of  which  the  Persians  had  systematically  destroyed  throughout 
their  empire. 

Though  Armenian  literary  endeavors  were  first  confined  to  religious 
writings,  a  start  had  nevertheless  been  made,  and  soon  there  arose  a 
secular  literature. 

This  was  a  new  dawn  for  Armenia.  At  the  time  that  her  religious 
freedom  was  violently  threatened  by  Persian  Mazdeism,  king  Vram- 
chapouh  and  the  patriarch  Sahak,  both  of  them  foresighted  patriots, 
realized  that  unless  Armenia  segregated  herself  through  intellectual  de- 
velopment from  her  powerful  neighbors,  both  her  Christianity  and  her 
nationality  would  perish.  The  king  and  the  patriarch  in  prompting  the 
discovery  of  a  national  alphabet  did  more  than  any  Maecenas,  they  saved 
their  whole  nation,  and  the  beneficent  results  of  their  influence  have  been 
manifest  down  through  the  centuries  to  our  day.  These  two  men 
rank  among  the  greatest  figures  of  the  Armenian  people  when  one  con- 
siders the  consequences  of  their  work. 


—  134  — 


Two  rulers,  Sapor  or  Chapouh    (416-420) 

LAST  ARSACID         and  Artashes  IV  (423-429)  are  last  on  the  list 

KINGS  OF  ARMENIA    of  the  Arsacid  dynasty  of  Armenia.    Thereafter, 

416-429  in  the  part  of  the  country  under  Sassanid  rule, 

the  kings  were  replaced  by  Marzpans  or  Persian 

governors,   with    Armenians   occasionally    among    them.      Elsewhere,   the 

provinces  under  Greek  rule  were  governed  in  turn  by  Persians,  Armenians, 

or  Byzantines,  appointed  by  the  Basileus.     In  652 

THE  MARZPANS      ihe  succession  of  Marzpans  comes  to  an  end,  as 

does  that  of  the  Roman  prefects  in  653.     In  those 

years  the  whole  of  Armenia  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  Moslems,  upon  the 

crushing  defeats   inflicted   at   Kerbalah   and   Nehavend    on   the   army  of 

Yezdedjerd  IV,  the  last  of  the  Sassanid  rulers. 

Nevertheless  this  era  of  Marzpans  and  Byzantine  governors  lasting 
two  centuries  was  an  honorable  one  for  Armenia,  even  though  the  country 
was  no  longer  self-governed  and  retained  only  its  language  and  religion 
as  outward  signs  of  nationality.  The  Sassanid  rulers,  who  imagined  they 
could  overcome  the  Armenians  by  converting  them  to  Mazdeism,  ordered 
their  governors  to  stamp  out  Christianity  in  their  respective  provinces, 
and  started  persecutions  at  the  same  time  in  Persia  proper.  Yezdedjerd 
II  (440-457),  then  on  the  throne  of  Iran,  issued  a  decree  commanding  all 
Christians  in  his  dominions  to  embrace  the  Mazdean  religion.  This  was 
the  signal  for  a  violent  revolt  in  Armenia;  the  Persians 
VARDAN  and  their  Magi  were  massacred,  the  fire  temples  de- 

MAMIKONIAN  stroyed,  and  the  people  flew  to  arms  under  Vardan 
Maraikonian.  This  brave  prince  and  his  small  army, 
however,  were  overwhelmed  near  the  city  of  Avara'ir  (455)  in  Media 
Minor,  Vardan  being  killed  in  combat  along  with  thousands  of  his  men. 
Vardan  Mamikonian  through  his  mother  was  the  grandson  of  the 
Patriarch  Sahak  and  one  of  the  most  influential  noblemen  of  Armenia, 
his  authority  in  the  nation  being  enhanced  by  the  esteem  and  trust  in  which 
he  was  held  by  the  people.  Being  in  command  of  the  Armenian  troops 
and  raised  to  the  rank  of  Stratelat  or  general  by  Emperor  Theodosius  II, 
he  enjoyed  considerable  repute  both  at  the  Persian  court  and  that  of  Con- 
stantinople. He  was  one  of  the  national  delegates  who  went  to  plead  with 
Yezdedjerd  to  rescind  his  decree  again?t  Christianity.  His  efforts  were  in 
vain,  however,  and  only  after  exhausting  all  peaceable  means  did  he 
resort  to  arms.  Forsaken  and  betrayed,  even  by  one  of  his  own  liegemen, 
Vassak  SunI,  he  was  able  to  raise  only  a  small  force.    Yet  with  this  hand- 

—  135  — 


ful  of  men  he  had  the  courage  to  face  the  Persian  cohorts.  His  death  was 
a  severe  loss  for  Armenia,  but  the  battle  of  Aravair  saved  the  nation,  for 
the  Iranians  never  expecting  such  stout  resistance  had  to  stop  to  make  good 
their  losses.  Meanwhile  grave  danger  for  Persia  arose  on  her  eastern 
borders,  and  her  armies  had  to  rush  to  the  Oxus  plains  to  stop  the  Huns. 
Armenia  was  delivered  from  the  Magi  for  a  while.  The  memory  of 
Vardan's  supreme  sacrifice  and  that  of  his  fellow-soldiers  has  been  so 
ardently  cherished  that  to  the  present  time  the  Armenian  Church  cele- 
brates the  anniversary  of  the  battle  of  Aravair  and  pays  tribute  to  the 
heroes  who  fell  there. 

Under  king  Peroses   (458-488)   the  persecutions 
VARAN  were  resumed.    Vahan  Mamikonian,  Vardan's  neph- 

MAMIKONIAN  ew,  took  command  of  the  Armenian  troops,  called 
on  the  Iberians  to  help  the  Christian  cause,  and  car- 
ried on  the  fight.  He  met  with  fluctuating  success,  until  Vologeses  (488-491), 
succeeding  Peroses  who  was  killed  fighting  the  Hephtalites,  deemed  it 
wiser  to  tolerate  Christianity  in  his  dominions  and  especially  in  Armenia 
where  the  Magi  for  nearly  half  a  century  had  kept  up  a  war  that  had 
cost  the  Persian  kingdom  dear.  Thus  again  the  bravery  of  the  Mami- 
konians  had  delivered  the  nation.  From  then  on,  till  the  Arabian  in- 
vasion, Armenia  had  self-government  under  the  supreme  supervision  of  the 
Persian  governor,  and  enjoyed  a  period  of  prosperity. 


—  136  — 


CHAPTER  V 

The  Arab  Conquest.  —  Armenia  a  Province  of  the 
Empire  of  the  Caliphs. 

Ever  since  the  Armenians  conquered  the  Ararat  country,  life  had 
been  very  hard  and  uncertain  for  them  the  greater  part  of  the  time. 
Nevertheless,  although  constantly  obliged  to  struggle  to  maintain  their 
independence,  they  had  been  for  only  brief  periods  in  a  state  of  complete 


oMirkO¥ 


S-^"  a  TsgritsJii 


EMPIRE  OF  THE  ARABS 

subjugation,  for  both  Persians  and  Romans  had  deemed  it  wiser  to  leave 
them  practically  free  under  governors  who  very  often  were  chosen  from 
among  their  own  princes.    Consequently  the  Armenians  were  able  to  look 


137  — 


on  themselves  as  allies  in  turn  of  the  Emperor  or  of  the  "King  of  Kings", 
rather  than  the  subjects  of  either.  But  with  the  entry  of  the  Arabs  into 
the  political  scene,  Armenia's  lot  takes  on  a  darker  hue.  The  Moslems 
henceforward  considered  the  Christians  of  the  countries  which  they  con- 
quered as  their  slaves,  and  for  over  a  thousand  years  thereafter  used 
every  means  and  stopped  at  no  manner  of  persecution  to  win  them  over 
to  Islam,  while  the  Armenians  clung  all  the  more  steadfastly  to  their  re- 
ligion as  the  last  bulwark  of  their  nationality. 

Enslaved  by  the  Arabs,  they  nevertheless  had  one  splendid  burst 
of  freedom  towards  the  end  of  the  9th  century,  which  lasted  nearly  two 
hundred  years.  From  885  to  1064,  they  took  advantage  of  the  confusion 
caused  by  the  arrival  of  the  Turks  and  became  their  own  masters  in  at 
least  a  part  of  their  ancestral  domain.  The  very  events,  however,  which 
ensured  their  temporary 
freedom  proved  their  even- 
tual ruin,  for  having  thrown 
off  the  Arab  yoke,  they 
were  to  succumb  to  that  of 
the  Turks  and  suffer  there- 
under down  to  modern 
times.  Armenia's  martyr- 
dom began  actually  in  A.D. 
645,  when  the  standard  of 
the  Prophet  appeared  in 
the  region  of  Van. 

Mahomet's  fanatical  Arabian  tribes  spread  like  a  flood  over  western 
Asia.  They  vanquished  Yezdedjerd  IV  on  the  plains  of  Kerbalah,  and  at 
Nehavend  consummated  the  ruin  of  the  Sassanid  monarchy  exhausted 
both  by  the  attacks  of  Emperor  Heraclius  and  the  disorder  that  reigned 
at  the  Persian  court.  The  Emirs  continued  their  conquests  towards  India, 
and  the  whole  East  was  subdued.  On  the  north  and  west,  however,  they 
found  serious  obstacles  in  their  way.  The  Eastern  Roman  Empire  with  its 
tremendous  influence  and  great  cultural  advantages,  although  much  absorb- 
ed on  the  Danube  and  in  Thrace  by  the  invading  barbarians  from  the 
north,  nevertheless  offered  the  Mahometan  invaders  resistance  that  was 
destined  to  hold  out  for  centuries.  Though  in  possession  of  Syria,  the  Mos- 
lem chieftains  did  not  yet  dare  to  attack  Asia  Minor  and  march  on  Con- 
stantinople. The  eastern  provinces  of  the  Empire  being  more  vulnerable, 
they  overran  Armenia. 


COIN  OF  YEZDEDJERD  IV 
LAST  SASSANID  KING  OF  PERSIA 


138  — 


About  639,  eighteen  thousand  Arabs  led  by 
ARAB  CONQUEST      Abd-er-Rahman  invaded  the  Taron  district  and 
A.D.  639  Lake  Van  region  from  Assyria,  and  put  the  coun- 

try to  fire  and  sword.  The  Armenians  had  never 
before  met  in  battle  these  penniless  and  ill-clad  warriors,  of  such  un- 
equalled daring  and  fired  with  a  fanaticism  hitherto  unknown  among  the 
older  nations.  The  Persians  and  Romans  found  it  to  their  advantage  to 
show  the  Armenians  some  Httle  consideration,  for  in  war  they  were  alter- 
nately their  subjects  or  their  allies,  but  the  sons  of  the  desert  knew  no 
restraints  with  regard  to  these  infidels  sharing  the  same  religion  and  mode 
of  life  as  their  enemies  the  Greeks. 

Bishop  Sebeos  (1),  the  only  Armenian  historian  to  give  us  any  ac- 
count of  the  Arab  conquests  which  he  witnessed,  bitterly  laments  his  coun- 
try's sorrowful  fate.  On  January  6th,  642,  the  Arabs  took  the  city  of  Tovin 
by  storm,  slaughtered  twelve  thousand  of  its  inhabitants  and  carried  away 
thirty-five  thousand  into  slavery. 

"Who  could  tell,"  wrote  the  bishop,  "all  the  horrors  of  the  Ishmaelite 
"invasion  setting  sea  and  earth  ablaze?  The  blessed  prophet  Daniel 
"foresaw  and  prophesied  these  very  plagues  ...  the  fourth  beast  dreadful 
"and  terrible,  Its  teeth  of  Iron  and  Its  nails  of  brass,  which  devoured, 
"brake  In  pieces,  and  stamped  with  Its  feet  .  .  .  This  beast  rising  from  the 
"south,  the  Ishmaelite  kingdom  . .  .  shall  be  mightier  than  all  kingdoms  and 
"shall  devour  the  whole  earth.  .  . 

"The  following  year  [643],  the  Ish- 
"maellte  army  entered  Atrpatakan  (Azer- 
"baidjan)  and  headed  in  three  directions: 
"one  division  towards  Ararat,  another  Into 
"the  land  of  the  Sephhakan-Gund  and  the 
"third  into  the  country  of  the  Aluans.  Those 
"who  invaded  the  Sephhakan-Gund  over- 
^^^CONSTA™^n^^^  "^an  that  territory,  put  the  people  to  the 

"sword,  and  took  booty  and  prisoners.^ 
"They  then  all  marched  on  Erewan  [Erivan]  and  attacked  the  fortress, 
"but  unsuccessfully."  Constans  II  (641-668),  who  was  Emperor  at  Con- 
stantinople at  the  time.  Indeed  sent  some  troops  to  Armenia,  but  they 
arrived  in  Irregular  fashion  and  the  Imperial  prefect,  Sembat,  feeling  him- 
self too  weak  to  withstand   the   Moslem  onslaught,   forsook  the  Greek 


( 1 )   Hr<?foire  cTH'rnclUis.    Transl.  Fr.  MACLER,  Paris,  1904. 

—    139  — 


cause  and  submitted  and  paid  tribute  to  the  Caliph  Omar.     The  latter 
was  shortly  thereafter  succeeded  by  Othman  I  (Nov.  9,  644.) 

"The  (Arab)  division  in  the  Ararat  region  invaded  the 
A.D.  644  "territory  of  the  Taians,  the  Georgians,  and  the  Aluans, 
"plundering  and  taking  prisoners.  They  then  proceeded  to 
"Nakhtchawan  .  .  .  but  failed  to  capture  the  city.  They  took,  however, 
"the  city  of  Khram,  killed  the  defenders  and  carried  away  captive  the 
"women  and  children." 

Nevertheless,  the  Byzantine  court  saw  the  great  danger  to  the  Em- 
pire if  the  Arabs  were  allowed  to  plant  themselves  on  the  Erzerum  pla- 
teau and  threaten  the  Pontine  provinces.  Incensed  against  the  Armenians, 
Constans  II  determined  to  regain  that  province  by  force  of  arms,  and  to 
compel  its  Inhabitants  to  embrace  the  Orthodox  religion,  hoping  thus  to 
have  them  more  closely  on  his  side.  He  met  with  no  success  as  regards 
their  religion,  but  the  new  prefect  Hamazasp  who  was  finding  the  tribute 
demanded  by  the  Moslems  too  heavy,  came  over  to  the  Emperor.  In 
reprisal  the  Caliph  Othman  had  1,775  Armenian  hostages  slaughtered  and 
was  about  to  take  the  field  against  the  rebels 
when  he  was  murdered  by  his  soldiers.  His 
second  successor,  Mohawlah,  the  first  of 
the  Bagdad  Caliphs,  followed  up  his  in- 
tentions and  devastated  Armenia,  dispos- 
sessing Justin  II.  The  latter  from  his  pal- 
ace summoned  the  unhappy  inhabitants  to 
come  back  to  their  allegiance  to  him.  The 
Armenians  replied  (1):  "How  often,  under 
"the  government  of  the  Greeks  we  have  had  in  our  worst  calamities  only 
"the  barest  assistance!  Frequently,  on  the  contrary,  our  obedience 
"has  been  requited  only  with  Insults.  To  swear  fealty  to  you  is  but  to 
"court  ruin  and  death.  Leave  us  therefore  under  our  present  masters  and 
"under  their  protection." 

This  prudent  reply  from  a  people  oppressed  in  turn  by  both  Byzan- 
tines and  Arabs  only  exasperated  the  Basileus.    He  sent  a  Greek  army 


COIN  OF  EMPEROR 
JUSTIN  11 


(1)  JOHN  VI,  Catholicos,  chap.  XIII. 

—  140 


COIN   OF  EMPEROR 
JUSTINIAN  II 


into  Armenia,  ravaged  the  country,  car- 
ried off  what  little  wealth  the  Moslems 
had  overlooked,  and  capturing  eight  thou- 
sand families  sent  them  to  distant  lands 
to  be  sold  into  slavery. 

Meanwhile  the  Arabs  thinking  the 
Armenians  were  seeking  to  evade  their 
authority,  again  overran  the  Ararat  re- 
gion spreading  death  and  desolation  in 
their  wake.  They  razed  a  number  of 
cities,  destroyed  the  fortress  of  Sevan,  enslaving  its  defenders.  At  the 
same  time  the  new  emperor,  Justinian  II,  stubbornly  maintaining  the 
Greek  grievance  of  the  Armenians'  rejection  of  the  Orthodox  creed,  caused 
the  Patrician  Leontius  to  devastate  Upper  Armenia,  Iberia,  and  Albania, 
countries  that  had  also  been  obliged  to  submit  to  the  power  of  the  Caliphs. 
Thus  the  Armenians  not  only  had  to  suffer  persecution  from  the  Moslems 
because  they  were  Christians,  but  also  from  the  Greeks  because  of  their 
unpardonable  adherence  to  their  national  mode  of  worship. 

The  Byzantine  court  at  this  period  displayed  the  most  savage  re- 
ligious intolerance;  fierce  hatred  inflamed  the  Greeks  against  those  peoples 
whose  creeds  did  not  coincide  with  theirs,  and  also  spread  armed  strife 
among  themselves.  These  passions  and  the  resulting  futile  wrangling? 
were  weakening  the  Empire,  but  the  Emperors  and  the  people  alike  were 
infatuated  with  the  subtleties  of  casuistry,  even  while  dangerous  enemies 
were  bearing  down  on  every  frontier. 

Greek  domination  in  Armenia,  more- 
over, did  not  last  long.  The  Basileus  after 
five  years  of  hateful  oppression  withdrew 
his  legions,  and  the  Ommiad  Caliph  Abd- 
el-Melek  once  more  invaded  the  country. 
He  occupied  Tovin  and  drove  out  the  Ro- 
man prefect,  appointing  as  provincial  gov- 
ernor Abd-Allah,  a  cruel  ruler  who  sent  the 
Armenian  notables  as  prisoners  to  Damas- 
cus. The  Catholicos  Isaac  and  Prince  Sembat  were  among  the  captives, 
but  the  latter  succeeded  in  making  his  escape,  and  was  in  A.D.  695  again 
placed  over  Armenia  by  the  Emperor  Leontius  who  had  usurped  the  Im- 
perial throne. 


COIN  OF  THE  OMMIAD 
CALIPH  ABDEL-MELEK 


—  141 


In  702,  the  Emir  Mohammed-ben-Okba  who 
MOHAMMED-  had  been  named  governor  of  Mesopotamia  by  Abd- 
BEN-AKBA,  702  el-Melek  was  driven  out  by  the  legions.  Taking  ad- 
vantage, however,  of  the  departure  of  the  Greek 
army,  he  regained  power  and  proceeded  to  establish  it  further  by  a  reign 
of  terror  and  nameless  cruelties.  At  Nakhitchevan  he  shut  up  the  principal 
Armenians  in  the  church  and  set  fire  to  the  building,  burning  them  alive. 
And  all  the  while  Byzantium  was  arguing  over  questions  of  dogma  with 
the  Armenian  clergy!  Church  synods  were  being  convened  to  discuss 
whether  or  not  water  should  be  added  to  the  wine  in  the  celebration  of 
the  Mass,  and  whether  there  should  be  added  to  the  Sanctus  the  words: 
qui  CTUcifixus  es. 

Neither  was  religion  the  sole  concern  of  the  Catholicos.  The  high 
clergy  went  in  for  politics,  and  he,  just  as  much  carried  away  as  his  Byzan- 
tine opponents,  intruded  the  spiritual  into  temporal  matters.  We  see 
later  on  Catholicos  John  VII  (1)  praising  the  Patriarch  Elias  for  having 
denounced  to  Caliph  Abd-el-Melek  the  queen  of  the  Aghouans  and  their 
patriarch  Nerses  Bakour,  as  being  friends  of  the  Greek  emperors  and 
enemies  of  the  Caliphs.  He  congratulates  Elias  in  having  them  put  in 
chains  on  the  grounds  of  their  attachment  tc  the  Council  of  Chalcedon! 
It  is  true  that  the  Armenian  people  clung  to  their  religious  beliefs  and 
could  not  see  beyond  them,  but  their  bishops  seized  every  opportunity  to 
fight  their  opponents  and  improve  their  own  position  with  the  Moslem 
rulers. 


The  struggle  between  the  Greeks  and  the  Arabs  had  from  the  very 
beginning  assumed  the  religious  character  which  has  ever  been  the  main 
strength  of  the  Mahometans.  For  centuries  and  centuries  Caliphs  and 
Sultans  derived  their  power  therefrom.  The  fanaticism  of  these  unciv- 
ilized men  of  the  desert  was  accompanied  by  boundless  pride  and  pro- 
found contempt  for  all  who  did  not  share  their  beliefs.  Bishop  Sebeos 
in  his  history  of  Heraclius  has  given  us  the  Armenian  translation  of  a 
letter  which  the  "King  of  the  Ishmaelites"  had  the  monstrous  audacity 
to  write  to  the  "Emperor  of  the  Greeks." 


(I)   Trand.  SAINT-MARTIN,  Aap.  XIII,  p.  88. 

—  142  — 


"If  you  desire  to  live  in  peace,"  he  wrote,  "give  up  your  vain  religion 
"in  which  you  have  been  reared  from  childhood.  Deny  this  Jesus  and  be 
"converted  to  the  great  God  whom  I  serve,  the  God  of  our  father  Abra- 
"ham.  Disband  your  big  armies  and  send  them  back  home,  and  I  will 
"make  you  a  great  chief  in  these  lands.  I  will  send  my  Osticans  (gover- 
"nors)  into  your  City;  I  will  gather  all  its  treasures  and  divide  them  into 
"four  parts,  three  for  myself  and  one  for  you.  I  will  also  assign  troops 
"to  you,  as  many  as  you  wish,  and  will  levy  on  you  such  tribute  as  you 
"can  pay.  Otherwise,  how  shall  this  Jesus  whom  you  call  Christ,  who 
"could  not  save  himself  from  the  Jews,  ever  be  able  to  save  you  from  my 
"hands?" 

The  old  Roman  civilization  was  thus  insulted  by  a  barbarian,  an  ig- 
norant fanatic,  full  of  pride  and  greed,  who  in  those  few  lines  expressed 
the  aims  of  his  fellow-religionists. 

"The  Emperor  took  the  letter,"  continues  Sebeos,  "and  entered  into 
"the  house  of  God,  where  he  fell  on  his  face  and  cried:  'Look,  O  Lord, 
"upon  the  dishonor  which  these  Ishmaelites  cast  on  Thee.  Have  com- 
"passion  on  us,  Lord,  as  we  hope  in  Thee.  Shame  their  faces,  O  God, 
"that  they  may  seek  Thy  name.  May  everlasting  shame  be  upon  them, 
"and  may  they  perish  in  infamy,  so  that  they  may  know  that  Thy  name 
"is  The  Lord,  and  that  Thou  alone  rulest  over  all  the  earth!"  He  re- 
moved his  crown,  laid  off  his  purple  robe,  and  put  on  sackcloth;  sitting  in 
ashes,  he  commanded  a  public  fast  throughout  Constantinople. 

The  Emperor's  attitude  was  as  ingenuous  as  that  of  the  Moslem,  but 
it  was  anything  but  criminal.  This  passage  from  the  Armenian  historian's 
pen  shows  how  warped  on  both  sides  were  the  concerns  of  the  age. 
Temporal  interests  indeed  remained  the  same,  but  they  were  hidden  be- 
hind religious  externals  over  which  the  masses  became  fanatical.  National 
honor  no  longer  stirred  men's  hearts  in  Constantinople,  and  something 
else  must  arouse  them.  Even  so  the  Arabs  opened  an  era  of  fanaticism 
and  dug  the  fathomless  cleavage  between  the  two  worlds,  of  Christian 
ideals  and  Moslem  aggression. 

There  were  nevertheless  sometimes  up- 

ASHOT,  right  men  among  the  Arabs.     One  such  was 

GOVERNOR,  A.D.  744      Merwan,  who  about  744  softened  conditions 

for  the   Armenians,    and   who  on   becoming 

—  143  — 


RUINS  OF  THE  CASTLE  OF  ANI 
(Taken  from  inside  the  town) 


Caliph  appointed  the  Bagratid  Ashot  as  governor  of  the  country.  His 
successors  did  not,  however,  follow  his  example;  they  loaded  the  Chris- 
tians of  their  Empire  with  crushing  taxes,  which  led  to  a  revolt  of  the 
Armenians.  Ashot,  although  one  of  themselves,  was  thrown  into  prison 
by  his  fellow-Armenians,  and  there  blinded.  This  revolt  was  quelled  in 
blood. 

The  Arab  governors  Soleiman  (766),  Bekir  (769),  and  Hassan 
(778)  treated  the  Armenians  with  incredible  harshness  and  gave  the 
inhabitants  over  to  the  cruelties  of  the  soldiery.  A  fresh  revolt  arose 
from  these  oppressions.  Mouschegh  the  Mamikonian  gathered  the  in- 
surgents around  him,  and  with  five  thousand  men  attacked  Hassan's 
troops  that  were  then  ravaging  the  Taron  district,  and  slaughtered  them. 
Under  the  weight  of  numbers,  however,  he  fell  in  combat,  and  his  son 
Ashot  carrying  on  his  father's  work  drove  the  Arabs  from  several  provinces, 
and,  on  the  banks  of  the  Arpa-tcha'i  in  the  district  of  Schirak,  fortified 
the  city  of  Ani  that  was  soon  to  become  the  capital  of  Armenia  and  the 
residence  of  the  patriarchs. 

The  site  of  Ani,  according  to  Armenian  chronicles, 
ANI,  had  been  inhabited  from  very  ancient  times,  and  its 

CAPITAL  OF       position    and    remarkable   natural    defenses    made    it 
ARMENIA  conspicuously  advantageous. 

The  Ani  plateau  surrounded  by  high  cliffs  Is 
bounded  on  the  south  and  east  by  the  river  Arpa-tchai,  a  swift  stream 
coming  down  from  the  lake   region  of  the  Lesser  Caucasus,   from  the 


144  — 


mountains  whose  northern  flanks  overlook  the  city  of  Alexandropol. 
On  the  west  another  deep  valley,  that  of  the  Aladja-tchai  (1),  bounded 
the  capital  city  which  on  the  southern  side  came  to  an  abrupt  end  by  a 
sharp  mountain  buttress  between  the  Arpa-tchai  and  its  tributary,  the 
Aladja-tchai.  Two  gorges,  whose  waters  flowed  down  into  each  of  these 
two  streams,  separated  the  promontory  from  the  neighboring  massif,  but 
these  two  natural  ditches  were  separated  at  the  head  of  their  respective 
waters  by  a  strip  of  land  about  600  yards  wide.  There  the  Armenians 
concentrated  every  means  of  defense,  building  a  double  wall  with  towers 
commanded  by  a  huge  keep  overlooking  the  chief  gate  of  the  city.  A 
smaller  enclosure  was  built  skirting  the  edge  of  the  cliff's,  while  upon  a 
hill  at  the  southern  end  of  this  great  spur  stood  the  citadel. 

The  city  was  about  185  acres  in  extent. 

We  do  not  know  of  what  ancient  Ani  consisted,  how  big  it  was,  or 
whether  the  city  covered  the  whole  plateau.  Possibly  it  comprised  only 
the  southern  point  commanded  by  the  hill  of  the  citadel,  and  traces  of  walls 
and  gates  still  to  be  seen  in  the  promontory's  narrowest  part  strengthen 
this  supposition.  But  it  is  quite  certain  that  the  northern  ramparts  pro- 
tecting the  town  were  commenced  under  king  Ashot  as  soon  as  he  had 
chosen  the  Ani  site  as  a  refuge  for  his  court,  because  this  portion  of  the 
enclosure  was  the  most  vulnerable,  in  fact  the  only  one  whereby  the 
enemy  could  attempt  an  entrance.  Sembat  II  (977-990)  finished  building 
these  walls. 

We  have  in  Europe  a  good  number  of  towns  still  surrounded  by  their 
medieval  fortifications,  e.g.  Avignon,  Aiguesmortes,  Carcassonne,  in  south- 
ern France  alone,  while  ruins  of  this  kind  are  also  numerous  in  the  East. 
Trebizond  still  has  its  ramparts  built  by  the  Comneni.  Military  remains 
are  all  that  is  left  of  Antioch,  and  on  the  mountain  overlooking  Tiflis  are 
to  be  seen  the  ruins  of  the  Acropolis  of  the  Georgians.  No  site,  however, 
Is  comparable  to  that  of  Ani  in  the  deep  impression  this  dead  city  makes 
on  the  traveler.  Lost  in  the  middle  of  a  vast  solitude,  it  bears  yet  the 
deep  wounds  it  received  at  its  hour  of  destruction. 


(1)   Dzaghkotza-Tsor,  the  valley  of  the  gardens. 


—  145  — 


SKETCH-MAP  OF  THE  SITE  OF  THE  CITY  OF  ANI 

Ani,  under  the  Bagratids,  was  a  large,  fine  city,  with  many 
churches,  palaces,  and  splendid  walls  built  of  multicolored  volcanic  stone 
often  as  light  as  pumice-stone.     The  cathedral,  and  the  shrines  of   the 


—  146  — 


apostles,  of  St.  Stephen,  of  St.  Gregory  the  Illuminator,  and  of  the  Re- 
demption, were  the  chief  religious  edifices,  but  there  were  an  untold  num- 
ber of  chapels,  so  much  so  that  the  citizens  were  accustomed  to  swear  by 
the  Thousand  and  One  Churches  of  Ani.  The  ruins  of  these  structures 
still  stand,  whereas  all  private  dweUings  have  disappeared  with  the  city 
debris.  No  streets,  squares,  or  market  places  are  traceable  today,  brush- 
wood and  brambles  cover  them  all. 

This  city,  whose  ruins  the  traveler  visits  in  these  days  with  deep 
feelings,  was  not  the  work  of  Ashot  alone,  but  of  all  the  Bagratid  rulers 
who  took  pleasure  in  improving  their  capital,  and  also  of  the  Armenians 
of  the  whole  region  who  gave  liberally  to  it  for  a  couple  of  centuries 
(885-1077).  Ani  personified  Armenia  that  had  been  so  long  through 
deep  waters.  Former  generations  had  seen  Artaxata,  Tigranocerta,  Dovin, 
and  a  number  of  other  flourishing  Armenian  cities,  but  these  capitals 
had  all  fallen  one  after  another,  vanishing  with  only  dim  memories  in 
their  place.  By  raising  Ani  to  the  rank  of  capital  city,  Ashot  gave  the 
Armenians  a  metropolis,  a  center,  that  seemed  then  destined  to  remain 
forever.  Within  these  walls  he  brought  both  temporal  power  and 
spiritual  authority  together.     Ani   became  the   heart  of  Armenia. 

The  great  Harun-al-Raschid  who  had  just  taken  up  his  abode  in 
the  palace  of  Bagdad  as  Commander  of  the  Faithful,  was  more  humane 
than  his  predecessors.  The  Arab  conquests  had  become  well  established, 
and  the  court  of  the  Caliphs,  emerging  gradually  from  the  uncouth  manners 
of  the  earlier  soldiers  of  Islam,  had  become  less  harsh  and  more  urbane. 
Unbounded  luxury  surrounded  Omar's  successors  and  encouraged  them 
to  leniency. 

The  Caliph,  while  keeping  Armenia  under  his  authority, 
786-818  and  maintaining  his  Arab  governors  in  the  Ararat  country, 
ordered  his  viceroys  Yezid  [1  (,786-788)  and  Kouzima  (798- 
818)  to  treat  the  Armenians  with  less  severity.  These  governors  how- 
ever, did  not  relax  their  cruelty.  As  Moslem  fanatics,  they  had  only 
hatred  and  contempt  for  the  Christian  peoples  at  the  mercy  of  their 
whims,  and  they  did  not  stop  at  the  most  wicked  deeds  in  shedding  blcxxi 
and  satisfying  their  greed.  In  the  province  of  Bagrevand,  Yezid's  rep- 
resentative, for  want  of  any  other  pretext  for  the  indulgence  of  his  cruel 
desires,  had  one  of  his  own  slaves  strangled  and  thrown  into  a  gorge  near 
Etchmladzin.  Then  he  proceeded  to  accuse  the  monks  of  the  crime,  to 
plunder  their  shrines,  and  slay  forty-two  priests. 

—  147  — 


Fortunately  all  the  Arab  governors  were  not  barbarians  and  the 
Armenians  in  their  chronicles  praise  the  kindness  of  some  of  them, 
notably  that  of  Haul  (818-835)  who  was  sent  to  Armenia  by  Caliph 
Al-Mamoun.  But  there  existed  terrible  rivalries  among  the  Arabs  them- 
selves, and  a  Moslem  named  Sevada  having  hatched  a  plot  against  Haul, 
the  Armenians  made  the  mistake  of  espcmsing  the  cause  of  the  rival. 
They  were  punished,  for  Sevada's  small  arrny  was  wiped  out  by  the  gov- 
ernor of  Armenia.  Later  on,  during  the  revolt  of  a  Persian  named 
Baban  or  Babek,  Bagarat,  an  Armenian  whom  Caliph  Motassem  had 
placed  over  the  Ararat  region,  assisted  the  Arabs  in  putting  down  the 
disorders. 

Despite  this  act  of  loyalty.  Caliph  Motawakkel  appointed  a  Moslem, 
Abou-Seth,  in  Bagarat's  stead,  followed  by  the  former's  son  Youssouf, 
whose  oppressions  caused  the  Armenians  again  to  rebel.  This  was  a 
fresh  excuse  for  putting  Armenia  to  fire  and  sword.  The  nobility  were 
wiped  out,  the  people  enslaved,  towns,  villages,  churches  all  disappeared 
in  flames,  while  any  Armenians  refusing  to  embrace  Islam  were  pitilessly 
slaughtered. 

Finally,  after  a  series  of  Arab  governors  all  more  fanatical,  greedy, 
and  cruel  the  one  than  the  other.    Caliph  Motawakkel-Billah  realizing 
that  his  empire  would  never  have  Armenia's  obe- 
ASHOT,    PRINCE      dlence   unless  a   fair    amount  of  self-government 
OF  PRINCES  were    restored    to    her,    appointed    the    Bagratid 

859  prince  Ashot  as  governor  of  his  own  country  and 

gave  him  the  title  of  "Prince  of  princes."  (859). 
The    new    viceroy    did    not   disappoint    either    his    subjects    or    the 
Caliphs.     He  proved  loyal  to  his  overlords,  restored   the  country,  and 
organized  the  army  of  which   he  made  his  brother  Abas  commander-in- 
chief. 

"Armenia  was  beginning  to  prosper  under  Ashot's  rule,  when  lahab, 
"the  son  of  Sevada,  an  Arab  related  to  the  Bagratids,  tried,  as  did  his 
"father  before  him,  to  supplant  the  governor.  But  the  Commander-in- 
-chief Abas  with  a  smaller  number  of  troops  crushed  the  rebel  forces  on 
"the  banks  of  the  Araxes.  The  battle-field  was  named  the  Field  of  the 
"Forty,  because  according  to  Armenian  historians,  forty  thousand  men 
"overcame  eighty  thousand  who  fought  for  lahab. 

"Delivered  from  his  rival,  Ashot  devoted  his  whole  energy  to  the 
"material  and  moral  welfare  of  his  people.    He  had  new  townships  built, 

—  148  — 


"to  which  he  attracted  many  foreigners.  Agriculture  was  encouraged,  and 
"trade  assisted  by  new  roads.  (1)" 

Tired  of  fighting  an  energetic  people  for  the  possession  of  a  province 
claimed  by  the  Greek  emperors,  and  already  concerned  about  movements 
of  tribes  takmg  place  on  the  eastern  and  northern  borders  of  their  empire, 
the  Caliphs  gradually  came  round  to  the  plan  of  creating  south  of  the  Cau- 
casus a  state  they  could  use  as  a  shield  against  attacks  from  the  Russian 
plains,  and  of  thus  putting  an  end  to  their  quarrels  with  the  Byzantine 
court.  In  Constantinople,  too,  Armenia  was  looked  on  as  lost  to  the 
Empire,  and  it  was  thought  better  to  keep  the  legions  for  the  defense  of 
Asia  Minor  against  the  ambitious  Saracens.  Possession  of  Armenia  now 
that  Syria  and  Mesopotamia  were  gone  had  no  longer  the  importance  it 
had  when  the  enemies  of  Rome  were  chiefly  in  Persia.  The  Emperors  and 
Caliphs  undoubtedly  came  to  an  agreement,  for  both  courts  at  the  same 
time  granted  the  title  of  king  to  Ashot  the  Bagratid.  Mohammed-Billah 
sent  from  Bagdad,  Ostican  (Governor)  Emir  Ysa  who,  in  the  name  of  the 
Caliph  his  master,  came  to  Ani  and  solemnly  recognized  Ashot,  delivering 
to  him  the  crown  and  royal  vestments,  whilst  the  Greek  emperor  Basil, 
who  was  himself  an  Armenian,  also  sent  the  new  king  the  insignia  ot 
sovereignty. 

After  untold  misfortunes  Ar- 
menia, owing  to  what  was  happen- 
ing in  the  Eastern  political  world, 
regained  her  freedom  at  last.  This 
revival,  due  outwardly  to  the 
mutual  antagonism  of  the  two  great 
empires  of  the  time,  was  also  a 
result  of  the  Armenian  people's  own 
energy,  their  soldierly  virtues,  and 
their  unconquerable  fidelity  to 
Christianity,  for  although  so  often 

overwhelmed  by  sheer  force  and  numbers,  the  nation  never  once  capitu- 
lated. 

After  having  conquered  and  ravaged  Armenia,  the  Arabs  had  entered 
the  valley  of  the  river  Kura  and  occupied  Tiflis,  but  their  forward  march 
was  stopped  on  the  north  by  the  Great  Caucasus  and  on  the  west  by  the 


COIN  OF  EMPEROR  BASIL  I 


(1)  Fr.  TOURNEBISE,  op.  cit.,  p.  105. 
—  149  — 


Suram  heights.  Taiq,  Gougarq,  and  the  Phasis  river  basin  remained  in 
Byzantine  hands.  It  was  the  same  with  the  north  of  Lesser  Armenia 
and  with  Lazica  where  lofty  mountain  chains  protected  Trebizond  and 
the  Greek  possessions  along  the  Black  Sea  coast.  The  capital  of  Georgia 
became  consequently  the  seat  of  the  Caliph's  government  in  the  Armenian 
province.  The  harsh  treatment  of  the  conquerors  caused  mass  conver- 
sions to  Islam,  the  Armenian  and  Georgian  princes  setting  the  example 
so  as  to  retain  their  lands.  Except  in  the  mountains  and  inaccessible 
valleys  Christianity  disappeared  almost  everywhere  throughout  Trans- 
caucasia; churches  and  convents  were  in  ruins  and  forsaken,  while  the 
minarets  of  mosques  were  soon  seen  in  all  cities  and  towns. 

Nevertheless  those  Armenians  and  Caucasians  who  had  fled  before 
the  invaders  had  withdrawn  into  the  natural  strongholds  and  the  mount- 
ains adjacent  to  the  river 
Rion.  There  they  remained 
in  uninterrupted  connec- 
tion with  Constantinople, 
and  prepared  to  counter- 
attack against  their  coun- 
try's oppressors,  while  at 
the  same  time  keeping 
their  religious  freedom. 
Their  attacks  against  the 
Arabs  were  unceasing  and 
they  sometimes  carried  the 
day,  but  the  power  of  the 
Caliphs  was  such  that  des- 
pite all  their  efforts  the  Christians  had  to  await  the  weakening  of  the  great 
Moslem  empire  before  they  could  recover  their  southern  and  eastern 
provinces. 

Going  through  the  mountain  regions  extending  north  of  the  upper 
Araxes  towards  Ispir,  Kars  or  Artvin,  the  traveler  every  now  and  then 
comes  across  the  castles  of  the  Armenian  nobles  perched  like  eagle's  nests 
on  inaccessible  heights,  generally  fortified  on  one  side  only,  with  sheer 
cliffs  below  all  the  other  walls.  Thither  at  the  first  warning  the  peasants 
of  the  neighboring  valleys  fled  for  refuge,  taking  with  them  their  food 
supplies  and  weapons,  also  their  flocks;  none  but  goat-paths  led  to  these 
retreats,  which  were  capable  of  months,  even  years,  of  resistance  against 


CASTLE   OF    KHOCHAB   IN    KURDISTAN 


150  — 


whole  armies;  and  while  there  echoed  :n  the  plain  the  call  of  the  mullahs 
to  the  prayer  of  the  Prophet,  churchbells  hidden  in  the  clouds  rang  out 
the  praises  of  Christ.  A  strange  life,  indeed,  full  of  uncertainties,  mingled 
hopes  and  despair,  terror  and  renewals  of  courage,  and  above  all,  de- 
termination not  to  die,  not  to  deny  the  faith  of  their  fathers. 

After  the  wars  of  Heraclius,  the  Greeks  had  established  Byzantine 
rule  throughout  Transcaucasia.  The  money  of  Constantinople  then 
circulated  in  those  regions  along  with  the  drachmas  of  the  Sassanids, 
large  and  very  thin  silver  discs  with  the  head  of  the  King  of  Kings  and  the 
Mazdean  pyre. 

The  Caliphs'  governors  occupying  Tiflis  after  A.D.  646  and  main- 
taining a  strong  Arab  garrison  there,  exercised  their  authority  over  all 
the  surrounding  districts,  but  until  704  (year  85  of  the  Hegira)  Tiflis  had 
no  Moslem  mint.  In  that  year  Abd-el-Melek  had  dirhems  struck,  and 
money  continued  to  be  minted  without  interruption  until  A.D.  923,  or 
311  of  the  Hegira.  At  this  period  there  was  no  national  coining  of  money 
either  in  Armenia  or  Georgia,  or  in  the  Aghouank  country. 

From  an  economic  standpoint,  the  Arab  conquests  greatly  confused 
the  general  situation  in  the  East,  but  they  did  give  a  new  scope  to  trade. 
Formerly  the  Roman  emperors  were  almost  alone  in  the  minting  of  gold 
coins,  the  Eastern  rulers  only  issuing  them  in  very  small  amounts.  The 
Arabs  put  out  large  quantities  of  dinars  and  so  compelled  Byzantium  to 
increase  the  fineness  and  weight  of  its  specie.  Moreover,  because  of  tho 
vast  extent  of  their  empire,  the  Moslems  were  able  to  extend  their  trading 
connections;  sea-lanes  were  opened  between  the  Persian  Gulf,  the  Red 
Sea  and  the  coasts  of  India  and  Africa,  of  the  Malay  Archipelago,  and 
China.  The  Greeks  became  in  a  degree  dependent  on  their  rivals.  The 
overland  routes,  interrupted  in  the  north  by  the  thronging  tribes  of  Scythia, 
shifted  in  the  direction  of  Iran,  Armenia,  and  Mesopotamia,  the  routes 
formerly  known  to  the  Phoenicians  and  still  followed  by  the  Semitic  Mos- 
lems for  gaining  access  to  Tibet,  central  China,  and  India. 

After  they  had  conquered  the  north  of  Western  Asia,  the  Arabs  made 
few  settlements  in  those  regions,  so  different  in  climate  and  natural  fea- 
tures from  their  own  homeland.  In  Persia,  in  Transcaucasia,  in  Armenia, 
and  in  the  parts  of  Asia  Minor  that  fell  under  Moslem  rule,  the  old 
inhabitants  remained  in  possession  of  the  land  but  under  the  yoke  of  the 
Arabs,  who  retained  in  their  hands  both  the  government  and  the  collection 
of  taxes. 

The  tremendous  extent  of  their  empire  obliged  the  Arabs,  however, 

—  151  — 


to  scatter  their  strength.  They  had  invaded  all  the  African  coast  of  the 
Mediterranean,  and  also  Spain,  and  had  carried  their  arms  to  the  borders 
of  India.  They  were  about  to  conquer  Europe,  when  they  were  stopped 
in  the  year  732  at  Poitiers.  The  weakening  of  the  Armenian  garrisons 
due  to  these  distant  campaigns  gave  an  opportunity  for  the  native  princes 
of  that  country,  from  the  middle  of  the  9th  century  onward,  to  try  to 
bring  about  a  change,  and  their  efforts  succeeded  in  885.  Moreover, 
the  fear  engendered  by  the  Moslem  invasion  of  southern  France  was  to 
result  two  centuries  later  in  the  great  undertaking  of  the  Crusades. 

The  withdrawal  of  the  Arab  army  from  the  Caucasus  and  Armenia 
was  the  signal  for  the  mountain-dwellers  to  come  down  from  their  retreats 
and  recover  the  lands  of  their  fathers.  The  Caucasians  and  Armenians 
crossed  the  frontiers  of  the  Caliph's  empire,  drove  out  his  remaining  troops, 
and  with  the  whole  land  in  revolt  founded  a  number  of  small  kingdoms. 
Byzantium  encouraged  these  uprisings,  and  even  helped  with  soldiers 
and  money,  thinking  that  it  would  be  easy  to  regain  the  allegiance  of  the 
principalities,  the  rulers  of  which  would  not  agree  together  and  would 
each  in  turn  yield  obeisance  to  the  Imperial  City.  At  Constantinople  there 
was  no  thought  that  the  Moslem  power  would  last;  it  was  not  realized 
how  vastly  the  political  and  military  organization  of  the  Arabs  differed 
from  that  of  the  various  uncivilized  races  that  the  Roman  world  had 
fought  for  centuries,  the  hordes  even  then  pressing  along  the  Danube 
valley. 


~  152  - 


CHAPTER  VI 

Dynasty  of  the  Bagratids  (1) 

While  dealing  with  Armenia's  beginnings,  we  saw  how  the  historians 
of  the  country,  who  mostly  belonged  to  the  clergy,  endeavored  to  link 
the  origin  of  their  nation  with  Biblical  tradition,  and  how  they  twisted  the 
old  legends  to  connect  the  Hebrews  with  the  descendants  of  Haik.    This 

propensity  related  not  only  to  matters  of  historical  fact,  but  to  the  gene- 
alogies of  their  ruling  families. 

According  to  the  native  chroniclers,  the  family 
ORIGIN  OF  THE     of  the  Bagratids  was  of  Jewish  extraction.    They 
BAGRATIDS  claim  that  the  founder  of  their  house,  Sembat,  was 

brought  captive  by  King  Nebuchadnezzar  from 
Judaea  to  Armenia  and  that  five  centuries  later,  Vagharchak,  the  first 
of  the  Arsacid  kings  of  Armenia,  gave  to  Bagarat  (Pakarat),  a  descendant 
of  Sembat,  the  title  of  "Asped"  or  Cavalry  Commander.  Vagharchak 
supplemented  this  dignity  with  that  of  "Thagatir"  which  gave  the  family 
the  honor  of  crowning  the  king  upon  his  accession. 

This  promotion  of  the  Bagratids  to  the  highest  State  functions  hardly 
tallies  with  statements  by  the  historians  regarding  their  extraction.  Bag- 
arat would  seem  rather  to  have  been  a  high  nobleman  of  Armenian  stock, 
perhaps  descended  from  one  of  Haik's  captains  who  with  him  led  the 
nation  to  the  land  of  Ararat.  Vagharchak  would  certainly  not  have  chosen 
a  foreign  prince  for  the  honor  of  crowning  the  kings  of  Armenia,  and 
their  own  nobles,  moreover,  so  sensitive  on  this  subject,  would  have 
claimed  this  signal  distinction  for  the  oldest  and  noblest  of  the  families 
descended  from  Haik  and  his  companions.  In  Armenia,  as  in  Georgia 
and  throughout  the  East,  the  nobility  were  too  much  Inclined  to  give  first 
consideration  to  their  family  pride  to  allow  any  such  slight. 


(1)   Eastern  Armenian  pronunciation:  Bagratid;  western:  Pagratid. 

—  153  — 


Besides,  even  before  the  Christian  era,  the  Bagratids  were  lords  of 
Sber  in  the  district  of  Ispir  on  the  upper  Jorokh,  and  we  can  presume  that 
they  held  this  domain  from  their  ancestors.  In  time  their  possessions  grew 
both  by  marriage  with  neighboring  princely  families  and  by  force  of  arms. 
The  high  Jorokh  valley,  sheltered  by  mountains  hard  to  reach,  had  re- 
mained untouched  by  reverses  of  fortune,  and  its  rulers  had  been  able 
to  expand  their  power  without  arousing  cupidity.  By  degrees  the  Bagra- 
tids had  acquired  vast  lands  in  the  mountain  massif  of  the  Lesser  Cau- 
casus towards  the  Araxes  and  had  even  pushed  into  the  Ararat  country. 
They  owned  very  large  domains  in  Gougarq  and  Turuberan.  Dariums 
(Bayazid),  Bagaran,  Schirakavan,  Ani  (1),  Kars,  and  Artvin  belonged  to 
them,  and  further  south  they  also  possessed  Mouch.  One  of  them  married 
the  heiress  of  the  kingdom  of  Georgia,  over  v/hich  his  posterity  continued 
to  reign.  During  all  the  Middle  Ages  until  the  end  of  the  18th  century, 
Karthli  was  ruled  by  princes  of  this  family.  Some  of  them,  moreover, 
left  highly  respected  names  in  this  part  of  Asia.  We  shall  later  have 
occasion  to  speak  of  the  Bagratid  dynasty  in  connection  with  the  Armen- 
ians outside  of  Armenia.  They  were  consequently  very  high  noblemen, 
and  undoubtedly  their  fortune  and  family  prestige  were  the  reasons  for 
the  patriarch  George  (870-888)  and  the  other  nobles  asking  both  Byzan- 
tium and  Bagdad  that  the  crown  of  Armenia  should  be  given  to  Ashot 
the  Bagratid. 

ASHOT  I  The  selection  of  this  prince  as  the  new  sovereign  was 

885-890  certainly  a  happy  one,  for  Ashot  was  a  wise  and  just  man, 
also  the  courts  of  Constantinople  and  Bagdad  undoubtedly 
influenced  the  decisions  of  the  Armenians.  Ever  since  the  Arabs  seized 
the  country,  it  was  the  object  of  constant  strife  between  the  Greeks  and 
the  Arabs.  Both  sides  were  weary  of  this  state  of  things,  and  it  was 
probably  by  mutual  agreement  that  the  two  powers  decided  in  favor  of 
Armenia's  political  rehabilitation.  Unfortunately  the  new  king's  power 
was  very  limited.  Notwithstanding  the  large  extent  of  his  family  holdings, 
Ashot  had  sovereign  rule  only  over  the  province  of  Ararat,  and,  besides, 
was  still  under  tribute  to  the  Caliphs  and  saddled  with  some  obligations 
to  the   Emperor.     However,  Armenia    regained    self-government   in   the 


(1)  There  was  another  town  bearing  the  name  of  Ani  or  Camakh,  situated 
on  the  west  bank  of  the  Euphrates,  in  the  canton  of  Daranaghi,  Upper  Armenia. 
Constantine  Porphyrogenetos  calls  it  Kamakha.  This  stronghold  was  once  celebrated 
for  its  temple  of  Ormuzd,  and  its  burial  places  of  Armenian  kings,  also  on  account 
of  the  crown  treasures  being  kept  there. 

—  154  — 


north  of  the  Araxes,  and  both  nobles  and  people  seemed  pleased  with 
the  fact. 

Nevertheless,  the  nobility  who  had  agreed  on  Ashot's  becoming  king 
and  who  at  the  instance  of  the  patriarch  George  had  silenced  for  a  while 
their  personal  ambitions,  did  not  maintain  their  submission  to  the  ruler 
they  had  themselves  chosen.  Jealousies  that  were  stilled  for  a  season 
broke  out  afresh.     Not  only  did  each  one  seek  to  be  a  potentate  in  his 


MAP  OF  THE  ARARAT  REGION 

own  fief,  but  Ashot  had  to  struggle  against  several  rivals  for  the  crown 
who  sacrificing  national  interest  to  their  desires,  had  taken  to  arms.  In 
the  Gougarq  region  the  uprising  was  the  most  serious.  The  king  pro- 
ceeded there  at  the  head  of  a  small  army  hastily  recruited,  and  hardly 
had  he  settled  matters  in  the  north  of  his  dominions  when  his  own  son- 
in-law,  Gregory  Ardzruni,  raised  the  standard  of  revolt  in  the  province 
of  Vaspurakan.    This  latter  prince,  however,  who  owed  allegiance  to  his 


155  — 


king  at  Ani,  rashly  attacked  also  the  Moslem  chiefs  of  Khoi  and  Salmas 
and  was  defeated  and  killed  by  the  Kurds. 

With  danger  averted  in  that  direction,  Ashot  had  to  turn  against 
the  prince  of  Kars  who  was  claiming  the  Armenian  crown,  and  then 
towards  the  district  of  Turuberan.  While  he  was  enforcing  peace  in 
the  interior  of  the  kingdom,  his  brother  Abas  scoured  the  mountains  at 
the  source  of  the  Kura  river,  and  then  proceeded  to  punish  the  rebels  at 
Erzerum,  Security  reappeared  in  Armenia  as  the  king's  authority  was 
established.  But  Ashot,  constantly  threatened  by  the  Moslems  of  Kurdi- 
stan, felt  that  it  would  be  difficult  for  him  to  maintain  his  realm  without 
eifective  help  from  the  Greeks;  consequently  he  went  to  Constantinople 
where  Leo  the  Philosopher,  an  Armenian,  was  then  reigning  (886-912). 

This  journey  shows  that  even  though  Armenia  was  tributary  to  the 
Caliphs,  she  none  the  less  had  ties  with  the  Empire,  and  that  the  new  king 
relied  on  Byzantium  to  free  himself  from  the  Moslems.    That,  no  doubt, 

was  what  Ashot  intended.  The  Armenian 
historians  relate  that  he  was  magnificently 
received  by  the  Basileus,  and  that  the  sov- 
ereigns signed  two  treaties,  one  political  and 
the  other  a  trade  agreement.  We  have  not 
the  text  of  these  contracts,  but  if  they  were 
signed,  it  shows  that  the  authority  of  the 
COIN  OF  EMPEROR  Caliphs  was  remarkably  weak  in  the  north 

^^^   ™88™2)^^^^°^^'       of  ^he  Moslem  empire,  and  that  it  consisted 

only  of  the  annual  tribute  paid  by  Armenia. 
The  Emirs  of  Azerbaidjan  and  Kurdistan,  however,  who  were  under  Bag- 
dad's orders,  kept  unceasing  watch  on  the  Christian  kingdom  and  threat- 
ened it  at  every  turn,  and  Ashot  sought  means  of  coping  with  this  danger. 
During  his  stay  at  the  Byzantine  court,  the  king  of  Armenia  appar- 
ently sent  home  for  troops,  and  despatched  them  under  the  command  of 
Prince  Meghrik  to  help  the  Greek  army  then  warring  with  the  Bulgarians. 
From  this  we  may  conclude  that  Emperor  Leo  undertook  to  supply  Ar- 
menia with  some  legions  against  the  Moslems.    Unfortunately  Ashot  died 
at  Trebizond  on  his  way  back.    His  remains  were  transferred  to  the  town 
of  Bagaran,  the  ancient  city  of  idols,  on  the  Arpa-tchai,  not  far  from  Ani. 
Although  Ashot  had  been  unable  to  carry  out  his  wise  schemes,  he 
had  at  least  had  time  to  pacify  the  country  and  compel  the  obedience 
of  the  nobles.    He  was  unable,  however,  to  restore  his  kingdom  from  the 
ruins  caused  by  the  Arab  conquest.     He  needed  above  all  positive  pro- 

—  156  — 


tection  by  the  Byzantines,  and  the  end  of  his  reign  was  devoted  to  bringing 
about  agreements  that  would  assure  safety  to  his  throne. 

Ashot  left  a  son,  named  Sembat,  and  this  heir  was 
SEMBAT   I      proclaimed   king  by  the   patriarch   George    II   and   the 
890-914  nobles.     But  even  while  the  young  prince  was  receiving 

his  crown,  a  most  dangerous  rival  rose  against  him,  his 
own  uncle  Abas.  This  commander  of  the  army,  the  victor  of  Kars  and 
Erzerum,  rallied  some  of  the  nobles  of  Gougarq  and  marched  on  Ani  to 
depose  his  nephew.  He  listened,  however,  to  the  plea  of  the  patriarch, 
and  withdrew  to  his  city  of  Kars,  but  kept  as  prisoner  the  Bagratid  Ader- 
nerseh,  the  Armenian  governor  of  the  Georgian  territories  who  had  placed 
the  crown  on  the  young  king's  head. 

Without  a  moment's  hesitation,  Sembat  marched  on  Kars,  and  com- 
pelled his  uncle  to  deliver  up  the  Bagratid  prince  and  to  submit  to  his 
authority. 

Caliph  Mothaded-Billah  (892-902)  and  Emperor  Leo  repeated  the 
procedure  previously  adopted  for  Ashot,  and  sent  Sembat  the  insignia 
of  kingship.  The  latter,  now  assured  of  peace  in  his  kingdom,  pushed 
back  his  frontiers  as  far  north  as  Colchis  and  the  Darial  gorges,  and  to 
the  south-west  as  far  as  the  city  of  Karin  (Erzerum).  - 

Van  and  all  the  southern  part  of  the  Armenian  territory  was  then 
under  the  direct  government  of  the  Arabs,  and  Afschin,  the  emir  of 
Azerbaidjan,  who  had  recognized  Sembat  in  the  Caliph's  name,  was 
suspicious  when  he  saw  the  young  king  extending  his  frontiers  southward. 
The  alliance  of  Ashot  and  the  Emperor,  renewed  by  Sembat,  aroused 
his  wrath,  and  he  conceived  the  plan  of  bringing  Armenia  again  under  the 
Moslem  yoke  and  having  himself  placed  on  the  throne  at  Ani.  But  Bag- 
dad refused  to  enter  again  into  strife  with  the  Empire  concerning  Armenia. 
No  opposition  would  be  offered  by  the  Caliph  to  the  Emir's  conquering 
the  country,  but  there  would  not  be  any  official  encouragement  in  the 
way  of  subsidies  or  troops. 

Moslem  forces  moving  towards  Nakhitchevan  on  the  Araxes  gave 
the  alert  to  the  Armenian  king  who  made  his  preparations,  but,  thinking 
he  might  avert  war  by  negotiating,  sent  the  Catholicos  George  to  the 
Emir  with  peaceful  messages.  Afschin  expressed  his  desire  for  an  agree- 
ment, but  asked  that  the  king  should  come  and  talk  things  over  personally 
with  him.  This  clumsy  ruse  not  succeeding,  the  disappointed  Moslem 
made  the  Catholicos  his  prisoner  and  hostilities  began.  The  Azerbaidjan 
troops  advanced  to  the  middle  of  Armenia,  and  a  battle  took  place  near 

—  157  — 


the  village  of  Dols  at  the  foot  of  the  Alagheuz.    The  Emir  was  defeated 
and  fled  to  his  own  land  with  the  remnant  of  his  army. 

Afschin  was  humiliated  but  not  disheartened.  Learning  that  the 
governor  of  Mesopotamia,  Ahmat,  had  just  invaded  the  District  of  Taron, 
and  that  Sembat  had  been  defeated  in  the  lake  Van  region,  he  re-entered 
Armenia  and  besieged  the  city  of  Kars  which  had  to  capitulate.  He  war, 
thus  able  to  carry  away  to  Dovin  as  hostages  the  Queen,  the  wife  of  the 
crown  prince  Mouschegh,  and  other  Armenian  princesses,  which  obliged 
the  king  to  consent  not  only  to  deliver  up  his  nephew  Sembat  and  his  son 
Ashot,  but  to  give  Afschin  the  daughter  of  his  brother  Schapouh  in  mar- 
riage. Although  of  opposite  religion,  the  Christian  rulers  often  found 
themselves  in  those  days  obliged  to  send  their  daughters  into  the  infidels' 
harems,  a  humiliation  on  their  part  which  greatly  flattered  the  Moslems, 
pleasing  their  vanity  more  than  anything  else.  Some  centuries  later  a 
Comnenus,  Emperor  of  Trebizond,  gave  his  daughter  to  the  Khan  of 
Tartary  in  the  hope  of  obtaining  the  latter's  assistance  against  Mahomet 
II,  the  conqueror  of  Constantinople. 

Despite  the  above  sacrifices,  Sembat  could  not  secure  peace  for  his 
country.  For  political  reasons  he  had  crowned  Prince  Adernerseh  as 
king  of  Georgia,  and  this  appointment  to  the  northern  kingdom  aroused 
the  jealousy  of  the  Armenian  princes,  who  called  on  Afschin  (898).  The 
emir  was  getting  ready  to  invade  Armenia  once  more  when  death  over- 
took him.  He  was  exasperated  because  his  chief  eunuch,  bribed  by  Sem- 
bat, had  restored  to  him  the  captive  princesses,  and  he  would  have  taken 
his  revenge  by  ravaging  the  kingdom  had  not  fate  arrested  his  ire.  His 
brother  and  successor,  Youssouf,  shared  his  resentment  and  harbored  the 
same  designs,  as  he  took  over  the  rule  of  Azerbaidjan. 

The  king  of  Armenia  was  accustomed  to  send  the  Caliph  his  yearly 
tribute  through  the  medium  of  the  Emir  of  Azerbaidjan.  Deeming  it  im- 
proper, however,  to  continue  in  this  humiliating  position  towards  his 
sworn  enemy  and  rightly  considering  that  the  tribute  would  be  lighter 
if  it  were  paid  direct  to  Bagdad,  Sembat  made  this  offer  to  the  Caliph  in 
writing.  The  new  Caliph  Moktafi-Billah  (902-908)  accepted  it,  and  sent 
him  a  gold  crown  as  a  token  of  goodwill. 

This  change  of  procedure  deprived  Youssouf  of  a  large  revenue,  for 
his  office  as  middleman  was  highly  remunerative.  He  was  incensed  against 
the  king  of  Armenia,  and  by  gifts  and  crafty  words,  he  gained  the  ear 
of  the  Caliph  who  doubled  the  Armenian  annual  tribute.  Sembat  was 
obliged  to  increase  his  levy  of  taxes  on  the  princes,  with  the  consequence 

—  158  — 


that  they  in  turn  revolted.  The  uprising  started  in  the  mountains  of  the 
north  adjacent  to  Georgia,  and  the  conspirators  planned  to  bring  about 
the  assassination  of  the  king  and  to  give  the  crown  to  Prince  Adernerseh 
then  dwelling  at  Tiflis.  But  Sembat  defeated  them,  captured  the  ring- 
leaders and  blinded  them.     Adernerseh,  however,  he  spared.  (907). 

Taking   advantage    of   the    disturbances   keeping   the   king    away    in 
Gougarq,  Youssouf  again  invaded  the  Ararat  country.     Gaghik,  one   of 


KHATCHIK- 

GAGHIK, 

KING  OF  VAS 

PURAKAN    (914- 

943) 


VIEW  OF  THE  FORTRESS  OF  VAN 

Sembat's  nephews,  was  on  the  side  of  the  Moslems.  After  having  raided 
the  Christian  territory,  Youssouf  in  the  name  of  Caliph  Moktader-BiUah 
(908-932)  crowned  the  Armenian  traitor  as  king  of  Vaspurakan  and  en- 
throned him  in  the  city  of  Van. 

During  the  last  years  of  Sembat's  reign, 
Armenia  became  a  prey  to  the  Moslems  of  Azer- 
baidjan.  In  vain  did  the  king  endeavor  to  ap- 
pease Youssouf.  The  Catholicos  John  VI  who 
was  sent  to  the  emir  with  rich  gifts  was  kept 
prisoner,  and  Youssouf  the  following  year  crossed 
the  Araxes,  entered  Nakhitchevan,  and  ravaged 
Siuniq.  the  governor  of  which  province,  Gregory,  a  nephew  of  Sembat. 
had  to  surrender.  Thereafter  invading  the  district  of  Schirak,  the  Mos- 
lems seized  another  of  the  king's  nephews,  the  commander-in-chief  Ashot. 
Resuming  the  fight  when  the  winter  was  over,  the  enemy  reached  the 
province  of  Nik,  east  of  Erivan.  There  Sembat  tried  to  withstand  the 
Arabs,  but  he  was  defeated  in  a  bloody  battle.  Gregory,  the  prince  of  the 
Siunians,  and  Mouschegh,  one  of  the  king's  sons,  were  captured  by  Yous- 
souf in  this  fight,  and  shortly  afterwards  put  to  death  by  him.  The  Catho- 
licos John  VI  whom  the  Emir  had  taken  along  with  him  in  this  campaign 
was  freed  on  payment  of  a  large  ransom,  and  later  consigned  to  history 
the  misfortunes  he  had  witnessed.  He  was  to  describe  the  atrocities  com- 
mitted by  the  Azerbaidjanians  in  the  lands  to  the  east  of  Dovin  and  Lake 
Sevan  which  they  had  seized. 


159  — 


PLAN   OF   THE   FORMER 
CITY  OF  MELAZKERT 


The  treachery  of  Gaghik  was  the  chief  cause  of  Armenia's  downfall; 
at  Youssoufs  instigation  he  went  headlong  into  a  wicked  war.  The  Emir's 
only  aim  in  sowing  dissension  among  the  Armenians  was  to  get  them 
to  destroy  one  another  so  that  he  might  extend  his  own  dominion  over  all 
of  Sembat's  provinces.  The  king  of  Vaspurakan  finally  realized  the  full 
horror  of  his  conduct  and  the  results  of  his  rebellion.    He  begged  Sembat 

to  pardon  him  and  offered  him  his  friend- 
ship. It  was  alas!  too  late,  for  the  king 
feeling  himself  unable  to  continue  the 
struggle,  shut  himself  up  In  the  fortress 
of  Kapouyt  (the  Blue  Castle)  located  in 
the  rocky  mountains  east  of  the  Masis. 
There  the  Emir  besieged  him.  After  a 
long  siege,  Sembat  obtained  his  promise 
to  allow  him  to  leave  the  fortress  with  his 
troops  and  withdraw  to  the  province  of 
Schlrak.  Youssouf,  however,  was  afraid 
that  the  new  alliance  between  Gaghik  and 
Sembat  would  result  in  difficulties  for 
him,  and  he  treacherously  seized  the  king  of  Ani,  and  threw  him  Into  a 
dungeon  at  Dovin,  where  the  unfortunate  monarch  was  subjected  to  the 
most  degrading  treatment. 

The  king's  misfortunes  had  only  begun,  however,  for  his  mental 
suffering  was  to  be  followed  by  martyrdom.  Youssouf  besieged  the  for- 
tress of  Erendschak,  not  far  from  Nakhitchevan  in  Siunlq,  and  in  order  to 
get  the  defenders  to  surrender  he  had  the  unhappy  king  taken  In  chains 
before  the  walls  and  ordered  him  to  be  tortured  before  their  eyes.  Sembat, 
even  under  torture,  proclaimed  his  Christian  faith  which  the  Moslems 
sought  to  make  him  forswear,  and  faced  with  his  stubbornness,  the  Emir 
ordered  him  put  to  death.  The  executioner  beheaded  him,  and  his  body 
was  taken  to  Dovin  and  crucified  in  the  public  square. 

So  perished  this  unfortunate  ruler,  the  second  of  the  Bagratid  dynasty, 
after  a  reign  of  twenty-four  years  (890-914)  during  which  Armenia  was 
drenched  with  blood  not  only  from  Moslem  attacks  but  also  from  the 
internecine  warfare  of  the  Armenian  princes.  The  nobles  In  their  pride 
considered  themselves  each  one  a  king  In  his  own  territory  and  chafed 
under  the  authority  of  their  overlord.  This  was  the  great  defect  of  the 
feudal  organization  of  Armenia,  as  it  was  of  the  same  regime  In  Europe. 
Internal  dissension  played  the  game  of  their  country's  enemies;  the  latter 


—  160  — 


on  the  contrary  were  united  by  their  religion  and  displayed  a  cohesion 
that  was  their  strength.  Youssouf  had  some  Arabs  under  him,  but  the 
bulk  of  his  army  was  composed  of  Kurds,  Persians,  and  Armenians  con- 
verted to  Islam.  They  all,  irrespective  of  their  national  extraction  or 
language,  marched  against  the  Christians  under  the  Prophet's  standard, 
and  any  dissensions  among  the  Moslems  were  never  anything  more  than 
the  results  of  palace  intrigues  that  had  very  little  repercussion  among  the 
masses.  The  Caliph's  authority,  although  it  had  greatly  diminished,  was 
nevertheless  respected  generally,  and  orders  from  Bagdad  were  listened 
to  as  coming  from  the  head  of  their  religion  recognized  by  all  the  faithful. 

Ashot  II  (914-929),  Sembat's  son,  ascended  the  throne 
ASHOT  II       on  his  father's  death,  but  it  was  a  very  tottering  throne 
914-929  for,  on  the  one  hand,  Youssouf  had  left  garrisons  in  all 

the  chief  positions  in  Armenia,  and  on  the  other,  many 
Armenian  chiefs  refused  to  submit  to  the  new  king  of  AnI.  A  part  of 
the  people,  following  the  example  of  their  nobles,  were  engaged  in  looting. 
Anarchy  reigned  in  the  provinces  that  Ashot  was  to  reign  over. 

Notwithstanding  these  countless  difficulties,  this  new  king  whom 
the  Armenians  surnamed  Yergath,  (i.e.  "of  iron"),  succeeded  in  driving  the 
Moslems  from  all  the  fortresses  they  had  held  throughout  his  dominions. 
Youssouf,  however,  aided  by  the  prevailing  lawlessness  and  the  dissensions 
among  the  nobles,  again  invaded  those  provinces  which  the  king  could 
not  defend,  and  sowed  desolation  in  the  wake  of  his  army.  Encouraged 
by  their  master,  the  soldiers  of  Islam  committed  nameless  atrocities.  The 
towns  and  villages  that  fell  into  their  hands  were  reduced  to  ashes;  men 
and  women  were  tied  together  and  cut  in  pieces;  pregnant  women  were 
ripped  up,  and  children  at  the  breast  crushed,  or  else  thrown  from  the 
house-tops,  or  from  cliffs,  with  other  bandits  waiting  to  receive  them  on 
their  spears  below.  Thousands  of  women  and  maidens  were  distributed 
among  the  soldiers  or  taken  off  to  be  sold  as  slaves.  Youssouf,  spurred 
by  ambition  as  much  as  by  hatred  of  Christianity,  gave  the  Armenians 
the  choice  only  of  apostasy  or  death  under  the  most  cruel  torture.  The 
disaster  was  tremendous.  The  peasants  fled  into  the  mountains,  hid  in 
Inaccessible  heights  or  In  caverns,  abandoning  their  villages  and  farms, 
with  the  consequence  that  ere  long  famine  added  its  ills  to  those  of  war. 

Armenia  would  have  perished  entirely  had  not  Emperor  Constantine 
Porphyrogenetus  acceded  to  the  plea  of  the  king  and  the  patriarch  John  VI, 
and  sent  Ashot  some  military  assistance.     The  latter  with  this  help  suc- 

—  161  — 


COIN  OF  EMPEROR 

CONSTANTINE  XI 

PORPHYRO- 

GENETUS 


ceeded  in  taking  a  few  rebel  cities  and  in  driving  the  Moslems  from  the 
plain  of  Erivan.  Among  the  rebel  cities  he  overcame  was  the  town  of 
Koghp  at  the  junction  of  the  Arpa-tchai  and  the  Araxes;  its  inhabitants 
were  severely  punished.  This  town,  however,  apparently  belonged  to 
the  commander-in-chief  Ashot,  son  of  the  uncle  of  king  Schapouh,  for  this 
prince  looked  upon  its  capture  as  a  personal  affront  as  also  the  punishment 
of  the  inhabitants,  and  he  accordingly  took  up  arms  against  his  suzerain 
(921-923).  Youssouf  encouraged  him  in  this  re- 
volt and  proclaimed  him  king  of  Armenia  at  Dovin. 
After  no  less  than  three  reconciliations  with  his 
suzerain,  due  to  the  offices  of  the  Catholicos  John, 
followed  by  fresh  rebellion,  Ashot  nevertheless  kept 
his  title  of  king  until  his  death,  which  occurred 
twelve  years  after  his  final  submission  (936). 

Dovin,  not  more  than  a  day's  march  away  from 
Erivan,  commanded  the  Ararat  plain  and  its  out- 
lets in  the  direction  of  Vaspurakan.  By  entrusting 
the  rebel  prince  with  this  station,  Youssouf  provided 
for  himself  access  to  the  capital  of  the  kingdom  of 
Ani.  Moreover  the  example  of  rebellion  given  by  a  member  of  the  royal 
family  induced  a  number  of  other  nobles  to  declare  their  independence. 
They  were  also  in  hopes  of  making  small  kingdoms  for  themselves,  but 
Ashot  II  compelled  them  each  in  turn  to  return  to  their  allegiance.  Some 
of  these  obtained  pardon,  but  others  were  blinded,  by  the  king's  orders. 

During  this  troubled  period,  not  only  was  Armenia  ravaged  each 
year  by  the  Moslems  and  by  the  bands  of  Armenian  peasants  that  infested 
the  country,  but  the  nobles  also 
of  Gougarq,  Uti,  and  Artsakh. 
who  had  rebelled  against  the 
king,  called  on  the  Caucasians, 
the  Abkhasians,  the  Aghouans, 
large  bodies  of  whom  under  their 
respective  chiefs  overran  the 
country,  looting  and  carrying 
away  the  women.  Everywhere 
frightful  desolation  reigned  and 
in  the  royal  family  itself  the 
darkest  plots  were  hatched. 
Abas,  the  king's  brother,  sought 


MINIATURE  FROM  AN  ARMENIAN 

GOSPEL-BOOK,  DATED  AD.  966 
( from  a  photograph  sent  by  F.  Macler.) 


—  162  — 


Ashot's  assassination.  When  the  latter  appointed  a  member  of  his  family 
as  governor  somewhere,  this  relative  no  sooner  reached  his  new  abode 
than  he  would  proclaim  his  independence. 

The  king  of  Armenia  needed  indeed  an  iron  will  to  overcome  so  many 
obstacles.  In  this  he  succeeded,  by  dint  of  courage  and  skill.  At  the 
death  of  Ashot  II,  there  had  been  no  time  for  him  to  restore  the  cities 
and  towns  but  Armenia  was  at  least  at  peace,  Youssouf  having  abandoned 
his  warfare.  A  period  of  prosperity  seemed  about  to  dawn  for  the  unhappy 
land. 

As  Ashot  had  ro  sons,  the  princes  on  the  advice 
ABAS,  929-953  of  Gaghik,  king  of  Vaspurakan,  offered  the  throne  to 
Abas,  the  late  king's  brother.  But,  under  this  new 
sovereign,  the  revolts  which  Ashot  had  suppressed  by  his  vigor,  broke  out 
with  fresh  strength.  There  was  fighting  everywhere,  even  in  Persian 
Armenia,  in  the  districts  of  Khoi  and  Salmas,  for  not  only  did  the  nobles 
refuse  obedience  to  their  suzerain,  but  they  were  at  odds  with  one  another. 
Despite  these  ceaseless  disturbances,  Abas  restored  many  cities,  in- 
cluding Kars  which  he  made  his  second  capital;  he  built  churches  and 
monasteries  in  the  place  of  those  destroyed  by  the  Moslems,  and  died  after 
reigning  twenty-four  years  (929-953),  leaving  his  kingdom  still  wasted 
and  a  prey  to  the  strife  among  the  nobles. 

Ashot  III  who  succeeded  Abas,  according  to  some 
ASHOT   III        writers  was  the  son  of  Ashot  II,  but  as  we  have  seen,  that 
953-977  sovereign  left  no  male  heir.     It  is  more  likely  therefore 

that  Ashot  III  was  the  son  of  Abas. 


163  — 


T      *    :•.      '■^■■  fflTMiiPtiuliTili,  ■''II' 'llhiirrri* 


TOMB  OF  KING  ASHOT  III  THE  CHARITABLE, 
AT  HORMOS  MONASTERY  NEAR  ANI 

(from  a  photograph  by  K.  J.  Basmadjian) 


The  change  of  ruler  was  a  fresh  signal  for  trouble  In  Armenia.  Bands 
of  robbers  overran  the  country  and  the  outlying  districts  were  infested 
with  highwaymen.  Nevertheless  the  new  king  managed  in  a  few  months 
to  enforce  peace  with  the  help  of  a  few  faithful  nobles,  and  when  order 
was  estabHshed,  he  had  himself  crowned  In  the  cathedral  of  his  capital 
city  of  Ani  in  the  presence  of  the  patriarch  Ananias,  the  Catholicos  of  the 
Aghouans,  and  forty  bishops.  He  allowed  his  brother  Mouschegh  to  as- 
sume the  royal  crown  in  Kars  (962-984).  Thus  began  the  spHtting-up  of 
Armenia,  acquiesced  In  by  the  monarch  in  the  belief  that  the  formation 
of  small  kingdoms  was  the  only  way  to  keep  the  allegiance  of  the  tur- 
bulent nobles. 


—  164  — 


>A,H?OYAUME 


Z  lOi^  .yt'K?/?  Gandzairi 


Erzeroum 


^^ 


^T.ile 


on     1^ 


O- 


U** 


tf*' 


<//t' 


Bitll 


Etiplv 

/  REC?l?OUNlQc;^' 

Diarbekir 


NskhUchevan 


'c>'  Sj/mas 


b  ai  djan 


L.d'OiirminA 


Ourmiah 


s./K^^<^feis 


THE  ARMENIAN  KINGDOMS  OF  THE  TENTH  CENTURY 


Aboussahl  -  Hamazasp     (958-968) 

ARMENIA  DIVIDED  was  then  reigning  over  Vaspurakan,  but 

INTO  SEVEN  KINGDOMS       on  his  death  his  territory  was  divided 

among  his  three  sons,  and  three  king- 
doms were  thus  formed.  Ashot-Sahak  ruled  over  most  of  the  country, 
while  his  brothers,  Gourgen-Khatchik  and  John  Senacherim  were  kings  of 
Antzevatsik  and  Rechtunlk.  As  for  Siuniq,  which  comprised  the  land  be- 
tween the  Araxes  and  the  Lake  Sevan  region,  it  became  independent  in 
970.    Lori,  in  982,  seceded  also  from  the  king  of  Armenia,  and  from  that 


—  165  — 


time  to  the  middle  of  the  13th  century  that  city  was  the  royal  residence 
of  the  third  branch  of  the  Bagratids,  namely,  the  Korikians. 

In  Ta'iq  a  new  dynasty  was  founded, 
but  here  it  was  not  an  Armenian  prince 
who  proclaimed  his  independence,  but  a 
Georgian,  David  Curopalates  (983-1001), 
who,  countenanced  by  the  Byzantine  Em- 
peror, emerged  from  Mingrelia  where 
his  family  had  taken  refuge  at  the  time 
of  the  Arab  conquest,  and  assumed  the 
crown. 

In    this   manner,   without    reckoning 
the  local  nobles  who  had  each  declared 
the  independence  of  his  district,  Armenia  was  split  up  among  seven  kings, 
almost  all  at  war  with  one  another  or  with  their  vassals.    The  north  of  the 


COIN  OF   DAVID 

CUROPALATES, 

KING  OF  GEORGIA 

(983-1001) 


«^;- 


VIEW  OF  THE  RAMPARTS  AND  CHIEF  GATE  OF  THE  CITY  OF  ANI 
^from  a  photograph  by  K.  J.  Basmadjian) 

country  was  under  the  influence  and  nominal  authority  of  Constantinople, 
while  the  southern  kingdoms  paid  tribute  to  the  Moslems. 

In  any  case,  the  more  unruly  of  the  ambitious  princes  having  achieved 
the  satisfaction  they  had  longed  for,  the  reign  of  Ashot  III  "the  Charitable" 
was  fairly  peaceful  and  prosperous.  He  defeated  and  slew  the  Saracen 
Hamdoun  who  had  revolted  against  the  Caliph  and  invaded  Armenia. 
This  service  ingratiated  him  with  Mokti-Billah  (94-5-974).    Otherwise,  he 


166  — 


was  satisfied  with  defending  his  frontiers,  restoring  quiet  to  his  realm, 
and  fortifying  his  chief  cities,  particularly  Ani.  But  politics  in  those  days 
were  so  unstable  that  after  this  loyal  conduct  towards  his  suzerain  the 
Caliph,  Ashot  with  thirty  thousand  troops  joined  the  Basileus  John  Zi- 
misces  then  threatening  the  Arabs  on  the  Tigris. 

Ashot  III  was  one  of  the  best  of  his  dynasty  and  his  kindness  earned 
him  the  title  of  "The  Charitable".  He  was  a  man  of  vigorous  action  in 
the  presence  of  the  enemy  or  faced  with  his  rebellious  nobles,  and  at  the 
same  time  of  a  disposition  so  charitable  that  it  became  proverbial.  He  was 


,,,,.«i;j/!ii!f\ 


i-<^/. 


-;^:f1^; 


■rj-^. 


VIEW  OF  THE  CASTLE  OF  ANI,  TAKEN  FROM  OUTSIDE  THE  CITY 
(from  a  photograph  by  K.  J.  Basmadjian) 

of  great  piety  and  built  very  many  churches,  monasteries,  and  houses  of 
refuge,  and  devoted  himself  to  the  care  of  his  people.  His  wife,  Queen 
Khosrovanoisch  (daughter  of  Chosroes)  was  as  devoted  and  generous  as 
her  husband.  The  convents  of  Sana'in  and  Aghpat  in  the  territory  of 
Gougarq  (1)  were  founded  by  this  queen. 

Ashot   Hi's   eldest   son,    Sembat  H    (977-989)    was 

SEMBAT  II      crowned  in  the  Cathedral  of  Ani.     At  the  outset  of  his 

977-989  reign  he  had  to  put  down  some  revolts  on  the  part  of  the 

nobles,  but  these  disturbances  had  no  serious  results,  for 

the  separation  of  Armenia  into  seven  kingdoms  made  the  country  much 

easier  to  pacify,  as  the  nobility  could  not  unite  against  the  king's  authority. 


f.  1)    Ciinton  of  Tseraphor   (Tzorognet).  60  miles  «onth  of  Tiflis 

—  167  — 


The  defense  and  embellishment  of  Anl  were  the  king's  chief  concern. 
He  built  the  double  wall  flanked  by  round  towers  protecting  the  city  on 
the  north,  a  work  that  took  eight  years.  Sembat  died  just  after  he  had 
laid  the  foundations  of  the  magnificent  Ani  cathedral  (989).  This  superb 
structure,  though  partly  in  ruins  today,  is  still  majestic  in  the  purity  of 
its  lines  and  the  chasteness  of  its  carvings.  He  did  not  long  survive  his 
niece  whom  he  had  dared  to  marry  contrary  to  the  customs  and  laws  of 
the  Church.  As  we  know,  Gregorian  Christianity  forbade  the  marriage 
of  near  relatives.  He  was  born  at  a  time  when  the  customs  of  the  Maz- 
deans  still  left  many  vestiges,  and  usage  had  authorized  incestuous  mar- 
riages among  the  Persians.  The  king  transgressed  the  precepts  of  his 
religion,  and  his  historians  blame  him  severely,  but  we  may  remember 
that  the  Catholic  church  later  tolerated  such  marriages,  and  the  act  does 
not  warrant  casting  a  stain  on  his  memory. 

In  the  kingdom  of  Kars,  Mouschegh  died  (984)  leaving  the  crown  to 
his  son  Abas  (984-1029).  Though  lazy  and  frivolous  hitherto,  he  showed 
himself  quite  different  once  on  the  throne.  He  was  a  patron  of  literature 
and  art,  and  drew  to  his  capital  the  most  eminent  scholars,  making  a  small 
Athens  of  his  capital. 

The  kingdom  of  Vaspurakan,  under  Ashot-Sahak  (968-990),  had  had 
a  less  peaceful  time.  Abouthelb,  chief  of  Goghten,  a  land  on  the  right 
bank  of  the  Araxes,  north  of  Lake  Urumiah,  had  treacherously  mas- 
sacred some  of  this  Armenian  ruler's  troops  and  war  had  ensued.  The 
brother  of  the  king,  Gourgen-Katchik  (990-1103),  brought  about  the 
downfall  of  this  State. 

At  Sembat  H's  death,  his  brother  Gaghik  I   (989- 
GAGHIK  I        1020)  received  the  crown.    During  his  reign  the  dynasty 
989-1020  of  the  Bagratlds  of  Ani  reached  its  zenith  of  power.    The 

cathedral  was  finished,  and  the  little  kingdom  was  covered 
with  churches,  chapels,  monasteries,  and  schools.  Commerce  made  strides 
hitherto  unknown.  Nakhitchevan,  Ani,  Ardzen,  Bitlis  (Baguech),  and 
many  other  cities  became  important  marts  where  the  products  of  Persia, 
Arabia,  India,  and  even  China,  were  exchanged  for  those  of  the  West. 

Despite  his  lack  of  political  power  due  to  the  small  size  of  his  king- 
dom, Gaghik  availed  himself  of  this  era  of  peace  to  turn  his  subjects 
actively  In  the  direction  of  trade,  and  Armenia  became  the  intermediary 
between  the  Orient  and  the  Mediterranean  countries.  His  endeavors  were 
richly  rewarded,  for  the  traffic  between  the  provinces  of  the  Empire  and 

—  168  — 


the  Arab  possessions  meant  huge  commissions  for  the  Armenian  middleman. 

Between  the  Moslem  East  and  the  Christian  West  ever  at  war, 
direct  business  dealings  were  impossible;  middlemen  were  necessary,  and 
by  reason  of  their  geographical  position  two  nations  only  could  assume 
this  role,  namely,  the  Georgians  commanding  the  route  from  the  Caspian 
to  the  Black  Sea,  and  the  Armenians,  living  on  the  plateau  above  Iran 
and  Mesopotamia.  The  Kartvelians,  however,  were  indifferent  and  heed- 
less, unconcerned  for  the  morrow,  and  wasting  their  energies  on  their 
princes'  quarrels  or  in  fighting  their  mountain  neighbors.  They  had  none 
whatever  of  the  qualities  needed  to  fit  them  for  acting  in  any  economic 
capacity  between  the  two  great  centers  of  world  production.  The  Ar- 
menians alone  had  the  capacity  to  fulfill  this  mission.  They  thus  brought 
wealth  and  prosperity  to  their  country. 


VIEW  OF  THE  CATHEDRAL  OF  ANI 
(from  a  photograph  by  K.  J.  Basmadjian) 


The  chronicler,  Aristaces  of  Lastlvert,  who  lived  at  the  time  of  the 
splendor  and  the  downfall  of  the  Bagratid  capital,  has  left  us  a  word- 
picture  of  the  small  kingdom  of  AnI  before  the  arrival  of  the  Seljuks. 
These  pages  are  charmingly  poetical  and  naive,  with  their  truly  oriental 
flavor: 

"This  country  offered  the  traveler  the  picture  of  a  radiant  and  happy 

—  169  — 


"garden,  fertile  and  verdant,  with  abounding  foliage,  and  laden  with  fruit. 
'•In  their  seignloral  halls  with  joyful  mien  sat  the  princes;  clad  in 
"bright  colors,  they  partook  of  the  springtime  floral  pattern  around  them. 
"Cheerful  words  and  glad  songs  alone  were  to  be  heard,  while  the  sound 
"of  flutes,  cymbals,  and  other  instruments  caressed  the  soul  as  with  happy 
"tidings;  the  elders  sat  in  the  public  squares,  their  hoary  heads  their  crown 
"of  honor,  while  the  mothers  tenderly  held  their  children  in  their  arms 
"as  doves  sheltering  their  little  ones.  And  how  can  one  depict  the  loving 
"looks  and  tender  passion  of  the  newly  wed  absorbed  in  blissful  content- 
"ment!  But  let  us  raise  our  subject  of  discourse,  and  speak  of  the  patriar- 
"chal  throne  and  the  splendor  of  the  royal  presence.  Like  unto  a  cloud 
"laden  with  the  graces  of  the  Spirit,  the  Pontiff  caused  the  dew  of  life  to 
"fall  In  showers  and  water  the  garden  of  the  Church,  whose  walls  were 
"watchfully  guarded  by  those  his  ministers  consecrated  by  himself.  As 
"for  the  King,  when  he  proceeded  in  the  morning  from  the  City,  he  was  as 
"the  bridegroom  issuing  from  the  nuptial  chamber,  and  as  the  orb  of  day 
"in  its  ascent  draws  the  eye  of  every  creature  below,  so  he,  radiant 
"in  his  shining  vestments  and  pearl-laden  crown,  constrained  all  to  be- 
"hold  him  and  marvel;  his  white  steed  In  golden  harness  resplendent  In  the 
"sunshine  dazzled  all  eyes,  while  the  multitude  of  soldiers  marching  before 
"him  in  compact  array  were  like  waves  of  the  sea  following  one  another 
"In  succession."  (1) 


In  spite  of  the  wealth  of  the  Ararat  country  at  that  time,  the  Bagra- 
tid  rulers  do  not  seem  to  have  ever  coined  any  money,  for  no  native  coin 
has  yet  been  found.  Having  to  pay 
tribute  to  the  Caliphs,  the  Armenian 
kings  were  certainly  considered  as 
subject  to  the  Arabs  and  therefore 
act  entitled  to  issue  their  own  spe- 
cie. Further  north,  in  the  terri- 
tories which  the  Greeks  looked  upon 
as  belonging  to  the  Empire,  there 
was  greater  tolerance,  and  so  we 
have  specimens  of  coins  struck  by 
the  Georgians.  David  Curopalates 
(983-1001)    in   the    Taik   territory, 


COIN  OF  BAGRAT  IV 
KING  OF  GEORGIA 

(1026-1072) 


(1)  Transl.  A.  TCHOBANIAN. 


—  170  — 


Bagrat  IV  (1026-1072),  son  of  Giorgi  I,  Giorgi  II  (1072-1089)  at  Tiflis, 
have  left  us  their  silver  and  copper  pieces  struck  in  the  Byzantine  style, 

and  the  last  Armenian  king  of  Albania, 
Korike  (1046-1082)  struck  foUes.  Both  in 
Georgia  and  Aghouania,  however,  this  mon- 
ey was  insufficient  for  the  needs  of  trade, 
and  Byzantine  and  Arab  gold  pieces  were  in 
circulation,  as  in  all  Western  Asia.  For 
silver  coins  there  were  the  dirhems  issued  by 
the  Caliphs,  and  the  old  Sassanid  and  Ro- 
man denarii,  while  as  to  copper  money,  all 
the  mints  of  the  Empire  put  out  huge 
amounts.  It  is  surprising,  however,  that  there  were  no  mints  in  this 
region,  for  Armenia  is  extremely  rich  in  copper  and  silver  mines. 


COIN   OF  GIORGI  II 

KING    OF   GEORGIA, 

(1072-1089) 


Though  peace  had  come  to  Armenia,  the  same  was  not  true  of  the 
surrounding  countries.  The  Caliphs  were  experiencing  unceasing  revolts 
on  the  part  of  the  emirs,  and  on  the  north  the  people  were  fighting  among 
themselves,  against  the  Arabs,  and  against  the  Georgians.  In  the  west, 
there  was  equal  misfortune,  the  Emperor  Basil  II  was  threatened  by  the 

Bulgarians.  The  Greek  emperors  had 
transferred  to  Macedonia  in  the  past  a 
large  number  of  Armenian  families,  and 
the  latter  making  common  cause  with 
the  Bulgarians  had  taken  up  arms  against 
their  former  rulers.  The  chief  of  the 
insurgents,  named  Samuel,  was  born  In 
Armenia,  in  the  district  of  Derdchan, 
east  of  Erzerum.  Momentarily  victorious 
over  the  Greeks,  he  laid  down  his  arms  on  condition  that  the  Basileus  give 
him  his  sister  in  marriage,  hoping  in  this  manner  to  forge  a  claim  to  the 
Imperial  crown,  an  ambition  flattered  by  the  memory  of  Leo  the  Philo- 
pher  and  other  Armenians  who  had  worn  the  purple  of  the  Caesars.  But 
instead  of  sending  him  the  princess,  Basil  had  Samuel  presented  with  a 
young  slave,  who  was  taken  to  him  by  the  Metropolitan  of  Sebaste.  In 
his  anger  Samuel  had  the  patriarch  burned  alive.  This  cruel  deed  did 
not  remain  unpunished,  for  Basil,  "the  Slayer  of  Bulgarians"  (Bulgaro- 
ctonos),  defeated  Samuel  and  executed  him. 


COIN  OF  EMPEROR  BASIL  II 


171  — 


'^ 


COIN    OF    KING    GORIGE 
OF  ALBANIA 

(1046-1082) 


Gaghik  deemed  it  wise  not  to 
meddle  with  the  strife  going  on  in 
Europe,  and  besides  it  would  have 
been  difficult  to  send  troops  into  the 
West,  when  the  kingdoms  adjacent  to 
Armenia  were  tearing  one  another 
asunder. 

David  whom  the  Emperor  had 
placed  over  the  land  of  Ta'ik  took  ad- 
vantage of  the  death  of  Pad,  emir  of 
the  Abahunians,  to  drive  out  the  Mos- 
lems from  that  territory,  and  had  seized  Manazkert.  The  vanquished  enemy 
called  on  Mamloun,  the  emir  of  Azerbaidjan,  for  help,  and  he  with  auxi- 
liaries he  summoned  from  Persia  won  back  the  districts  taken  from  the 
Moslems.  Whereupon  David  obtained  the  assistance  of  Gorige  I,  king 
of  Georgia,  and  Gaghik,  king  of  Kars,  and  thus  recovered  the  districts 
north-east  of  Lake  Van. 

Despite  his  advanced  years,  David  was  prevented  from  enjoying  his 
renown  by  reason  of  surrounding  jealousy.  At  the  instigation  of  the 
nobles  of  the  land  of  Taik,  the  Georgian  archbishop  Hilarion  smothered 
him,  after  trying,  it  is  said,  to  kill  him  by  putting  poison  in  the  holy 
elements  reserved  for  the  Eucharist   (1). 

About  the  year  1003,  the  king  of  Vaspurakan,  Gourgen-Khatchik, 
died  and  his  brother  John-Senacherim  (990-1006)  seized  the  throne  over 
the  heads  of  the  deceased  king's  children.  Gaghik  I,  his  suzerain,  who 
did  not  dare  to  oppose  this  injustice,  died  nearly  twenty  years  later. 

Johannes-Sembat,  or  Sembat  III  (1020-1042),  the 
SEMBAT  III  eldest  son  of  Gaghik,  ascended  the  throne  of  Ani,  but 
1020-1042  his  corpulency  unfitted  him  for  fighting  and  he  had  none 
of  the  qualities  a  king  needed  in  Armenia's  sorry  cir- 
cumstances. Temperamentally  heedless  and  indolent,  he  failed  to  claim 
the  title  of  Shananshah  (or  King  of  kings)  borne  by  his  father,  with  the 
consequence  that  the  various  rulers  of  Armenia  freed  themselves  from 
their  feudal  ties  with  the  overlordship  of  Ani.  His  younger  brother,  Ashot, 
was  enterprising  and  warlike,  and  in  view  of  the  indifference  shown  by  the 
new  king  just  crowned  by  Gorige,  king  of  Georgia,  he  claimed  the  throne 
for  himself  and  took  to  arms.    Senacherim,  king  of  Vaspurakan,  gave  him 


(1)   Fr.  TOURNEBISE,  op.  cit.  according  to  Matthew  of  Edessa,  I,  22  &  24  — 
The  words  on  this  prince's  coins  are  written  in  Georgian  and  not  in  Armenian 


—  172  — 


armed  assistance  and  the  two  allies  came  to  the  walls  of  Ani  to  give  battle. 
Johannes  negotiated  through  the  Catholicos  Peter,  and  Ashot  appeared  to 
give  way  and  be  satisfied  with  the  title  of  viceroy  for  the  whole  kingdom, 
on  condition  he  was  assured  of  ascending  the  throne  at  Sembat  Ill's  death. 

This  agreement  was  on  the  surface  only,  for  Ashot  still  sought  to 
reign.  Taking  advantage  of  his  brother's  weak  character,  and  being  now 
at  the  royal  court,  he  formed  a  powerful  party  by  means  of  violence  and 
treachery.  In  the  meantime,  Gorige,  the  king  of  Georgia  captured  the 
king  and  held  him  prisoner,  and  Ashot  was  on  the  point  of  availing  him- 
self of  the  opportunity  to  usurp  the  crown.  Sembat  III  ransomed  him- 
self, however,  by  giving  up  three  fortresses  to  the  Georgians,  and  Ashot, 
seeing  his  plan  foiled,  tried  to  lure  the  king  into  his  hands  by  a  ruse,  in 
order  that  the  conspirators  might  slay  him.  Prince  Apirat,  one  of  the 
latter,  acting  from  his  own  motives  rather  than  out  of  repugnance  for  the 
crime,  revealed  the  plot  to  the  king.  Ashot  in  fear  of  his  life  fled  to  the 
Emperor  Basil  II,  from  whom,  on  the  strength  of  promises  we  do  not  know, 
he  obtained  help.  He  went  back  to  Armenia  in  command  of  Greek  troops 
and  compelled  his  brother  to  surrender  to  him  the  territories  bordering 
on  Georgia  and  Persia.  Of  these  he  made  his  new  kingdom,  but  it  meant 
a  fresh  parceling  out  of  Armenia  and  a  considerable  reduction  in  the  size 
of  the  king  of  Ani's  realm  which  now  consisted  only  of  the  territories  of 
Erivan  and  Ararat. 

During    this    internecine   warfare 

ARRIVAL  OF  THE  TURKS       among  the  Armenians,  a  terrible  storm 

IN  ARMENIA  was    darkening    the    eastern    horizon. 

Barbarous  tribes  of  cruel  and  fearless 
character  had  emerged  from  the  Oxus  plains  and  invaded  Khorasan  and 
the  north  of  the  Iranian  tableland,  driving  before  them  the  Persians  and 
Kurds  and  the  Arab  emirs.  None  could  stand  before  these  swift  horse- 
men and  unequalled  bowmen,  who  attacked  and  retreated  with  like  ra- 
pidity. The  Seljuk  Turks  were  invading  Western  Asia  and  spreading 
like  some  overflowing  torrent.  The  Armenian  historians  called  these 
nomads  Scythians  or  Scythian  Tartars,  remembering  the  hordes  that 
fifteen  centuries  before  had  likewise  overrun  Asia  from  those  endless  plains 
beyond  the  Caucasus  and  the  Caspian  and  the  Bactrlan  mountains. 

The  Turks  had  developed  into  a  nation  at  the  foot  of  the  Altai  moun- 

—  173  — 


tains,  on  the  steppes  still  inhabited  by  the  Turcomans,  where  Jagatai,  the 
early  Tartar  language,  was  spoken.  Though  since  converted  to  Islam, 
at  that  time  the  Turks  were  neither  co-religionists  nor  allies  of  the  Arabs. 
On  the  contrary,  they  cast  greedy  eyes  both  on  the  rich  provinces  of  the 
Caliph  and  those  of  the  Emperor.  They  were  insatiable  robbers  and  un- 
bridled in  their  thirst  for  blood.  Arab  cruelties  were  nothing  compared  to 
those  the  Turks  were  to  commit. 

Even  more  than  Johannes'  kingdom,  Vaspurakan  was  then  In  need  of 
a  brave  and  skilful  chief  to  repel  the  attacks  of  the  robber  hordes  issuing 
from  the  eastern  plains.  The  Turks  had  already  appeared  on  the  Ar- 
menian borders,  after  making  themselves  masters  of  an  empire  able  to 
measure  itself  against  the  power  of  the  Caliphs,  but  these  men  of  the 
north  were  not  attracted  by  the  countries  of  the  south.  They  went  for- 
ward from  east  to  west  along  the  mountain  regions  where  they  found 
rich  pasturage  for  their  herds.  It  was  more  than  a  war,  it  was  total  in- 
vasion, for  the  entire  tribes  followed  in  the  wake  of  their  horsemen,  car- 
rying with  them  all  their  possessions,  their  wives  and  children  and  old 
people,  along  with  their  booty  from  the  lands  they  had  sacked,  ever  seek- 
ing a  new  settling  ground  but  unable  to  reach  a  new  homeland  because 
drawn  ever  forward  by  the  desire  to  possess  what  others  owned.  The  on- 
ward wave  stopped  only  in  front  of  Constantinople,  stemmed  for  a  time 
by  the  might  of  the  Empire. 

The  first  encounters  of  the  newcomers  ?nd  the  Armenians  were  sev- 
ere and  took  place  on  the  borders  of  Vaspurakan.  Shapuh,  Senacherim's 
general,  at  first  put  the  invaders  to  flight.  This  was,  however,  only  a 
brush  with  the  advance-guard  of  the  Tartar  tribes.  The  bulk  of  their 
army  was  slowly  approaching  and  the  king,  fearful  of  having  to  meet 
such  enemies  and  aware  of  his  helplessness,  gave  up  his  kingdom  to  Em- 
peror Basil  II,  keeping  only  the  monasteries  with  their  dependent  villages. 
In  exchange,  the  Basileus  gave  him  the  city  of  Sebaste  (Sivas)  in  Cappa- 

docla  with  Its  territory  as  far  as  the  Euphrates.     Sena- 

ARMENIAN      cherim  abandoned  to  the  Greeks  a  principality  contain- 

PRINCIPAL-     Ing  ten  cities,  twenty-two  castles,  and  four  thousand  vil- 

ITY  OF  lages,  and  in  1021  departed  to  take  possession  of  his  new 

SIVAS  domain  taking  with  him  his  family  and  four  hundred 

thousand  of  his  subjects,  about  a  third  of  the  population 
of  his  former  realm.    The  remainder  of  his  people,  after  a  short  interval 

-_  174  _ 


of  protection  against  their  savage  enemy,  succumbed  to  Turkish  slavery, 
never  to  rise  again  until  the  present  time. 

The  new  principality  of  Slvas,  In  the  heart  of  the  Greek  empire, 
seemed  destined  to  have  some  peace,  but  its  overlords  as  Orthodox  Chris- 
tians opposed  to  the  Gregorian  Armenians  could  not  forget  the  old  sec- 
tarian bitterness.  The  harsh  rule  of  Constantinople  bore  heavily  on  the 
emigrants  till  the  day  the  Turks  in  their  westward  advance  seized  the 
country. 

The  Seljuks  were  already  inside  the  kingdom  of  Ani,  and  in  1021 
they  reached  the  fortress  of  Bedchni  on  the  north  of  Ararat.  There  they 
were  repelled  by  the  Armenians  under  Vasak  Bahlavuni,  the  father  of 
Gregory  Magistros,  who  was  killed,  however,  after  his  victory.  The 
Emir  of  Dovin,  the  Arab  Abou-Sewar,  fearing  for  his  own  safety,  aUied 
himself  with  the  Seljuks  and  fought  against  the  Christians  of  Armenia. 
David  Anoghin,  the  chief  of  Gougarq  and  Aghouania,  with  the  help  of  the 
Abkhasians  to  whom  he  had  appealed,  marched  against  the  enemies  of 
the  Cross  and  defeated  them  in  a  frightful  massacre,  gathering  much  booty 
at  the  same  time. 

But  alas!  these  were  only  fleeting  and  isolated  successes.  The  Ar- 
menians supported  by  small  Greek  contingents  could  not  stop  the  ever- 
increasing  stream.  Tribe  followed  tribe;  the  advance-guards  might  be 
stopped  for  a  few  months  but  they  were  soon  reinforced  by  reserves  coming 
up.  The  Turks  had  left  large  bodies  of  troops  throughout  northern  Persia 
and  Khorasan,  also  in  the  section  of  Atropatenes  where  Teheran  was  later 
built;  but  the  bulk  of  the  nation  continued  on  their  way  to  the  rich  prov- 
inces of  the  West.  Four  and  a  half  centuries  still  separated  them  from  that 
ill-fated  day  for  civilization  when  their  conquering  descendants  crossed 
the  threshold  of  St.  Sophia. 

The  war  was  merciless,  and  both  sides  indulged  in  the  worst  excesses. 
The  barbarity  of  the  Turks  incensed  the  Armenians  and  the  Christians 
in  turn  gave  no  quarter,  but  the  Moslems  committed  horrors  beyond  hu- 
man imagination.  A  governor  named  Khoudrik,  probably  a  Kurd,  having 
recaptured  from  the  Greeks  and  Armenians  the  town  of  Berkry  on  the 
north-east  of  Lake  Van,  had  a  ditch  dug  and  slaughtered  so  many  Chris- 
tians that  the  ditch  was  filled  with  blood  and  he  could  bathe  in  it. 

Whilst   Armenia   underwent    such    suffering,    the    Byzantines    whom 

—  175  — 


Senacherim  had  let  into  the  heart  of  the  country,  lost  no  opportunity  to 
compel  the  obedience  of  the  unfortunate  inhabitants.  Disembarking  at 
Trebizond,  Basil  II  subdued  Abkhasia  which  had 
rebelled  against  him,  and  secured  the  province  of 
Ta'iq  which  David  Curopalates  had  promised  him. 
Then  pretending  to  believe  that  Johannes  had  taken 
part  in  the  revolt  of  the  king  of  Abkhasia,  he  threat- 
ened the  tiny  kingdom  of  Ani.  Caught  between 
Togruhl  bey,  the  terrible  Seljuk  chief,  and  the  Basi- 
leus,  Johannes  sent  the  Patriarch  Peter  (1023)  to 
Basil  II  to  beg  for  his  protection.  Feeling  lost,  he 
preferred  to  surrender  to  the  Christians  rather  than 
submit  to  the  hateful  yoke  of  the  Turks,  and  he 
offered  to  give  up  to  the  Greeks  after  his  death  the  province  of  Schirak  with 
his  capital,  Ani  itself.  This  promise,  although  in  writing,  remained  a  dead 
letter  so  long  as  Constantine  XI  (1025-1028),  Basil  IPs  brother,  and  Mi- 
chael IV  the  Paphlagonian  (1034-1041)  reigned  at  Constantinople.  It 
was  kept,  however,  in  the  archives  of  the  Holy  Palace  giving  the  Greeks 
an  opportunity  of  which  they  availed  themselves  when  the  time  came,  to 
extend  their  rule  over  all  the  regions  as  far  as  the  Araxes  and  beyond. 
Moreover  the  little  kingdom  of  Kars,  where  Gaghik  (1029-1064),  the  son 
of  Abas,  then  reigned,  was  likewise  coveted  by  the  Byzantines. 


COIN  OF  EMPEROR 
MICHAEL  IV,  THE 
PAPHLAGONIAN 


Johannes-Sembat  III  and  his  brother  Ashot  died  al- 
GAGHIK  II  most  at  the  same  time,  and  Ashot's  son,  Gaghik  II,  thus 
1042-1045  inherited  both  crowns.  Emperor  Michael  Calaphates 
thereupon  claimed  the  rights  conferred  on  him  by  Jo- 
hannes' letter  to  Basil  II,  and  demanded  Schirak  and  the  city  of  Ani. 
The  Regency  council  refused  to  admit  a  surrender  that  had  been  obtained 
only  through  fear,  and  the  Emperor  sent  into  Schirak  an  army  supported 
by  Vest-Sarkis,  the  chief  of  the  Siunians,  who  hoped  to  obtain  from  the 
Greeks  the  city  of  Ani  for  himself  in  the  place  of  Gaghik. 

The  allies  were  laying  siege  to  the  capital  when  the  aged  Vahram 
Bahlavuni  defeated  and  slaughtered  them.  Then,  master  of  the  situation. 
Vahram  took  advantage  of  the  dissensions  reigning  at  Constantinople,  to 
have  Gaghik  II  crowned  in  Ani  by  the  patriarch  Peter.  This  prince  was 
then  in  his  sixteenth  year,  but  in  valor  he  was  a  worthy  king  and  would 
undoubtedly  have  prolonged  Armenia's  independence  had  he  not  been 
thwarted  by  treachery. 


—  176  — 


The  danger  which  seemed  averted  on  the  Greek  side  loomed  ever 
greater  on  that  of  the  Seljuks.  The  Turanians  were  camped  on  the 
north  of  the  Araxes  on  the  river  Hrastan,  the  Zenghi-tchai  of  the  Turks, 
which  iiows  from  the  Gheuk-tchai  into  the  Araxes. 
Gaghik  came  out  of  Ani  at  the  head  of  his  army  and 
lured  the  enemy  into  a  trap  where  he  defeated  them. 
The  Moslems  crossing  over  the  Araxes  fled  to  the 
south-west  of  Lake  Urumiah,  towards  the  Kurdistan 
of  Moukri;  then  after  resting  they  again  took  the  of- 
fensive and  invaded  Vaspurakan,  passing  through  the  COIN  OF 

•  FlVrPFROR    CON- 

mountains  of  the  Kurds  who  certainly  made  common       STANTINE    XII 

cause  with  them  against  the  Christians.    There  a  leader       MONOMACHUS 
named  Khatchik  the  Lion  with  only  a  handful  of  men  held  the  enemy  in 
check.    The  brave  soldier  fell  in  the  struggle,  but  his  sons  arrived  with  a 
few  thousand  men  and  put  the  Turks  to  flight  in  the  districts  of  Khoi  and 
Salmas. 

Hardly  had  Gaghik  II  repelled  the  Moslems  than  the  Greeks  again 
threatened  him.  Constantine  Monomachus  (1042-1055)  who  had  just 
ascended  the  throne  through  his  marriage  with  Zoe,  claimed  Schirak  and 
Ani  on  the  grounds  of  Johannes'  promise.  The  king  refused  to  listen  to 
the  Greek  claims,  and  when  they  invaded  Schirak,  they  were  defeated 
under  the  very  walls  of  the  capital.  ^ 

Unable  to  conquer  the  kingdom  of  Ani  by  arms,  the  Basileus  had 
recourse  to  treachery.  Byzantine  gold  subverted  a  good  number  of  Ar- 
menian nobles  who  gradually  got  the  king  to  believe  that  it  was  to  his 
advantage  to  accept  the  Emperor's  offers  and  to  go  and  confer  with  him  at 
Constantinople  about  terms  of  peace. 

Splendidly  received  at  first  at  the  Imperial  court, 
EXILE  OF  Gaghik  soon  found  himself  summoned  by  the  Emperor 
GAGHIK  II  to  relinquish  the  throne  and  surrender  to  the  Greeks 
Schirak  and  Ani.  He  refused,  and  was  then  threatened 
with  captivity  and  exile,  but  to  no  avail.  Then  Constantine  showed  him 
a  letter  in  which  the  Armenian  nobles  affirmed  their  allegiance  to  the 
Empire  and  offered  to  deliver  to  the  Emperor  the  keys  of  Ani.  Betrayed 
by  his  own  nobles,  forsaken  by  all,  and  alone  in  a  foreign  city,  Gaghik 
gave  up  his  kingdom  (1045)  and  received  In  exchange  the  theme  of  Ly- 
candus.  with  the  towns  of  Bizou  and  Golombeghad,  near  Caesarea,  on 
the  border  of  Cappadocla.  He  was  also  given  a  palace  on  the  Bosphorus 
and  a  pension  from  the  Imperial  treasury. 

—  177  — 


The  hatred  of  the  Orthodox  Greeks  for  the  Gregorians  was  not 
assuaged  by  the  annexation  of  Armenia  to  the  Empire,  and  the  Greeks, 
to  convert  the  Armenians  to  their  creed,  used  the  same  severity  as  the 
Arabs  and  Turks.  As  a  Roman  province,  Armenia  was  actually  en- 
slaved by  the  officials  sent  from  the  Imperial  capital.  Heavy  taxes  loaded 
down  the  people,  and  the  extorted  gold  was  used  either  to  pay  off  the 
Barbarians  or  to  build  churches  on  the  Bosphorus.  Byzantium  made  it 
its  business  to  get  rid  by  steel  or  poison  of  the  Armenian  nobles  who  had 
so  much  influence  with  the  people,  and  no  noble  was  sure  of  living  till  the 
morrow. 

An  inscription  carved  at  Ani  a  few  years  after  the  Byzantines  seized 
the  city,  the  text  of  which  was  taken  down  by  Brosset,  shows  its  neglected 
condition  at  that  time.  It  reads:  "In  the  name  of  Almighty  God  and  by 
"the  mercy  of  the  holy  Emperor,  our  Autocrat  Constantine  Ducas:  I, 
"Bagrat  Magistros,  Katapan  [governor  general]  of  the  East,  Vkatzl, 
"decided  to  confer  benefits  on  this  metropolis  of  Ani.  There  were  ap- 
"pointed:  as  Tanouter  [Administrator]  Mekhitar  Hypatos,  son  of  Court; 
"as  Spathara-candldate  [Equerry]  Grigor,  son  of  Lapatac;  also  as  Spa- 
"thara-candidate,  Sarkis,  son  of  Artabazus.  They  canceled  the  taxes 
"called  vetscevor,  sailli,  camen,  and  angarion,  (1)  The  Katapan,  who- 
mever he  may  be,  shall  give  six  hundred  bushels  of  seed,  and  the  Tanouters 
"shall  defray  from  their  official  purse  the  cost  of  the  other  gifts.  As  all 
"supplies  have  much  difficulty  In  reaching  Ani,  the  wine-merchants  of  the 
"city  shall  be  exempted  from  paying  toll,  whether  they  use  carts  or 
"beasts  of  burden.  Every  Inhabitant  buying  an  animal  for  slaughter  Is 
"exempted  from  paying  toll.  Every  porter  of  the  city  Is  exempt  for  one 
"half  of  the  cotton  (?)  Whereas  the  QapoudjI  [overseer  of  the  city  gates] 
"received  six  gold  tahegans  and  three  tram,  this  Is  to  be  reduced  by  two 
.  .  .  etc. 

His  fellow-countrymen's  groans  reached  Gaghik  even  in  exile,  and 
the  scornful  treatment  meted  by  the  Greeks  to  his  former  subjects  caused 
him  distress.  He  himself  had  often  to  bear  the  insolence  of  his  present 
masters,  and  Incensed  at  so  much  misfortune,  the  prince  vowed  to  avenge 
his  nation's  honor.  Even  in  Cappadocia  the  Greeks  lost  no  opportunity 
to  express  their  contempt  for  those  Eastern  Christians  who  did  not  be- 
lieve In  God  according  to  their  own  ritual.    The  Metropolitan  of  Caesarea, 


(1)  Vetscevor:  one  sixth  tax.  Sailli:  machine  for  treading  the  com  {tribulum 
in  Latin)  ;  Camen:  tax  on  wagons.  Angarion  was  the  tribute  of  enforced  labor,  or 
corvee. 

—  178  — 


Mark,  who  was  conspicuous  for  his  ill-will  toward  the  Armenians,  took 
every  opportunity  to  express  his  scorn  for  them.  This  bishop  had  a  very 
big  young  dog  which  he  called  "Armen",  and  he  also  called  Armenians 
"dogs".  Gaghik  was  outraged  by  this  insult,  and  resolved  to  punish  the 
impudent  prelate.  One  day  he  called  with  a  few  friends  on  the  bishop 
who  received  him  with  all  outwards  signs  of  greatest  respect.  During  the 
interview  Gaghik  asked  to  see  the  dog,  and  enquired  why  he  was  called 
Armen.  "He  is  a  very  handsome  dog,"  answered  the  Metropolitan,  "and 
so  I  named  him  'the  Armenian'." 

The  king  beckoned  to  his  escort,  and  they  thrust  Mark  and  his  dog 
inside  a  sack,  and  then  struck  the  dog  with  a  stick  so  that  the  animal  be- 
came wild  and  bit  his  master  so  terribly  that  the  latter  died. 

Thenceforward  Gaghik  was  hated  by  the  Greeks 
GAGHIK  II  and  they  sought  every  means  of  getting  rid  of  him. 

MURDERED        One  day  as  he  was  walking  in  the  country  near  the 
1079  fortress  of  Cyzistra,  west  of  Caesarea,  some  Greeks 

surprised  him,  carried  him  inside  the  fort,  and  a  few 
days  later  his  bleeding  body  was  hanging  from  the  castle  battlements 
(1079).  John  and  David,  his  two  sons,  died  shortly  after,  also  Ashot, 
John's  son,  all  three  of  them  poisoned. 

The  Greeks  did  not  confine  their  spite  to  the  royal  family  of  Ani. 
In  1080,  Atom  and  Abousahl,  Senacherim's  sons,  were  killed  at  Sivas  by 
the  Byzantines,  along  with  Gaghik,  the  son  of  Abas,  the  last  of  the  Bag- 
ratid  kings  of  Kars,  and  their  lands  were  annexed  to  the  Imperial  realm. 
Thus  the  Greeks,  more  cruel  and  fanatical  than  the  Arabs  themselves, 
had  destroyed  entirely  within  a  few  years,  by  treachery  and  murder,  the 
famous  house  of  the  Bagratids,  the  hope  of  the  Armenian  nation.  Some 
collateral  branches  of  the  royal  stock  remained,  however,  and  to  this  day 
even  the  name  of  the  Bagratids  is  still  extant. 

These  crimes  committed  by  Byzantium  were  not  only  wicked  but  also 
very  unwise,  for  Armenia  as  an  outpost  of  Christianity  in  the  East  could, 
had  she  been  made  strong  by  the  Emperors,  have  stemmed  for  many 
years  the  oncoming  of  the  Turks,  and  been  a  shield  for  Constantinople. 
But  at  the  holy  Palace  sectarian  hatred  was  the  chief  thought,  and  there 
was  no  comprehension  of  the  dangers  that  the  Seljuk  invasion  involved  for 
the  Imperial  crown.  So  many  previous  tribes  of  barbarians  had  threat- 
ened the  Empire  that  the  general  thought  was  indifferent. 

—  179  — 


The  Greeks  ruled  in  western  Armenia  and  shared  northern  Armenia 
with  the  Georgians,  whilst  the  Seljuks  held  the  eastern  part  of  Trans- 
caucasia, and  Arab  princes  occupied  the  southern  provinces.     This  state 


COIN  OF  THE  ORTOKID  SULTANS  OF  MARDIN  in  genere 
(Nedjm-ed  Din  Elpi.    1152-1176) 

of  things  did  not  last  long,  however,  for  the  Greeks,  blind  to  the  military- 
help  they  might  have  had  from  the  Armenians,  were  unable  to  maintain 
in  the  Ararat  region  any  army  that  could  stand  up  against  the  new  in- 
vaders. Both  Byzantines  and  Caucasians  were  eventually  driven  out  by 
Alp-Arslan  and  his  son  Melik-Shah  (1072-1092),  whose  dominions  soon 
extended  from  the  Indus  to  the  Caspian  Sea  and  the  Bosphorus.  From 
atop  the  Byzantine  towers  could  then  be  spied  the  terrible  horsemen  of 
the  steppes  riding  on  the  Bithynian  shore.  Emir  Sokman,  son  of  Ortok, 
and  his  brother  Il-Ghazi  (the  Victorious)  founded  each  an  Ortokid  dy- 
nasty, one  at  Amidus  and  the  other  at  Mardin,  and  Sokman  took  the  title 
of  Shah-Armen,  "king  of  Armenia."  (1) 

Nevertheless  the  Turkish  conquest  of  Armenia  met  with  some  re- 
sistance on  the  part  of  the  inhabitants,  and  the  Greeks  also  had  still  a 
few  legions  on  the  Araxes  and  on  the  plateau  of  Erzerum.  From  1048 
to  1054  Togruhl  bey  several  times  sent  out  his  hordes  over  the  eastern 
provinces  of  the  Empire.  His  cousin  Kutulmisch  and  his  nephew  Hassan 
were  defeated,  but  his  brother  Ibrahim  laid  waste  the  territory  of  Vaspura- 
kan,  and  then  proceeding  north  captured  Ardzen,  near  Erzerum,  a  city 
which  then  had  eight  hundred  churches  and  enormous  wealth.    The  Turks 


(1)  According  to  Miraat-el-iber,  Emir  Ortok  Len  Eqsuq  was  a  Turcoman  from 
the  city  of  Schehriman  in  Transoxiana,  and  came  from  there  in  the  year  455  of  the 
Hegira  to  enter  the  army  of  the  Seljnk  ruler  Alp-Aslan.  His  sons  founded  the  dynas- 
ties called  the  Ortokids. 


—  180  — 


burned  the  city  after  sacking  it,  and  took  off  150,000  of  the  inhabitants  of 
the  district  into  slavery. 

Continuing  northward,  Ibrahim  attacked  near  Ardzen  the  Greek 
army  of  sixty  thousand  men,  who  had  just  seen  central  Armenia  pillaged. 
The  Bulgarian  commander  of  Vaspurakan  named  Aaron,  Prince  Libarid 
of  Georgia,  and  Cramen,  the  Greek  governor  of  Ani,  were  in  command 
of  this  force,  and  they  fought  the  enemy  and  made  him  withdraw.  Libarid, 
however,  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  Moslems.  The  Turks  were  stopped 
but  not  defeated,  for  on  withdrawing  from  the  Imperial  army,  they  seized, 
sacked,  and  destroyed  Kars.  The  ruler  of  that  city,  Gaghik-Abas 
or  Korike  (1046-1082),  avoided  capture  only  by  taking  refuge  in  the 
famous  citadel  of  Kars,  built  on  an  inaccessible  rock. 

The  inroads  of  the  Turks  were  unceasing.  In  1054,  Togruhl  himself 
entered  the  districts  of  Van  and  laid  them  waste.  Gaghik-Abas  who  went 
out  against  him  was  defeated  and  obliged  to  flee  inside  Van,  and  the  Tur- 
kish chief  then  proceeded  to  besiege  Manazkert,  a  city  near  the  junction 
of  the  Tuzlu-tchai  and  the  Araxes.  The  town  was  defended  by  Basil, 
the  son  of  the  Armenian  Aboukhab,  who  was  governing  it  for  the  Empire. 
Togruhl  failed  owing  to  the  garrison's  heroic  resistance.  To  avenge  his 
set-back,  he  plundered  the  town  of  Ardzke  on  the  north  of  Lake  Van. 

Circumstances,  moreover,  favored  the  Seljuks.  The  death  of  Con- 
stantine  Monomachus,  and  the  struggle  between  Emperor  Michael  VI 
and  his  rival  Isaac  Comnenus,  were  then  distracting  the  Byzantine  court, 
and  Armenia  in  fragments,  defeated  and  rulerless,  could  offer  the  Turks 
but  slight  resistance.  Togruhl  accordingly  devastated  western  Armenia 
and  Melitene.  Lack  of  supplies  for  his  army  compelled  him,  however,  to 
withdraw,  and  the  Armenians  attacked  him  in  the  mountain  gorges  and 
caused  him  serious  losses.  Nevertheless  the  following  summer  the  Turkish 
chief  took  the  city  of  Sivas  (Sebaste).  (July,  1059).  The  latter  city 
was  sacked,  its  churches  left  in  ruins,  and  the  majority  of  the  citizens  put 
to  the  sword.  The  survivors  were  carried  off  into  slavery,  and  the  Moslem 
army  left  the  banks  of  the  river  Halys  (Kizil-Irmak)  with  an  enormous 
train  of  spoil,  of  carts  laden  with  gold  and  silver  and  rich  fabrics,  for 
Sivas  was  then  a  very  important  trading  cei.'ter.  Every  year  these  in- 
satiable robbers  repeated  their  invasions  of  Armenia,  slaughtering  mer- 
cilessly the  inhabitants  and  sowing  desolation  in  these  formerly  rich 
valleys. 

Togruhl  bey  died  in  1063,  and  his  nephew  Alp-Arslan  (the  brave 
Lion),  who  was  even  more  fierce  and  bloody  than  his  uncle  succeeded  to 

—  181  — 


the  command  of  the  Turkish  tribes.  He  had  no  sooner  taken  over  than 
he  swooped  down  on  Armenia,  subdued  the  Aghouans  and  carried  deso- 
lation throughout  the  lands  of  the  Lesser  Caucasus,  laying  their  towns 
in  ruins.  Ani  alone  shut  itself  within  its  gates  and  resisted  with  the  cour- 
age of  despair.  Bagarat  the  Armenian,  who  bore  the  title  of  Duke,  held 
the  city  for  the  Byzantines,  and  just  when  Alp-Arslan  had  become  weary  of 
fruitless  attempts  to  storm  it  and  was  about  to  withdraw,  this  governor, 
afraid  lest  he  should  have  still  bigger  attacks  to  meet, 
CAPTURE  OF  took  shelter  in  the  citadel  situated  as  we  have  seen 
ANI  BY  THE  south  of  the  town.     Forsaken  by  the  Greek  troops, 

SELJUK  the  inhabitants  were  already  fleeing  along  the  valley 

1064  of  the  Arpa-tchai  when  the  Turks  scaled  the  now  de- 

fenseless ramparts  and  gained  an  entry  (6  June,  1064). 
Nameless  massacres  and  devastation  ensued,  and  blood  flowed  like  a  river 
in  the  streets  and  squares.  Thousands  and  thousands  of  people  were 
put  to  the  sword  and  those  who  took  refuge  inside  the  churches  perished 
in  the  burning  edifices.  Any  Armenians  who  appeared  to  be  wealthy 
were  tortured  and  forced  to  disclose  their  treasures. 

The  Armenian  chronicler  of  the  11th  century,  Aristaces  of  Lastivert, 
wrote:  "Our  cities  were  devastated,  our  houses  and  palaces  burned,  our 
"royal  halls  reduced  to  ashes.  Men  were  cut  to  pieces  in  the  streets  and 
"women  snatched  from  the  homes.  Infants  were  crushed  on  the  pave- 
"ments  and  the  faces  of  the  young  disfigured;  maidens  were  ravished 
"in  the  squares  and  youths  killed  in  the  presence  of  the  aged;  the  hoary 
"heads  of  the  old  men  were  steeped  in  blood  and  their  bodies  rolled  in 
"the  dust." 

The  looting  and  killing  of  the  citizens  continued  for  several  days, 
until  Alp-Arslan  withdrew  leaving  nothing  but  ruins.  Duke  Bagarat  and 
the  Greek  soldiers  had  fled  under  cover  of  a  storm  and  the  Seljuk  leader 
replaced  them  inside  the  citadel  by  a  Moslem  governor  and  garrison. 
Blood-stained  and  glutted  with  treasures,  Alp-Arslan  proceeded  from  the 
ravaged  city  to  Nakhitchevan,  taking  with  him  an  enormous  quantity  of 
booty  and  a  multitude  of  slaves.  Among  the  riches  stolen  from  the  Bag- 
ratid  capital  was  the  great  silver  cross  that  had  crowned  the  Cathedral 
dome;  this  the  Turk  purposed  to  lay  on  the  threshold  of  his  mosque  in 
Nakhitchevan  so  that  the  true  believers  should  have  the  satisfaction  of 
trampling  on  the  Christian  emblem  every  time  they  entered  their  holy 
place  to  praise  the  glory  and  might  of  Allah.  Ani  never  arose  from  its 
ruins.    Occupied  in  turn  by  the  Seljuks  (1064-1072),  the  Kurdish  emirs 

—  182  — 


(1072-1124),  the  Georgians  (1124-1126,  1161-1163),  and  by  the  Tartar, 
and  Persians,  it  saw  its  final  days  in  the  Uth  century  (1)  when  an  earth- 
quake overthrew  whatever  little  remained  of  its  former  splendor.  The 
inhabitants  migrated  into  Georgia,  the  Crimea,  Moldavia  and  Poland. 

Ani,  the  city  of  a  thousand  churches,  of  which  I  have  already  des- 
cribed the  site,  is  nothing  more  today  than  a  ruin-covered  wilderness, 
the  abode  of  wild  animals.  This  very  abandonment  of  the  Bagratid 
capital  gives,  however,  an  ineffable  charm  to  the  remains  of  its  one-time 
glory.  On  this  promontory  fringed  with  the  deep  gorges  where  its  two 
rivers  flow,  the  dead  city  stretches  out  into  the  mystery-laden  air,  where 
the  great  churches  and  the  ramparts  alone  survive.  Shapeless  heaps  of 
rubbish  hidden  by  the  brushwood  mark  the  spots  where  once  stood 
princely  dwellings;  the  streets  and  squares  have  vanished,  the  palaces 
have  crumbled,  and  yet,  amid  this  tangled  mass  of  bits  of  walls,  are  still 
to  be  seen  imposing  sanctuaries,  stately  in  their  ordered  lines  and  en- 
trancing in  their  ornate  lace-like  carvings  and  their  quaint  frescos.  The 
majestic  remains  of  these  sacred  edifices,  the  names  of  which  are  mostly 
forgotten  today,  bear  witness  to  the  refined  taste  both  of  the  kings  of 
Ani  and  their  architects.  The  double  wall  defending  the  city  on  the  north, 
with  its  towers,  castle,  and  keep,  call  forth  countless  memories  linking 
Armenia  with  the  West.  One  cannot  help  but  feel  Intense  pity  as  one 
walks  through  these  desert  places  today,  pity  for  the  victims  of  the  ter- 
rible deeds  here  committed,  of  the  massacres  and  sackings  so  poignantly 
related  by  Aristaces.  Turkish  misgovernment  during  the  ensuing  cen- 
turies is  indeed  seen  to  be  Satan's  handiwork. 

The  country  around  Ani  is  barren  and  denuded,  with  rocks  of  pink, 
brown,  and  yellow-gold  lava;  the  soil  is  red,  and  the  hills  seem  still  to 
carry  lingering  flames  of  the  fires  that  destroyed  the  Bagratid  city  and  of 
the  volcanic  outbursts  that  consummated  its  ruin. 

A  few  remains  of  Ani's  wealth,  saved  from  the  pillage,  have  come 
down  to  us.  The  treasure-room  of  Etchmiadzin  cathedral  contains  silver 
crosses,  church  decorations,  objects  of  worship,  and  precious  manuscripts 
piously  preserved  by  the  priests,  whilst  other  relics  that  have  come  to 
light  in  recent  excavations  have  been  housed  in  a  museum  reverently 
maintained  at  Ani  Itself. 

About  the  year  1318  (718  of  the  Hegira),  the  first  Moslem  prince  of 
Ani,  Manouchar,  the  son  of  Aboul-Sewar,  built  at  the  edge  of  the  Arpa- 


(1)   A.D.  1320,  or  year  769  of  the  Armenian  era. 

—  183  — 


tchai  cliffs  a  mosque,  the  ruins  of  which  are  still  to  be  seen.  It  was  a 
building  showing  strong  Byzantine  influence  upheld  by  low  squat  columns 
and  with  semi-circular  arches;  the  edifice  was  undoubtedly  copied  partly 
from  the  Christian  buildings  at  Ani,  particularly  the  Khoscha-Vank.  At 
the  top  of  the  polygonal  minaret  can  be  clearly  seen,  built  of  bricks  in  the 
stone,  a  Kufic  inscription  invoking  Allah. 

Freedom  for  Greater  Armenia  was  at  an  end;  some  of  her  nobles 
turned  to  the  Greeks  despite  their  repugnance  for  the  tyranny  and  trea- 
chery of  the  Byzantine  court,  others  accepted  the  Seljuk  yoke,  and  some 
embraced  Islam,  but  the  majority  of  the  people  did  not  abandon  the  land 
of  their  forefathers  and  preserved  its  traditions  and  faith,  preferring 
slavery  to  shame.  In  the  west,  a  new  Armenia  was  about  to  rise,  and  all 
hope  was  not  lost  for  the  Haikian  nation. 

Greater  Armenia  was  over  fifteen  hundred 
ROLE  OF  years  old  when  she  sank  into  political  oblivion. 

THE  ARMENIAN        As   we   have   seen,   she    never    once    ceased    her 
NOBLES  struggle  for  independence,  but  her  very  geographi- 

cal position  between  two  great  empires  destined 
her  to  fall.  From  the  time  of  Alexander's  conquests  and  Rome's  appear- 
ance in  Asia,  with  the  constant  threats  of  the  Parthians,  the  Sassanids, 
and  the  Arabs  on  the  one  side  and  the  legions  of  Italy  and  Byzantium  on 
the  other,  she  had  no  chance  against  formidable  enemies. 

Her  people,  nevertheless,  were  endowed  with  energy  and  warlike 
qualities;  her  nobles  and  kings  also  showed  exemplary  bravery,  but  by 
the  very  fact  of  their  origin  and  of  the  influence  of  neighboring  States,  this 
aristocracy  lacked  the  necessary  community  of  though  to  cope  with  such 
dangers. 

When  the  children  of  Haik  conquered  the  land  of  Ararat,  they  were 
all  primitive  peoples  led  by  their  tribal  chieftains  or  heads  of  clans,  by 
their  Armeno-Phrygian  or  Brigian  nobility.  In  the  process  of  assimilating 
the  inhabitants  of  Nairi  and  Urartu  whom  they  conquered,  however, 
they  had  to  respect  the  traditions  of  these  latter,  whose  leaders,  having 
formerly  fought  the  Assyrians,  were  maintained  as  nobles  in  the  new 
community.  A  comparison  of  Armenian  family  names  with  those  of  the 
Urartaean  language  shows  the  origin  of  many  of  the  ruling  houses  of 
Armenia.  We  can  be  sure  that  the  two  aristocracies  were  not  one  in  senti- 
ment, and  that  the  Armenian  stock  considered  themselves  superior,  while 
the  Nairi  element  regretted  the  time  when  they  were  independent. 

—  184  — 


These  basic  divergencies  were  supplemented  by  additional  elements 
that  settled  in  Armenia  during  the  successive  rules  of  the  Achaemenians, 
the  Greeks,  the  Parthians,  the  Sassanids,  the  Romans,  the  Byzantines, 
the  Arabs,  and  the  Turks.  Consequently  the  nobility  of  the  country  be- 
came extremely  mixed,  their  interests  and  trends  were  varied  and  often 
opposed,  from  all  of  which  causes  there  arose  rivalries,  hatreds,  and  much 
chafing  under  the  king's  authority,  with  resulting  extreme  weakness  for 
whole  nation. 

Even  in  the  days  of  Darius  we  see  an  Armenian  betraying  his  coun- 
try, and  placed  by  the  Persian  king  in  command  of  an  army  ordered  to 
subdue  Armenia.  Throughout  subsequent  history  the  nobles  continued 
to  put  forward  selfish  claims,  their  conflicting  racial  origin  showing  itself 
in  warring  tendencies  and  interests. 

No  doubt  they  were  valiant,  brave  even  to  excess,  like  their  neighbors, 
the  Georgian  nobles,  but  most  often  they  subordinated  the  interests  of 
the  State  to  their  personal  ambitions  and  grudges.  The  existence  of 
seven  small  Armenian  kingdoms  at  the  time  of  the  Turkish  invasion  is 
the  best  proof  of  this.  Covered  with  mountains  difficult  of  access  and  di- 
vided by  nature  into  very  many  regions,  Armenia  in  itself  was  ill-suited 
for  political  unity. 

The  very  same  causes  have  operated  to  preserve  to  our  own  day  the 
numerous  peoples  of  the  Greater  Caucasus  and  their  mutual  independence, 
likewise  the  separate  tribes  of  the  Kurds  who  still  have  each  their  chief- 
tain and  are  generally  hostile  to  one  another  despite  their  common  lan- 
guage and  origin.  We  need  not  therefore  be  surprised  at  the  immemorial 
strife  in  the  land  of  Ararat,  which  continued  after  the  conversion  to 
Christianity,  although  their  religion  was  indeed  one  unifying  link  among 
the  different  sections  of  the  Armenian  people. 

Armenia  needed  a  Louis  XI  or  a  Richelieu  to  quell  the  strife  among 
the  nobles  and  endow  royal  authority  with  the  power  the  nation  needed 
in  its  grave  difficulties  throughout  the  centuries;  but  such  great  men  it 
did  not  have.  Some  of  the  rulers  were  able,  it  is  true,  to  tame  their  feuda- 
tories' tempers,  but  their  authority  was  only  fleeting  and  personal;  these 
provincial  chieftains  were  not  subdued,  and,  as  we  have  seen,  Persians, 
Greeks,  and  Moslems,  all  took  adroit  advantage  of  their  quarrels.  By- 
zantium made  a  grave  mistake  in  maintaining  enmity  to  the  Armenians, 
and  her  sectarian  policy  resulted  both  in  Armenia's  downfall  and  in  the 
Greeks'  own  final  defeat  in  the  East.  Rome  never  sought  to  humiliate 
Armenia;  on  the  contrary.     Instead  of  a  subject  people  on  the  southern 

—  185  — 


slopes  of  the  Caucasus,  Byzantium  needed  an  allied  kingdom  extending 
from  the  Tigris  to  the  Black  Sea  and  from  the  Euphrates  to  the  Caspian 
Sea,  able  with  its  ten  million  inhabitants  to  put  many  legions  of  fighting 
men  into  battle,  soldiers  sworn  to  drive  back  the  enemies  of  Christianity. 
Armenia  had  such  resources  at  Byzantium's  disposal. 

An  Armenian  State  so  conceived  would  have  meant  salvation  for 
the  Empire,  but  at  Constantinople,  wasted  with  wranglings  over  dogma 
and  riven  with  constant  palace  revolutions,  Roman  statesmanship  was 
entirely  lost  sight  of,  and  instead  of  strengthening  the  kings  of  Ani,  the 
Byzantines  did  nothing  but  sow  dissension  in  order  to  get  possession  of 
territories  they  were  never  able  to  hold. 

Being  more  sheltered  from  the  Moslem  incursions  than  their  kins- 
men on  the  Araxes,  the  Bagratlds  of  Georgia  kept  their  throne  for  six 
centuries  after  the  fall  of  Ani.  These  more  fortunate  princes  had  the 
great  Caucasian  mountain  stronghold  to  repair  to  as  a  last  resort  when- 
ever they  were  too  hard  pressed. 


TOMBSTONE  OF  HAIRAPET, 
BISHOP  OF  SIUNIQ 


—  186 


CHAPTER  VII  (1) 
The  Barony  of  New  Armenia  (1080-1199) 

The  Armenian  nobles  who  went  with  their  prince  Gaghik  II  to  Con- 
stantinople settled  for  the  most  part  in  the  new  domains  of  their  sove- 
reign, and  formed  a  small  court  around  him.    Most  of  this  nobility,  more- 


MAP  OF  CILICIA 


(1)  In  Chapters  VII  and  VIII  on  New  Armenia,  I  have  transcribed  the  names 
in  accordance  with  local  pronunciation  which  for  some  letters  differs  from  the 
eastern  Armenian;  e.g.  Sempad,  Lampron,  Gorigos,  etc.  instead  of  Sembat,  Lambron, 
Korikos,  etc  The  letters  b,  g,  d,  k,  dz,  p,  and  t  of  the  western  Armenians  are  pro- 
nounced p.  k,  t,  g.  tz.  b,  d  respectively  by  the  eastern  Armenians.  The  latter  being 
the  more  regular  has  been  adopted  as  the  classical  pronunciation. 


—  187 


over,  were  more  or  less  related  to  the  Bagratid  family.  One  of  them  was 
named  Rupen,  and  belonged,  some  said,  to  the  ancient  princely  house 
of  the  Artzrunis  who  from  time  immemorial  had  figured  largely  in  the 
court  of  Greater  Armenia.  Others  claimed  that  he  was  a  scion  of  the 
royal  Bagratid  line  itself. 

Writers  are  not  agreed  as  to  Rupen's  actual  connection  with  the  royal 
family,  but  in  any  case,  whether  or  not  his  sovereign's  kinsman,  this  noble- 
man exercised  considerable  authority  over  his  fellow-countrymen  exiled 
in  the  country  of  Zamantia,  for  immediately  upon  the  murder  of  the  last 
of  the  Bagratid  kings,  he  rallied  that  monarch's  former  subjects  and 
raised  the  standard  of  revolt  against  the  Byzantines. 

For  centuries  the  double-dealing,  despotism,  and  oppression  of  the 
Greeks  had  aroused  profound  hatred  for  them  among  the  Armenians. 
Their  mutual  aversion  was  increased  by  the  differences  between  them  of 
language,  customs,  tradition,  and  especially  religious  belief.  Neverthe- 
less, since  the  Ani  kingdom's  downfall,  there  were  two  parties  in  the  Ar- 
menian nation:  one  which  out  of  sheer  discouragement  decided  to  yield 
to  the  Greeks,  and  the  other  which  maintained  the  spirit  of  the  nation 
and,  unable  to  forget  the  treachery  which  led  to  the  Bagratid  kingdom 
becoming  an  Imperial  province,  cherished  the  hope  of  avenging  the  in- 
famous murder  of  their  last  king.  This  latter  party  resolved  to  withstand 
the  inclination  to  accept  slavery,  and  to  achieve  their  national  indepen- 
dence by  force  of  arms.  Besides  which,  the  Byzantine  Empire  was  de- 
crepit and  engrossed  with  religious  quarrels  and  with  a  number  of  fac- 
tions. It  was  beset  on  every  frontier  with  imminent  danger,  and  could 
offer  only  slight  opposition  to  any  provinces  in  revolt  against  the  tyranny 
of  the  dukes,  counts,  and  crowd  of  officials  who  had  gone  out  from  Byzan- 
tium to  fatten  themselves  on  the  districts  for  the  privilege  of  governing 
which  they  had  paid  the  Imperial  treasury.  There  was  no  longer  any 
security  in  the  Empire's  Asiatic  provinces  and  Rupen's  revolt  remained 
unnoticed  in  its  early  stages. 

Under    cover    of    tliis    breakdown    of    Imperial 

RUPEN'S  power,  the  Armenian  prince  was  able  to  organize  his 

REVOLT,   1080      rebellion,  gather  around  him  the  sturdiest  men  of  the 

nation,  and  rally  the  malcontents  to  open  war  on  the 

Greek  government  under  his  standard.     Restoring  the  kingdom  of  Ani, 

recently  fallen  into  the  hands  of  the  Seljuk  Turks,  was  out  of  the  question, 

—  188  — 


so  Rupen  looked  In  the  direction  of  Cilicia  where  a  good  many  Armenian 
nobles  had  already  settled  under  the  protection  of  the  Empire. 

After  having  been  conquered  by  the  Arabs,  Cilicia  was  again  within 
the  Emperor's  dominions.  Nicephorus  Phocas  in  964,  with  a  large  army, 
had  recaptured  from  the  Moslems  the  cities  of  Anazarbus,  Rhossus,  and 
Adana,  and  in  a  succeeding  campaign  Tarsus  and  Mopsuestia.  In  966 
the  Emperor  had  even  extended  his  conquests  as  far  as  Tripoli,  Damas- 
cus, and  Aleppo.  These  expeditions,  like  that  of  John  Zimisces  in  973, 
were  veritable  crusades.  Their  pretext 
of  seizing  the  holy  places  from  the  in- 
fidels did  not  exclude,  on  the  Emper- 
ors' part,  a  desire  to  get  back  the  rich 
Syrian  provinces,  the  loss  of  which  had 
been  severely  felt  by  their  Treasury. 


COIN  OF  NICEPHORUS  PHOCAS 


Southern  Asia  Minor,  however, 
had  suffered  grievously  from  Arab  oc- 
cupation, and  was  ruined  and  depopu- 
lated.    It  was  essential  to  rehabilitate 

those  districts  and  organize  them  so  that  they  might  offer  to  any  new 
attacks  by  the  Caliphs  a  strong  bastion  capable  of  protecting  Constanti- 
nople. Many  Armenian  nobles,  fleeing  before  the 
Turks,  left  their  lands  on  the  Araxes  and  Greater  Ar- 
menian plateau,  and  took  refuge  in  Greek  territory. 
Byzantium  took  advantage  of  this  voluntary  emigra- 
tion, and  seized  the  opportunity  to  build  up  after  a 
fashion  her  Syrian  marches  by  peopling  the  Euphrates 
banks  and  the  Taurus  with  these  Christians  whose 
military  value  they  had  often  had  occasion  to  appre- 
ciate. One  of  these  Armenian  nobles,  Nakharar  Oschin, 
had  formerly  owned  the  fortress  of  Mariats-Dchourk 
(river  of  the  Pines),  near  Gandzak  (Elizabethpol)  in 
Albania.  Leaving  his  country  in  1075  he  had  come 
to  Cilicia  where  his  kinsman  Abulkharib  Artzuni  was 
already  governing  Tarsus  and  Mopsuestia  for  Em- 
peror Alexis  Comnenus.  The  latter  nobleman  gave 
him,  as  a  hereditary  fief,  the  district  and  town  of  Lampron  (Nimrud- 
Qal'a)  on  the  Tarsus-tchai,  at  the  opening  of  the  Cilician  Gates  of  the 
Taurus,  an  exceedingly  Important  post  for  protecting  Cappadocla.    The 


COIN  OF  JOHN 
ZIMISCES 


—  189  — 


Arabs    subsequently    recaptured    Antioch,   and    Cllicia    accordingly   again 
became  an  Empire  outpost. 

The  boundaries  of  this  province  of  Cllicia  are  so  well 
CILICIA  set  by  natural  features,  and  so  distinct  from  the  adjacent 
lands,  that  one  can  hardly  imagine  any  other  political  de- 
marcation than  that  shown  by  a  reUef  map  of  its  surface.  On  the  west 
stand  like  an  immense  wall  of  circumvallation  the  high  chains  of  Isauria 
and  Cilicia-Trachea,  a  massif  of  mountains  shaped  like  a  vast  triangle, 
the  northern  foot  of  which  opens  on  the  plains  of  Lycaonia.  The  eastern 
shore  of  the  Gulf  of  Satalia  forms  another  side,  while  the  third  is  the 
western  shore  of  the  Gulf  of  Pompeiopolis.     At  the  apex  of  this  triangle 


CASTLE  OF  LAMPRON  (CILICIA) 

is  Cape  Anamur,  Anemurium  promontorium,  the  southernmost  point  of 
Asia  Minor  (1).  Cilicia's  natural  situation  made  it  not  only  of  great 
strategic  importance,  but  also  extremely  valuable  on  account  of  the  trade 
routes  leading  to  it. 


(1)   Ed    DULAURIER,   Recueil   des   Historiens   des   Croisades. 
meniens,  voL  I,  1869,  p.  XVIII 

—   190  — 


Docnments   ar- 


The  valleys  of  the  Seyhoun  (Saros)  and  the 
Jahan  (Pyramus)  communicated  with  Coele-Sy- 
ria  by  the  so-called  Syrian  Gates,  an  opening  in 
the  Amanus  Mountains  between  Mts.  Guzeldaugh 
and  Akmadagh  of  the  Turks,  likewise  by  the 
gorge  of  Alexandretta  and  the  seashore,  the  Por- 
tella  of  western  historians.  To  the  south-east 
was  the  city  of  Issus,  the  former  scene  of  Alex- 
ander the  Great's  victory  over  Darius  Codomanus 
and  later  of  the  death  of  Pescenius  Niger,  van- 
quished by  Septimius  Severus.     Issus  was  the  crossing  place  for  armies 


COIN  OF  ALEXIS  I 
COMNENUS 


\k\     H 


^A 


PORT 

i'  j  (AicLbe'/iirtcL" 


CHATEAU. 


^-##^ 


PLAN  OF  THE  RUINS  OF  AIAS 

arriving  from  the  Orontes  and  going  north,  or  for  those  from  Cappadocia 
en  the  march  to  Antioch. 

Aias  on  the  north  shore  of  the  Gulf  of  Alexandretta  was  then  and  con- 


—  191 


PLAN  OF  MEGARSUS 


tinued  to  be  during  the  Middle  Ages  a 

very  busy  port.  It  was  the  head  of  two 
very  important  trade  routes,  one  feeding 
Cappadocia  by  way  of  Lampron  and  the 
Cilician  Gates,  and  the  other  extending 
via  Gamban  and  Sebaste  in  Cappadocia 
to  the  upper  Euphrates  and  Greater  Ar- 
menia. Moreover  this  coast  abounded 
in  ports  and  anchorages.  Megarsus,  Ala- 
ya,  Side,  etc.,  were  safe  havens  for  ships, 
and  these  landing  places,  like  Aias,  added 
greatly  to  Cilicia's  trading  facilities  with 
the  Syrian  coast  and  the  western  coun- 
tries of  the  Mediterranean. 

It  was  therefore  the  Byzantine  policy  to  man  all  the  passages  lead- 
ing into  Cilicia,  and  to  this  end  the  emperors  encouraged  the  formation 
of  small  principalities  in  these  regions.  The  newly  arrived  nobles  received 
the  modest  title  of  Ishkhans,  corresponding  to  that  of  baron  which  was 
later  adopted  by  the  Crusaders.  In  the  Taurus  and  Amanus  mountains 
as  also  in  the  plains  separating  those  ramparts,  the  Ishkhans  were  already 
fairly  numerous  when  Rupen  started  his  revolt. 

We  are  unaware  of  the  exact  location 
in  Cappadocia  of  the  country  of  Zamantia, 
the  domain  of  Gaghik  II,  but  there  is  every 
reason  to  believe  that  it  was  north-east  of 
Iconium,  for  Cyzistra  where  this  last  of  the 
Bagratid  kings  was  murdered,  was  near 
Caesarea.  Rupen  therefore  set  out  from  the 
neighborhood  of  that  city.  He  proceeded 
first  westward  to  the  mountain  massif  of 
northern  Cilicia,  a  region  that  was  very  dif- 
ficult to  reach  but  from  which  he  could  defy 
the  Greek  troops.  He  seized  the  fortress  of 
Partzerpert  (1),  on  a  tributary  of  the  upper 
Pyramus  (Jahan-tchai),  about  a  day's 
march  upstream  from  Sis  (2).  This  last- 
named  stronghold  was  the  cradle  of  the 
kingdom  of  New  Armenia. 


PLAN  OF  ALAYA 


(1)  "The  Castle  above",  i.e.  on  a  monntain  snmmit. 

(2)  Matthew  of  EDESSA,  chap.  CLI.    TransL  DULAURIER,  Paris,  1858,  p.  217. 


192 


Consequently  Rupen  did 
not  Imitate  his  fellow-nobles 
and  request  the  Empire's  pro- 
tection. He  declared  himself 
independent,  and  by  so  doing 
obtained  at  once  precedence 
over  the  Armenian  barons  of 
these  mountains,  despite  the 
fact  that  he  himself  had  not 
acquired  right  to  any  title.  The 
historian  Hetum  writes:  "FI- 
"nally  he  died  In  the  peace  of 
"the  Lord,  after  living  a  pious 
"life,  and  was  buried  in  the 
"monastery  of  Castalon,  leav- 
"ing  his  son  Constantine 
"(1095-1099)  to  succeed  him." 
The  latter  was  the  first  of  the 
Rupenian  rulers  to  bear  the  title  of  baron. 


liPeoA* 


PLAN  OF   SIDE 


It  is  easy  to  imagine  the  utterly  forsaken  condition  at  that  time  of 
the  lovely  province  of  Clllcia,  once  so  rich  on  account  of  its  fertile  land 
and  Its  commercial  activity.  Laid  waste  by  the 
horrors  of  war,  plundered  by  the  Arabs,  with 
most  of  Its  people  carried  Into  slavery,  and  again 
put  to  fire  and  sword  at  the  departure  of  its  Mos- 
lem masters,  the  region  had  become  nothing  more 
than  a  wilderness  when  the  Armenian  settlers  ar- 
rived. The  scattered  remaining  Greeks,  Syrians, 
or  Jews  were  huddled  In  the  ruins  of  the  cities 
and  towns.  Only  the  immediate  outskirts  of 
cities  and  castles  were  tilled;  the  rest  of  the  coun- 
try was  abandoned.     At  the  time  of  the  Arab 


COIN  ASCRIBED  TO 
THE  ARMENIAN 
RULERS  OF  ASIA 

MINOR 

(National    French 

Collection) 


—  193  — 


conquest,  a  few  Greek  nobles  had  taken 
refuge  in  the  inaccessible  heights  of  the 
Taurus  and  Amanus  chains  and  held  out 
there,  whilst  the  pasturages  and  forests  har- 
bored refugees  with  their  flocks.  Rupen's 
successors  met,  consequently,  with  but  slight 
resistance  from  the  Greeks,  and  their  fel- 
low-Armenians, who  had  not  yet  been  many 
years  in  the  country,  appeared  on  the  whole 
in  favor  of  the  formation  of  the  small  new  State. 


COIN  OF  AN  UNNAMED 
BARON  OF  NEW  ARMENIA 


CONSTANTINE  I 

&  THOROS  I, 

BARONS 

1095-1129 


Constantine  I,  Rupen's  son,  (1095-1129), 
and  his  successor  Thoros  I  (1099-1129),  carry- 
ing on  their  predecessor's  plan,  were  concerned 
only  with  extending  their  domain  at  the  expense 
of  the  Byzantines.  Men  of  violent  character, 
with  few  scruples  as  to  their  means  for  achieving 
their  ends,  these  nobles  managed  by  degrees  to  rally  under  them  all  the 
chiefs  of  the  mountains  around  Partzerpart.  Early  in  his  reign,  Constan- 
tine obtained  possession  by  stratagem  of 
the  fortress  of  Vahka  (Feke)  on  the  up- 
per Sarus,  and  this  placed  him  a  position 
commanding  one  of  the  most  frequented 
roads  between  Tarsus  and  Upper  Cappa- 
docia. 

John   Dardel,   consigning  these  nar- 
ratives to  posterity,  has  the  following  ac- 
count of  the  above  feat  of  arms,  or  ra- 
ther of  cunning,  by  which  the  lords  of  the  mountain  secured  for  them- 
selves the  collection  of  tolls  on  all  merchandise  ascending  from  Aias  to 
the  interior  of  Asia  Minor.     The  power  of  the  Rupenian  rulers  had  its 
beginnings,  in  fact,  in  this  supply  of  funds. 

On  one  of  his  usual  expeditions,  Constantine  who  had  undoubtedly 
been  informed  by  the  Armenian  agents  whom  he  maintained  among  his 
neighbors,  "arrived  in  front  of  a  town  [Vahka]  where  the  good  folk  of 
''the  country  who  were  'Armens',  were  carrying  brambles  to  close  up  and 
^'repair  any  holes  in  the  walls  of  the  town  which  had  fallen  in.  Thereupon 
^'Baron  Constant  and  his  companions  with  him  took  off  their  armor  and 
"hid  it  between  the  brambles,  whereof  each  then  made  his  bundle,  which 
"they  carried  onto  the  walls  just  like  the  other  poor  people.     And  it  hap- 


COIN   OF  BARON   THOROS 


—  194  — 


"pesied  to  be  the  day  of  the  Assumption  of  the  Virgin  Mary  and  the  very 
"hour  when  the  Greeks  were  at  church  that  the  aforesaid  Baron  Constant 
"carried  the  aforesaid  brambles  along  with  their  armor  onto  the  walls  of 
"the  said  city.  And  when  they  saw  their  chance,  they  put  on  their  armor 
"and  took  the  Castle  and  then  went  to  the  church  and  seized  all  the  (keeks 
"who  were  therein."  (1) 

The   considerable    progress    the   insurgents    were 
ARRIVAL  OF         making  did   not  fail  to  cause   anxiety   in   Constanti- 
THE    SECOND        nople,  and  the  Emperor  was   taking  steps   to  put  a 
CRUSADE  stop   to  the  defection  in   the  mountains  of  Armeno- 

Cilicia.  when  the  arrival  of  the  Crusaders  frus- 
trated his  plans.  Godfrey  of  Bouillon  had  passed  over  into  Asia,  crossed 
Cilicia,  and  following  the  road  of  the  Sarus,  pitched  his  tents  under  the 
walls  of  Vahka.  xMatthew  of  Edessa  (2)  has  described  for  us  in  detail 
the  route  taken  by  the  Latins.  He  writes:  "In  the  year  546  [25  February 
"1097  -  24  February  1098].  at  the  time  of  the  two  Catholici  of  Armenia, 
"Monsignors  Vahram  and  Basil,  and  in  the  reign  of  Alexis,  Emperor  of 
"the  Romans,  the  host  of  the  Crusaders  set  out  in  immense  numbers; 
"they  were  about  500,000  men.  Thoros,  Seignior  of  Edessa  [for  the 
"Greeks]  was  informed  thereof  by  a  letter  which  they  sent  to  him,  as  also 
"by  the  great  Armenian  chief  Constantine,  the  son  of  Rupen,  who  oc- 
"cupied  the  Taurus  in  the  region  of  Gobidar  [ea.st  of  Mopsuestia]  and 
"had  taken  a  good  number  of  provinces.  Constantine  had  formerly  been 
"in  the  army  of  Kakig  [Gaghik].  The  Franks  advanced  with  much  dif- 
"ficulty  across  Bithynia,  and  crossing  Cappadocia  in  wide-spreading  col- 
"umns  they  reached  the  abrupt  slopes  of  the  Taurus;  their  great  army 
"passed  through  the  narrow  gorges  of  that  mountain  chain  inro  Cilicia, 
"and  arrived  at  New  Troy,  that  is  to  say,  Anazarbus,  and  thence  to  the 
"walls  of  Antioch." 

The  Armenians  looked  on  Godfrey  as  a  savior,  for  had  he  not  just 
delivered  Asia  from  the  Turkish  and  Arab  yoke,  contrary  to  Greek  de- 
sires? Was  he  not  marching  under  the  banner  of  the  Cross,  of  a  religion 
that  was  nearer  to  the  Armenian  faith  thaa  was  Byzantine  Orthodoxy: 
Pope  Gregory  XIII  said  later:  "No  nation  ever  came  more  spontaneously 


(1)  J.  DARDEL,  chap.  VIII. 

(2)  Histoire  des  Crohades.  Documents  armeniens.  vol.  I.  p.  29  sq. 

—  195  — 


"to  the  help  of  the  Crusaders  than  did  the  Armenians,  who  supplied  them 
"with  men,  horses,  arms,  and  food."  (1) 

The  leader  of  the  Crusaders  had  not  failed  to  acquaint  the  ruler  of 
the  Cillcian  mountains  with  the  vast  plans  cherished  in  Europe  concerning 
Palestine,  Syria,  and  Asia  Minor,  and  with  the  purpose  of  the  Catholic 
world  to  set  up  in  those  countries  principalities  able  to  withstand  all  Mos- 
lem encroachments  on  the  lands  of  the  Mediterranean.  Constantine  con- 
sidered this  movement  aflforded  him  a  unique  opportunity  to  throw  off 
once  for  all  the  overlordship  of  the  hated  Byzantines  and  to  increase  his 
own  power.  He  supported,  therefore,  the  Crusaders  with  all  his  might, 
and  the  latter  would  have  fared  111  during  the  siege  of  Antioch  had  not 
the  Armenians  given  them  armed  assistance  and  also  food  supplies. 

Matthew  of  Edessa  (2)  wrote  of  the  Frankish  hosts  before  Antioch, 
that  "their  numbers  were  so  great  that  famine  set  in.  The  Armenian 
"chiefs  In  the  Taurus,  Constantine,  son  of  Rupen,  and  Pazuni  and  Oschin, 
"the  second  and  third  of  those  princes,  sent  the  Frank  commanders  all 
"the  provisions  they  needed.  The  monks  of  the  Black  Mountain  [Ama- 
"nus]  also  supplied  them  with  food;  all  the  faithful  vied  with  one  another 
"In  devotion  to  them  In  this  juncture." 

Understanding  the  important  part  which  New  Armenia  might  take 
in  furthering  their  aims,  the  Franks  assiduously  favored  these  valuable 
allies.     Constantine  received  the  title 
of  Comes,  but  he  is  more  commonly 
referred  to  under  that  of  Baron  which 
his  dynasty  retained.    Joscelin,  Count 
of     Edessa,      married     Constantine's 
daughter,     and     Baldwin,     Godfrey's 
brother,  espoused  his  niece,  the  daugh- 
ter of  his  brother  Thoros  (3).    In  this 
manner    their    mutual   interests   were 
strengthened  by  ties  of  blood,  and  these  Eastern  Christians  came  inside 
the  great  feudal  organization  of  the  Crusades. 


COIN  OF  TANCRED  OF  ANTIOCH 


(1)  Papal  Bull  of  1584  in  the  Bull.  Rom.— Cf.  Matthew  of  Edessa,  part  II,  chap. 
CLI  sq.— SEMPAD,  Chron.  ad.,  ann.  549. 

(2)  Op.  cit.,  p  33  sq. 

(3)  VAHRAM,  Chron.  rim.,  V.  197-198. 


—   196  — 


The  Armenians  themselves  were  not  long  in  reaping  the  benefits  of 
this  alliance,  for  with  the  help  of  Tancred,  prince  of  Antioch,  Thoros 
(Theodore,  Constantine's  son  and  successor)  added  considerably  to  his 
realm.  j  . .  J 

In  these  propitious  circumstances,  the  Armenian  baron  descended 
along  the  Pyramus  river  into  the  plain  still  held  at  a  number  of  points 
by  the  Greeks  who  had  withdrawn  before  the  invading  Crusaders  into 
their  chief  fastnesses.  He  took  from  them  the  famous  fortress  of  Ana- 
zarbus,  the  walls  of  which  originally  built  by  Emperor  Justin  I  had  been 
considerably  strengthened  by  Caliph  Harun-al-Raschid,  and  were  thought 
impregnable.  Sis  also  fell  into  his  hands,  and  everywhere  the  king  piously 
founded  churches  and  monasteries  and  brought  in  Armenian  settlers. 

With  the  help  of  the  Franks  of  Antioch,  Thoros  had  already  seized 
most  of  Cilicia  and  driven  out  the  small  Greek  garrisons,  when  the  Turkish 
hordes  from  central  Asia  Minor  crossed  through  the  Taurus  ravines, 
reached  the  heart  of  Cilicia,  and  expelled  the  Armenians  from  Anazarbus. 
The  whole  Latin  army  had  gone  down  into  Syria,  and  the  Byzantines  had 
been  ousted  almost  everywhere  from  the  lowland  strongholds;  conse- 
quently the  Turks  expected  to  make  short  work  of  Armenian  resistance. 
Their  aim  which  they  never  ceased  to  cherish  until  the  fall  of  the  Sultans 
of  Iconium,  was  to  gain  a  footing  on  the  southern  shore  of  Asia  Minor. 
Thoros  succeeded  with  difficulty  in  hurling  back  these  bands  onto  the 
lands  of  Bazil  Kogh,  another  Armenian  noble  who  reigned  at  Marasch. 
There  the  invaders  were  defeated  and  obliged  to  flee  abandoning  the  booty 
seized  in  Cilicia.  Two  years  later  after  ravaging  the  south  of  Melitene 
they  besieged  the  fortress  of  Harthan,  where  they  were  annihilated.  Their 
chief  was  captured  and  taken  to  Kescoun,  his  victor's  residence,  near 
Marasch  in  the  Araban  plain,  on  a  tributary  of  the  Euphrates  right  bank. 

The  Turkish  hordes,  however,  could  not  be  held  forever  in  check  by 
the  Greeks,  nor  by  the  Crusader  and  Armenian  leaders.  All  lacked  suf- 
ficient troops  to  keep  the  field  and  safeguard  their  territory.  Each  coun- 
tryside was  the  scene  of  ceaseless  raids.  Generally  the  towns  were  able 
to  resist  and  only  the  villages  suffered  the  hateful  treatment  of  the  Mos- 
lem bands.  In  1110,  Cilicia  was  nevertheless  again  overrun  by  the  no- 
mads.   The  Seljuk  Sultan  of  Iconium,  Malek  Shah   (1107-1116)  headed 

—  197  — 


the  expedition  himself  and  carried  the  day  in  a  first  encounter,  but  Thoros 
was  victorious  in  the  ensuing  battle.  His  losses  were,  however,  consider- 
able and  a  number  of  the  chief  nobles  fell  in  the  fight.  The  Sultan  with- 
drew to  Kharput,  laying  everything  waste  as  he  went.  He  laid  siege 
without  success  to  the  fortress  of  Dzowk  (1),  and  then  departed  carrying 
with  him  an  immense  amount  of  booty. 


At  Thoros  Ts  death,  his  brother  Leo  I  (1129-1137)  suc- 
LEO  I  ceeded  him  as  the  nearest  heir  to  the  principality,  his  nephew 
BARON  Constantine  having  been  poisoned.  Upon  his  accession,  Leo 
followed  up  his  predecessors'  aims  and  descending  into  the 
plain  took  from  the  Greeks  the  cities  of  Mamestia  (Missis),  Adana,  and 
Tarsus,  and  pushed  on  to  the  Mediterranean  seacoast.  He  needed  to 
possess  the  coast  if  he  was  to  establish 
his  power,  for  through  its  ports  he  could 
maintain  profitable  connection  with  Eu- 
rope, instead  of  being  compelled  to  re- 
sort to  the  intermediary  of  the  Crusaders, 
his  south-eastern  neighbors.  The  rela- 
tions of  the  Franks  and  the  Armenians 
had  become  less  courteous  than  formerly. 
Thoros  had  to  be  asked  several  times 
before   he    sent   Baldwin    his    daughter's 

dowry  of  60,000  gold  bezants.  On  one  side  the 
Armenians  complained  of  the  demands  and 
exactions  of  the  Crusaders,  while  on  the  other 
the  Franks  accused  their  allies  of  being  always 
ready  to  call  on  the  infidels  for  help  whenever 

they  were  in  any  way  dissatisfied. 
COIN  OF  ALEXIS  I. 
COMNENUS 

One  of  the  chief  causes  of  dispute  between 

the  Armenians  and  the  Latins  of  Antioch  was 
the  latter's  possession  of  the  strongholds  of  the  southern  Amanus  moun- 
tains and  the  coast  adjacent  to  the  Gulf  of  Alexandretta.  The  barons 
claimed  these  fortresses,  but  the  princes  of  Antioch  asserted  that  they 


COIN  OF  BALDWIN  OF 
EDESSA 


(1)   The  "Cybistra"  of  Strabo    (XII,   1);    not   to  be   confnsed  with   the   city   in 
Cappadocia  of  the  same  name,  eitnated  at  the  opening  of  the  Cilician  Gates. 


198  — 


COIN    OF 


were  theirs  by  virtue  of  a  treaty  made  in  1097  bewteen  Bo- 
hemond  and  Emperor  Alexis  I  Comnenus.  At  that  date 
the  Armenians  had  not  yet  penetrated  so  far  southward, 
and  the  Crusaders  were  then  in  possession  of  the  fortified 
places  in  the  middle  of  the  Cilician  plain. 

By  his  marriage  with  Constance,  the  only  daughter  of 
Bohemond  II,  Raymond  of  Poitiers  had  become  Prince  of 
Antioch  (1136).  Shortly  before  his  accession  (1135),  Leo 
had  seized  the  fortress  of  Sarovanticar  (1)  belonging  to 
the  territory  of  the  Crusaders.  The  Latin  nobleman  hid 
his  resentment,  however,  and  did  not  resort  to  arms  on 
assuming  power,  but  a  little  later  he  captured  the  Armenian  RAYMOND  OF 
u  u  J     u       I,-  f  k-  .1  POITIERS 

baron  by  stratagem  and  shut  him  up  m  one  oi  his  castles.    pT^j^app  Qp 

After  two  months'  captivity,  Leo  was  finally  given  his      ANTIOCH 
freedom,  but  only  on   hard  terms.     He   had   not  only   to 
restore  Sarovanticar,  but  to  give  up  also  Mamestia  and  Adana,  and  pay 
60,000  gold  pieces,  besides  surrendering  his  son  as  a  hostage.     He  had 
to  agree  likewise  to  assist  the  prince  against  the  emperor,  John  Comnenus. 
The  unjust  and  rash  seizure  of  Sarovanticar  by  Leo  I  was  the  first 
serious  quarrel  between  the  Armenians   and   the   Crusaders.     It  seemed 
likely  to  have  grave  consequences,   for   the   Ar- 
menian   baron   deeming  himself   entitled    to   dis- 
regard promises  extracted  by   ruse   or  by  force, 
attacked  Raymond,  recaptured  the  territories  and 
cities  taken  from  him,  and  remained  under  arms 
against  the  Prince  of  Antioch  and  his  ally  Fulk 
of  Anjou,  king  of  Jerusalem.     This  nascent  hos- 
tility might  have  become  fatal  both  for  the  Ar- 
menians  and   the   Franks,   for   the   infidels   were 
only   waiting  for  a   favorable  moment  to  swoop 
down    on   both   belligerents.      Joscelin   II,   Count 
of  Edessa,  whose  father  had  married  Leo's  sister. 
intervened   and   brought  about   an    honorable    agreement   for   both    sides 
(1137).     .An  alliance  was  drawn  up  against  Emperor  Jean  II  Comnenu> 
who  was  then  laying  claims  to  Antioch  and  Cilicia  (2). 

During  these  disputes  between  the  Latins  and  Armenians  over  a  few 
towns  in  Cilicia,  war  continued  with  the  Turks.     Michael  the  Syrian  (3) 


COIN   OF  JOHN   II 
COMNENUS 


(1)  On  the  lower  Djihan. 

(2)  SEMPAD,  ann.  585-587. 

(3)  Op.  cit.  349. 


—  199  — 


wrote:  "In  the  year  584  [1135-1136]  Baron  Stephen,  Baron  Thoros* 
"brother,  arrived  under  the  walls  of  Marasch,  and  his  troops  eifecting  an 
"entrance  during  the  night  were  received  in  the  homes  of  those  of  the  in- 
"habitants  who  were  Christian.  This  surprise  attack  was  arranged  by 
"a  priest  of  the  city  with  whom  Baron  Stephen  was  in  collusion.  At 
"dawn  his  soldiers  seized  the  place  and  massacred  the  Turks  inside  the 
"walls.  Flushed  with  their  victory,  they  proceeded  to  insult  those  who 
"were  inside  the  citadel  and  openly  dishonored  their  wives.  God  in  His 
"wrath  therefore  did  not  give  the  citadel  into  their  hands.  They  then 
"set  fire  to  the  town  and  taking  away  with  them  the  Christians  of  the 
"place  advanced  into  the  interior." 

Also  Abulfaradj,  relating  the  same  events,  adds:  "The  Turks  on 
"coming  back  showed  some  humanity  and  not  only  treated  peacefully 
"the  Christians  that  remained  but  also  restored  to  the  Armenian  fugitives 
"that  returned  their  houses,  vineyards  and  fields.  But  a  priest  of  that 
"nation  whom  they  suspected  of  having  been  in  collusion  with  his  com- 
"patriots  was  flayed  alive.  After  three  days  they  cut  off  his  tongue,  hands, 
"and  feet,  and  threw  him  into  the  flames.  The  Armenians  incensed  at 
"this  cruelty  put  some  Turks  to  death  in  the 
"same  manner." 

Turkish  hostility  towards  the  Armenians  was 
moreover  paid  for  in  gold  by  the  Byzantine  court 
which,  according  to  Cinnamus  (1),  maintained 
as  ever  its  designs  on  Cilicia  and  Antioch.  John 
II  Comnenus  had  purposed  leaving  the  throne 
of  Constantinople  to  his  elder  son,  and  wished 
to  give  the  younger  an  appanage  consisting  of 
Cilicia,  Antioch,  Attalia,  and  Cyprus.  But  Alexis 
and  his  younger  brother,  Andronicus  Sebasto- 
crator,  both  died  and  the  crown  fell  to  Manuel.  (2) 


COIN  OF  MANUEL  I 
COMNENUS 


Despite  the  Armenian  army's  alliance  with  the 
princes  of  Antioch,  the  Greeks  invaded  Cilicia,  de- 
feated the  Crusaders  and  Leo  whose  vassals  gave 
him  little  support,  and  occupied  the  whole  plain  ad- 
jacent to  Adana  and  the  Gulf  of  Issus.     The  baron  and  his  family  and 


CAPTIVITY  OF 
LEO  I 


(1)  I.   X. 

(2)  Ed.  DELAURIER,  Histoire  des  croisades.  Documents  armeniens,  vol.  I,  p. 
156  note  1. 


200  - 


companions  fled  into  the  Taurus  mountains.  All  the  Armenians'  newly 
conquered  cities  and  their  home  centers,  Anazarbus  and  even  Vahka,  fell 
to  the  Emperor.  Leo,  reduced  to  the  last  extremity,  had  to  surrender  to 
the  victor  with  his  family,  and  he  was  hauled  to  Constantinople,  where  he 
died  (1141).  The  Greeks  killed  his  eldest  son,  Rupen,  after  having  first 
blinded  him. 

From  1137  to  1145  the  Byzantines  ruled  all  Cilicia, 
THOROS  II  and  the  princes  of  Antioch  and  counts  of  Edessa  had  their 
1145-1169  hands  too  full  meeting  the  attacks  of  the  infidels  to  think 
about  restoring  the  kingdom  of  their  former  allies.  One 
of  Leo's  sons,  Thoros,  who  was  a  prisoner  in  Constantinople,  was  still 
quite  young  at  the  time  of  his  family's  disaster,  and  gave  the  Byzantine 
court  no  apprehension.  His  gracious  manners  had  even  won  him  favor 
there.  When  Manuel  I  Comnenus  (1143)  succeeded  his  father  as  em- 
peror, the  young  baron  felt  the  time  was  ripe  to  throw  off  the  yoke.  He 
fled,  disguised  as  a  merchant  on  a  Genoese  or  Venetian  ship,  and  reached 
Cyprus,  from  where  he  sailed  on  to  Antioch.  There  Prince  Raymond  and 
the  monophysite  Patriarch  Athanasius  VHI  provided  him  with  the  where- 
withal to  make  the  attempt  he  had  long  contemplated.  Setting  out  from 
Antioch  with  a  small  escort  he  reached  the  Amanus  mountains  and  soon 
rallied  to  his  standard  the  malcontents  and  outlaws  like  himself,  to  the 
number  of  several  thousand,  sufficient  to  carry  off  a  few  initial  successes, 
which  brought  to  his  standard  all  the  Armenians  in  his  father's  former 
dominion. 

Vahram  of  Edessa,  in  his  rhymed  chronicle  (1),  has  left  us  quite 
a  romantic  picture  of  the  young  baron  and  his  arrival  in  the  land  of  his 
fathers: 

"The  household  of  the  Imperial  palace  claim  that  Thoros  stayed 
"until  a  Greek  princess  fell  in  love  with  him  and  gave  him  treasures  which 
"he  took  away.  On  reaching  the  mountains  of  Cilicia,  he  met  a  priest 
"to  whom  he  confided  the  secret  that  he  was  Leo's  son.     The  priest  wel- 


(1)   verses  417436. 

—  201   - 


"corned  him  with  joy,  and  sent  him  out  as  a  herdsman.  The  Armenians 
"remaining  in  the  country  dwelt  in  the  mountains,  and  suffering  as  they 
''were  from  Greek  oppression  they  earnestly  longed  for  the  return  of  their 
"former  rulers.  Learning  from  the  priest  that  their  beloved  prince  hau 
"come  back,  they  at  once  gathered  together  and  hailed  Thoros  as  their 
"baron." 

Whilst  Emperor  John  Comnenus  was  subduing  Cillcia  and  approach- 
ing Antioch,  the  Moslems  were  devastating  the  districts  adjacent  to  the 
Crusaders  and  threatening  the  Latins.  The  Byzantines  had  joined  up 
with  the  Turks  to  overthrow  the  power  of  the  Westerners,  destroy  the 
Armenian  baronies,  and  drive  the  non-Orthodox  Christians  out  of  Asia, 
so  fierce  was  religious  hatred  in  Constantinople.  When  the  Turks,  how- 
ever, entered  the  territory  of  Kescoun  within  the  Empire,  the  Basileus 
could  not  stomach  the  affront  and  the  Byzantine  alliance  with  the  nomads 
came  to  an  end. 

Matthew  of  Edessa,  in  his  chronicle  (2)  relates  the  events  leading 
up  to  the  despatch  of  a  Greek  army  to  the  province  of  Marasch: 

"In  the  year  585  [1135-1137],  Sultan  Mohammed,  the  son  of  Amir- 
"Gazi,  the  son  of  Danischmend,  arrived  with  a  large  army  in  the  region 
"of  Marasch  near  Kescoun  and  there  set  fire  to  the  villages  and  monas- 
"teries  ...  He  kept  quiet,  refrained  from  attacking  the  city,  and  contented 
"himself  with  cutting  off  the  waters  of  the  river,  pillaging  gardens,  making 
"desultory  raids  and  gathering  and  safely  storing  the  booty  he  took.  The 
"city's  inhabitants,  however,  who  were  daily  expecting  to  be  attacked, 
"became  so  grievously  discouraged  that  one  night  they  abandoned  the 
"outer  rampart.  Their  leaders  and  priests  succeeded  in  reviving  their 
"courage  .  .  .  The  infidels  received  no  (divine)  command  to  invest  and 
"attack  the  city,  and  on  the  Friday,  the  day  of  our  Lord's  passion,  Kescoun 
"was  delivered.  The  enemy  burned  Garmirvank  (the  Red  Monastery), 
""the  chapel  and  the  monks'  cells,  broke  the  wooden  and  stone  crosses, 
"and  took  the  iron  and  brass  crosses.  He  demolished  the  altars  .  .  .  and 
"scattered  the  remains.  He  carried  off  the  door  with  its  wonderful  spiral 
"carvings,  along  with  other  objects,  and  carted  them  away  to  his  own 
"country  to  show  them  to  his  concubines  and  the  populace  .  .  .  Mohammed 


(2)   Op.  cit.  vol.  1,  p.  150. 

—  202 


"beat  a  sudden  retreat  when  he  learned  that  the  Roman  Emperor  [John 
"Comnenus]  was  hastening  to  the  relief  of  besieged  Kescoun  and  to  the 
"assistance  of  our  count  Baldwin  who  had  implored  him  on  his  knees. 
"The  Emperor  was  already  nearing  Antioch,  laying  waste  the  Moslem  land. 
"After  deposing  our  prince  Leo,  he  seized  Leo's  cities  and  fortresses,  and 
"taking  him  prisoner,  carried  him  off  to  the  Greek  lands  beyond  the  sea 
"and  the  extremity  of  Asia." 

Whatever  the  circumstances  of  Thoros'  return  to  Cilicia,  he  found  his 
country  garrisoned  by  the  Byzantines  and  his  fellow-countrymen  sub- 
jugated. 

The  first  city  he  recaptured  was  said  to  be  Amuda  (1),  followed  by 
Anazarbus,  Adana,  Sis,  Arewdzpert,  Partzerpert.  Meanwhile,  however, 
on  December  23  rd,  1144,  Edessa  was  taken  by  Eimad-ed-Din  Zangui, 
and  the  princes  of  Antioch,  fully  occupied  on  their  eastern  borders,  could 
give  no  assistance  to  the  young  Armenian  baron.  Only  his  two  brothers, 
Stepane  and  Mleh,  who  before  the  fall  of  Edessa  had  taken  refuge  with 
their  cousin  Joscelin  II,  came  to  his  side  to  share  his  perils  and  fortune. 
The  new  uprising  in  Cilicia,  meanwhile,  caused  Emperor  Manuel  some 
concern  and  he  sent  12,000  men  from  Constantinople  under  his  cousin  An- 
dronicus  Comnenus  (1152).  This  army  was  defeated  by  Thoros  before 
the  walls  of  Mamestia  which  he  was  besieging. 

Humiliated  by  this  defeat  and  not  daring  to  take  further  risks,  Em- 
peror Manuel  resorted  to  trickery,  and  by  wily  procedure  induced  the 
Seljuk  Sultan  of  Iconium,  Masaoud  I  (1116-1156),  to  attack  the  Ar- 
menians in  Cilicia. 

In  those  days,  and  among  these  Eastern  peoples,  compositions  of 
this  kind  were  quite  customary.     The  Seljuks  were  the  enemies  of  the 


(1)   Tumlo-Qalessi.     Cf.  MICHAEL  THE  SYRIAN,  transl.  LANGLOIS,  p.  SOT- 
SOS. 


203  — 


•-^^r-v- . 


Map.":--- ;V':^.iS':i- 


VIEW  OF  THE  CASTLE  OF  ANAZARBUS 

Greeks,  and  were  planted  In  the  very  center  of  the  Empire;  they  were 
a  threat  to  the  capital  itself;  they  were  Moslem  and  consequently  sworn 
enemies  of  all  Christians,  and  there  was  no  doubt  that  the  Turks  would 
keep  Cilicia  if  they  succeeded  in  conquering  it.  Yet  none  of  these  con- 
siderations, which  we  today  would  consider  paramount,  had  any  influ- 
ence with  the  Greeks.  Manuel's  only  desire  was  to  avenge  the  disgrace 
just  inflicted  on  him,  and  the  Moslem  Sultan  who  could  but  rejoice  over 
the  dissensions  between  the  various  Christians,  invaded  Cilicia.  Thoros 
was  forced  to  recognize  his  suzerainty. 

In  1156,  however,  on  some  flimsy  pretext,  Masaoud  again  sent  an 
army  against  the  Armenians  under  the  command  of  one  of  his  chiefs 
named  lakhoub.  This  general  was  defeated  by  the  Crusaders  and  by 
Thoros'  own  army.  Taken  by  surprise  in  the  gorges  between  the  Amanus 
chain  and  the  sea,  the  Moslems  suffered  a  bloody  reverse.  The  remnants 
of  this  expedition  withdrew,  but  proceeded  to  ravage  the  districts  of 
Kharput  and  Marasch.  Then  resuming  the  offensive,  they  laid  siege  to 
the  castle  of  Till  of  Hamdoun,  near  Sis,  at  which  point  the  plague  broke 


—  204  — 


COIN  OF  EIMADED-DIN  ZANGUI 


COIN  OF  ROKN-ED-DIN  MASAOUD 
SULTAN  OF  ICONIUM 


out  in  the  Turkish  ranks  and  the  Armenians  were  easily  victorious  over 
them.  In  the  meantime,  Masaoud  died,  and  his  son  Aseddin  Kilidj- 
Arslan  II  (1156-1193)  made  peace  with  Thoros,  who  remained  in  pos- 
session of  CiHcia  and  Isauria. 


But  a  new  storm  was  yet  about  to  break  over  this 
war-ravaged  country.  Raynald  of  Chatillon,  who  had 
become  the  guardian  of  the  young  prince  Bohemond 
III,  by  reason  of  his  marriage  with  Constance,  the  wi- 
dow of  Raymond  of  Poitiers, — according  to  Michael 
the  Syrian — attacked  Thoros  on  the  ground  that  the 
Armenian  baron  had  refused  to  restore  to  the  Templars 
the  castle  of  Gastim,  formerly  taken  from  the  knights 
by  the  Greeks  and  recently  captured  by  Thoros.  This 
castle  which  commanded  the  gorges  of  the  Portella. 
between  the  Amanus  chain  and  the  sea,  was  of  the 
greatest  strategic  value  both  for  the  Armenians  and  the 
princes  of  Antioch.  The  Byzantines,  moreover,  frus- 
trated in  their  attempts  to  have  New  Armenia  crushed 
by  the  Seljuks,  were  secretly  inciting  the  Crusaders 
against  Thoros. 


Matthew's  chronicle  continues:  "Raynald  [of  Chatillon]  had  a  dispute 
"with  Baron  Thoros  concerning  a  fortress  [Gastim]  which  the  Greeks 
"had  taken  from  the  brethren  [the  Templars]  and  had  been  seized  in  turn 
"by  Thoros  from  the  Greeks.  Raynald  contended:  'The  brethren  are 
"fighting  for  our  common  Christian  cause;  restore  unto  them  that  which 
"is  theirs.'  A  battle  took  place  near  Isenderun  [Alexandretta],  and  many 
"perished  on  both  sides.    Raynald  had  to  return  home  feeling  disgraced. 


COIN  OF 

ANDRONICUS  I 

COMNENUS 


205  — 


V    _  /A  tlVI  .  1//.  V^l.  iJ    ' 


A<m 


^}; 


COIN  OF  RICHARD  OF  MARASCH 


"Later  on  Thoros  himself  gave  up  to  the  brethren  the  fortresses  on  the 
"borders  of  Antioch,  and  they  promised  under  oath  that  they  would 
"help  the  Armenians  whenever  they  needed  succor."  (1) 

Raynald  of  Antioch,  who  had  only  attacked  the  Armenians  at  Byzan- 
tium's instigation,  felt  warranted  in  asking  Emperor  Manuel  to  reim- 
burse him  for  the  expenses  of  this  conflict,  but,  without  repudiating  the 
debt,  the  Basileus  answered  the  Prince  in  dilatory  language  that  exas- 
perated him.    He  therefore  determined  to  take  payment  himself  by  some 

means,   and  he  bethought  himself  of 
the  island  of  Cyprus. 

The  harbors  of  Cyprus  com- 
manded the  coasts  of  Syria  and  south- 
ern Asia  Minor,  and  the  island  was 
consequently  a  most  vital  position  for 
the  Crusaders.  Though  conquered 
A.D.  649  by  the  Arabs,  it  had  since 
been  regained  by  the  Byzantines.  Oust- 
ing the  Greeks  from  there  would  se- 
cure both  the  princes  of  Antioch  and  the  barons  of  Cilicia  against  any 
further  Byzantine  offensive  on  Latin  shores,  and  would  give  them  besides 
a  first-class  naval  base  out  of  reach  of  the  infidels.  The  Cyprus  expedi- 
tion should  not,  therefore,  be  ascribed  to  mere  bad  temper  on  Prince  Ray- 
nald's  part,  as  most  chroniclers  of  the  time  picture  it,  but  to  a  decision  that 
had  been  long  contemplated  by  the  Franks,  who  were  only  awaiting  a 
favorable  opportunity  to  undertake  the  enterprise.  On  their  part  the 
Armenians  would  not  have  been  at  all  displeased  to  be  rid  of  a  Greek 
stronghold  facing  the  shore  they  so  much  coveted,  and  which  they  had 
several  times  already  conquered,  lost,  and  reconquered.  Circumstances 
did  not  allow,  however,  of  the  conquest  of  the  island  just  then,  and  it  was 
possible  only  to  carry  out  a  quick  raid  on  it,  lay  it  waste,  and  loot  its 
treasures. 

In  1155-1156  the  Crusaders'  fleet  landed  on  the  Cyprus  coast  a  veri- 
table army  of  Latins  and  Armenians,  and  the  Greeks  who  maintained 
only  small  numbers  of  troops  on  the  island  were  immediately  hustled  out 
of  their  positions.  The  entire  island  was  overrun  by  the  invaders  who 
behaved  with  the  most  frightful  cruelty.     All  possessions  were  seized  by 


(1)   MICHAEL  THE  SYRIAN.  Histoire  des  Croisades,  Documents  armen.,  vol. 
I,  p.  340. 


206  — 


CASTLE    OF   MOUTE 
(CILICIA) 


the  victors,  many  of  the  inhabitants  were  slaughtered,  the  Greek  women 
and  maidens  were  the  prey  of  the  soldiers,  and  priests  and  bishops  were 
massacred.  All  persons  of  means  were  transferred  to  the  continent  and 
only  released  upon  payment  of  enormous  ransom.  In  short,  the  Cru- 
saders and  Armenians  acted  towards  these  Christians  exactly  as  infidels 
would  have  done  in  the  circumstance,  but  it  must  be  remembered  that 
both  the  Franks  and  the  Armenians  had  long  been  weary  of  Byzantium's 
treacheries,  and  their  hatred  of  the  Greeks 
was  just  as  fierce,  if  not  more  so,  than  that 
of  the  Moslems. 


The  war,  moreover,  was  not  confined  to 
the  island.  In  1157,  Raynald  of  Antioch, 
Count  Thierry  of  Flanders,  and  Thoros 
laid  siege  to  Cheizar  (Caesarea)  on  the  Or- 
ontes.  Perfect  understanding  then  reigned 
between  the  Armenians  and  the  Franks. 

Manuel  Comnenus  could  not  reconcile 
himself  to  the  ravaging  of  Cyprus  and  got 
ready  to  avenge  himself  on  the  Crusaders 

and  Thoros.  He  himself  with  50,000  men  invaded  Cilicia  in  1158,  and  Ana- 
zarbus.  Till  of  Hamdoun,  Tarsus,  and  the  castle  of  Lamos  fell  to  the 
Byzantines.  Finding  it  impossible  to  defend  his  realm,  Thoros  with- 
drew into  the  Taurus  mountains  behind  the  walls  of  the  castle  of  Dad- 
jeghikhar.  Raynald  of  Antioch  and  Baldwin  III  of  Jerusalem,  Manuel's 
nephew  by  his  marriage  with  Theodora,  the  daughter  of  the  Emperor's 
brother  Isaac,  interceded  for  the  Armenian  baron,  and  Manuel  feeling 
that  if  he  did  not  spare  the  Franks'  protege  he  might  have  all  the  Cru- 
saders up  against  him,  ratified  Thoros'  tenure  of  most  of  his  dominion, 
but  on  condition  that  he  recognize  him  as  his  suzerain.  This  feudal 
tie  seems  to  have  been  nominal  rather  than  actual,   although  the  new 

Palatine,  of  the  PanSebastos  (The  Most  Au- 
gust), apparently  remained  a  dutiful  liegeman, 
officially. 

The  fact  that  Thoros  refrained  from  any 
further  open  hostilities  against  the  Greeks  did 
not  prevent  his  brother  Stepane,  however,  who 
cared  nothing  for  the  Baron's  promises,  from 
heading  bands  of  Armenians  that  laid  waste 
Imperial  territory  and  waged  war  in  the  dis- 


COIN   OF  AMAURY  I 
KING  OF  JERUSALEM 


—  207  — 


tricts  of  Marasch  and  Cocuse.  This  prince  succumbed  to  stratagem,  for 
he  was  invited  to  a  banquet  by  Andronicus,  the  governor  of  Tarsus,  and 
there  slain.  Thereupon  Thoros  to  avenge  his  brother  ordered  the  mas- 
sacre of  all  Greeks  within  his  borders.  War  would  have  broken  out 
afresh  between  the  Armenians  and  the  Byzantines  had  not  Amaury  I, 
king  of  Jerusalem,  intervened.  Disheartened  by  the  country's  misfor- 
tunes, the  Armenian  baron  abdicated. 

In  1169  "Thoros,  prince  of  Cilicia,  died,  shortly  after  becoming  a 
''monk.  He  left  an  infant  son  whom  he  named  his  successor  and  whose 
"guardianship  he  had  entrusted  to  Thomas,  the  son  of  his  maternal  aunt, 
"Mleh,  wroth  at  being  passed  over  from  his  brother's  succession,  repaired 
"to  Nur-ed-Din,  and  with  a  body  of  Turks  the  latter  gave  him  he  invaded 
"Cilicia.  He  carried  away  16,000  people,  boys  and  girls,  men  and  women, 
"priests,  monks,  and  bishops,  all  taken  to  Aleppo,  where  he  sold  them  to 
"the  slave-merchants  and  distributed  the  money  to  the  Turkish  soldiers 
^  ...  He  put  out  the  eyes,  and  cut  off  hands  and  feet,  of  bishops  and 

"many  notables,  besides  flaying  them,  and 
"their  bodies  were  left  a  prey  for  wild 
"beasts."  (1) 

Mleh  had  already  entered  the  Order  of 
the  Knights  Templars,  but  later,  after  at- 
tempting the  life  of  his  brother  Thoros,  he 
had  to  flee.  He  took  refuge  at  the 
court  of  the  Atabeg  of  Aleppo,  having  for- 
sworn his  faith.  As  a  Moslem  he  ob- 
tained Nur-ed-Din's  assistance  and  over- 
ran the  greater  part  of  Cilicia.    Faced  wltli 

such  disaster,  Rupen's  guardian  offered  the 

usurper   a    share   of   his   nephew's   barony. 

Mleh  accepted  this  offer  under  oath,   and 

then  proceeded  to  grasp  the  whole  power. 

Thomas    the   Regent  fled   to   Antioch    and 

placed  Rupen  in  the  care  of  the  Patriarch 

Nerses  at  Roncla,  but  soon  afterwards  the     COIN  OF  EL  SALIH-ISMAIL, 
,       J  ZENGUID,  ATABEG  OF 

young  prmce  was  murdered.  ALEPPO  (1173-1181) 


COIN   OF   NUR-ED-DIN 
MAHMUD 


(1)  ABULFARADJ,  p.  365  and  370. 

—  208 


The  reign  of  Mleh   (1170-1175),  the  renegade 
MLEH,  BARON       and   assassin,   was   but   one    series  of   horrors    and 

1170-1175  crimes.    Backed  by  the  Atabeg  of  Aleppo,  El  Salih- 

Isma'il,  he  was  more  than  a  match  not  only  for  the 
Crusaders,  Amaury  of  Jerusalem  and  Bohemond  III  of  Antioch,  but  also 
for  the  Byzantines,  so  much  so  that  Emperor  Manuel  made  a  treaty  of 
peace  with  the  usurper,  yielding  to  him  New  Armenia  (1173).  Uni- 
versally hated,  the  tyrant  was  at  last  slain  by  his  own  soldiers  in  the  city 
of  Sis  (2). 

There  is  nothing  so  tangled  or  involved  as  the  history  of  the  East 
at  this  period  when  there  were  so  many  rival  and  conflicting  interests. 
The  Greeks  alternately  incited  the  Crusader  rulers  against  one  another, 
and  the  Moslems  against  the  Christians,  only  to  make  temporary  alliances 
with  their  most  formidable  enemies,  and  then,  changing  their  tactics,  to 
negotiate  with  their  foes  and  take  up  arms  against  their  allies  of  the  day 
before.  Not  only  at  Byzantium  were  treachery  and  perjury  rampant  and 
all  pervading,  but  throughout  the  Eastern  world,  and  contact  with  the 
Levantines  had  dulled  the  sense  of  honor  of  even  the  Latins.  The  Moslems 
had  no  pity  whatever  for  the  Christians  whom  they 
lumped  together  in  their  contempt.  About  this  time  the 
famous  Saladin  issued  a  decree  in  Egypt  forbidding  any 
Infidels  to  ride,  whether  on  horseback  or  on  mules,  and 
commanded  Christians  to  wear  continually  a  belt  so  that 
Moslems  could  at  once  distinguish  them  from  the  true 
believers  (1). 

Notwithstanding  the  constant  humiliations  the  Mos- 
lems put  upon  them,  the  Byzantines  at  times  treated  their 
rulers  with  great  marks  of  consideration,  showing  a  pusil- 
lanimity that  only  increased  the  latter's  contempt  for 
them. 

The  Sultan  of  Iconlum  "Kilijd-Arslan  having  learned 
"that  Yakoub-Arslan  and  the  other  Emirs  were  planning  to  overthrow  him 
"and  put  his  brother  in  his  stead,  visited  Constantinople  where  he  was  re- 
"ceived  sumptuously.  He  stayed  there  nearly  three  months.  Twice  a 
"day  viands  were  served  him  on  gold  and  silver  dishes  which  were  left 


COIN  OF 

MICHAEL    VII 

DUCAS 

(1071-1078) 


(2)  CINNAMUS,  VI.  11-12.— MICHAEL  THE  SYRIAN  transl.  LANGLOIS, 
p.  325-326.— ABULFARADJ,  Chron,  Syr.,  p.  365.— GUILLAUME  OF  TYRE.,  XX. 
25-28 

(1)  MICHAEL  THE  SYRIAN,  op.  cit.  I,  p.  365. 


209  — 


"him  as  gifts.  On  one  occasion,  while  dining  with  the  Emperor,  the  latter 
"offered  him  all  the  table  service  and  decorations,  not  counting  other  gifts 
"at  the  same  time,  both  to  him  and  the  thousand  or  so  Turks  of  his  escort 

(2)." 

The  Greeks  according  to  the  Arab  and  Byzantme  chroniclers  gave 
magnificent  fetes  in  the  Sultan's  honor.  "Above  a  splendidly  decorated 
"platform  stood  a  solid  gold  throne  enhanced  with  diamonds  and  jacinths 
"and  other  precious  stones  surrounded  by  dazzlingly  white  pearls.  An 
"abundance  of  lights  caused  all  these  jewels  to  blaze  with  brightness. 
"On  the  throne  sat  in  all  his  majesty  the  Emperor  clothed  with  a  purple 
"mantle  on  which  were  exquisite  artistic  designs  made  of  pearls  and  dia- 
"monds.  On  his  chest,  suspended  to  a  gold  chain,  hung  a  pink  stone  as 
"large  as  an  apple.  On  either  side  stood  the  members  of  the  Senate  in 
"the  order  of  their  respective  State  functions.     Kilidj-Arslan  on  entering 

"was  overwhelmed  with  so  much  splendor 
"and  refused  at  first  to  be  seated  despite 
"the  Emperor's  insistence;  finally  he  took 
"a  modest  seat.  During  his  stay  at  Manuel's 
"court  he  was  housed  in  one  of  the  palaces 
"in  the  southern  part  of  Constantinople.  All 
"the  pleasures  of  the  Imperial  City  were  of- 
"fered  him,  tournaments,  amphitheatre 
"games  and  contests,  and  Greek-fire  dis- 
"plays.  (1)  ^ 

Such  was  the  deference  paid  by  the  Imperial  Court  to  the  barbarian 
who  from  Iconium  was  threatening  all  eastern  Christendom,  who  had 
never  ceased  harassing  the  Greek  empire  as  well  as  Cilicia  and  the  Cru- 
saders, and  who  in  1148-1149  had  taken  Marasch,  sacked  the  city  and 
its  churches,  and  in  defiance  of  his  plighted  word  had  massacred  the 
Prankish  knights,  bishops,  and  priests,  and  most  of  the  inhabitants, 
whom  he  had  solemnly  sworn  to  protect  (2).  What  were  the  Turks  to 
think  of  these  Byzantines  who  displayed  merely  their  wealth,  instead  of 
armies  that  might  hold  them  in  respect?  Far  from  frightening  them  by 
his  prestige,  Manuel  only  excited  their  greed.  He  gave  them  encourage- 
ment not  only  to  fight  Cilicia  and  the  Crusaders,  but  to  attack  the  Greeks 


COIN  OF  KILIDJARSIAN 
n,  SULTAN  OF  ICONIUM 


(2)    ABULFARADJ. 

(1)  Cf.  CINNAMUS,  V.  vi.— NICETAS  CHONIATES,  Manuel  Comnenns,  chap. 

cvin. 

(2)  cf.  ABULFARADJ,  Chron.  Syr.,  p.  343. 


210 


themselves,  even    supplying   them   with   the   funds    with   which   to   tutu 
against  both  the  Franks  and  himself. 

Contemporaneous  writers  have  not  recorded  the  promises  the  Sultan 
made  to  the  Emperor,  but  events  speak  for  themselves. 


Rupen  II  (1175-1187),  the  son  of  Stepane  and  neph- 
RUPEN  II        ew  of  Thoros  II  and  Mleh,  was  chosen  by  the  nobles  of 
BARON  New  Armenia  to  succeed  his  wicked  uncle,  just  when  th'j 

(1175-1187)  great  Saladin  who  held  all  Egypt  and  part  of  Syria  was 
preparing  to  drive  the  Crusaders  into  the  sea.  All  the 
Christian  principalities  then  had  the  Moslems  to  meet,  Cilicia  being 
threatened  by  Manuel's  whilom  guest,  Kilidj-Arslan.  Feeling  unequal 
to  the  struggle,  the  new  Armenian  ruler  in  1180  bought  the  enemy  off. 
Hardly  had  the  latter  withdrawn  from  his  frontier,  however,  than  the 
Prince  of  Antioch  and  Hetum,  Seignior  of  Lampron,  at  the  instigation  of 
Manuel  Comnenus,  started  hostiHties  against  Rupen.  The  baron,  in  order 
to  crush  Hetum  who  held  the  mountain  passes  and  was  always  so  ready 
to  open  them  to  the  Greeks,  sent  his  brother  Leo  to  besiege  him  in  his 
lair.  Bohemond  III  came  to  his  ally's  help,  and  by 
treachery  captured  Rupen,  only  restoring  him  his  free- 
dom at  the  instance  of  Hetum  whom  Leo  was  seriously 
threatening  inside  Lampron.  The  Armenian  Baron  had 
to  pay  thirty  thousand  dinars  ransom  and  give  up  the 
cities  of  Adana  and  Mamestia  to  the  principality  of 
Antioch. 


Rupen  had  married  Isabel,  the  daughter  of  Hum- 
frey  III,  prince  of  Karak  and  Toron,  and  was  more 
friendly  than  hostile  to  the  Crusaders.  He  was  a  just 
and  pious  ruler  and  founded  a  number  of  religious  houses 
in  his  realm.  Disillusioned  by  the  faithlessness  of  his 
times,  he  abdicated  in  favor  of  his  brother  Leo  (1187),  be- 
came a  monk  and  withdrew  to  the  monastery  of  Traz- 
argh,  where  he  died  after  a  few  months. 


COIN    OF 

ISAAC 
ANGELUS 


—  211 


LEO  II 

BARON  1187 

-1196 


Very  grave  events  were  then  transpiring  in  the  East. 
On  the  2nd  of  October,  1187,  Salah-ed-Din  (Saladin)  took 
Jerusalem.  Edessa  and  Acre  had  been  in  infidel  hands 
for  some  time,  and  Tripoli  and  Antioch  were  about  to  fall. 
Unless  Europe  could  come  to  their  help,  the  Crusaders  and 
the  Cilicia  barony  would  inevitably  disappear  in  the  tem- 
pest. The  Latin  East  was  doomed  unless  the  western 
princes  raised  a  new  Crusade  to  meet  the  storm,  retake  the 
Holy  Places  and  set  up  on  the  Syrian  coast  solid  States 
that  could  hold  their  own  against  the  Moslem  power 
of  Egypt. 


COIN   OF 

BOHEMOND 

III  OF 

ANTIOCH 


ARRIVAL  OF 
THE  THIRD  CRU- 
SADE 


The  vital  necessity  of  facing 
this  new  situation  was  the  prime 
concern  of  the  European  courts 
and  the  Pope  expended  every 
energy  in  bringing  about  a  new 
expedition.  The  Emperor  of  Germany,  the  King  of 
France,  and  the  King  of  England  responded  to  his  call, 
and  Frederick  I  Barbarossa,  took  the  leadership  of  the  Crusade.  On 
his  arrival  in  Asia,  by  way  of  Macedonia,  the  Emperor  crossed  the  terri- 
tory of  the  Baron  of  Armenia  in  order  to  reach  Antioch  and  thence  Pales- 
tine. Cilicia  and  the  principality  on  the  Orontes  had  to  be  his  military 
base,  constituting  as  they  did  along  with  Tripoli  the  sole  remnants  of  the 
conquests  of  the  first  and  second  Crusades  and  of  the  Armenians. 


Leo  saw  in  this  tremen- 
dous expedition  against  the 
Moslems  an  excellent  chance 
to  expand  his  power,  add  to 
his  prestige,  and  obtain  at  the 
hands  of  the  Western  rulers  a 
royal  crown  in  exchange  for 
his  baronial  coronet.  Never 
dreaming  that  such  a  great 
enterprise  could  possibly  be 
short-lived,  he  glimpsed  the 
vision  of  a  Western  Asia  carved  up  into  Christian  States,  and  it  was  not 
his  intention  to  be  the  vassal  of  any  Latin  prince.    The  future  king  of  New 


COIN  OF  SALADIN   (SALAHED-DIN) 


—  212 


Armenia  looked  forward  to  being  an  intermediary  between  the  Byzantine 
Empire  and  the  Syrian  principalities.  He  accordingly  lost  no  time  in 
supplying  the  Crusaders  with  provi- 
sions, transportation,  and  guides,  and 
lavished  all  he  could  on  the  Frankish 
nobles,  supplying  them  with  military 
assistance.  This  alliance,  moreover, 
strengthened  his  baronial  position  in 
regard  to  the  Greek  Emperor.  It 
would  enable  him,  he  hoped,  to  deal 
one  day  on  equal  terms  with  the 
Byzantine  Court. 


COINS  OF  JOHN  OF 
BRIENNE  AND  THE 
HOLY  SEPULCHRE 


By  actions  as  well  as  promises 
Leo  had  won  Frederick  over  to  his 
side,  and  also  gained  the  good  graces 
of  the  Pope.  The  Emperor  of  Ger- 
many had  promised  him  the  desired 
crown.  This  monarch,  however,  met 
his    death    in   the    icy   waters   of  the 

Calycadnus  (Gheuk-sou).  Thereupon  the  baron  of  Armenia  looked  to- 
wards his  son  Henry  VI.  However,  Leo  could  not  feel  satisfied  with  a 
grant  of  kingship  from  the  leader  of  the  Crusade,  even  though  a  mighty 
Emperor.  He  felt  that  anything  given  him  by  the  Frankish  rulers  might 
be  withdrawn  from  him  one  day;  therefore  he  sought  to  hold  his  crown 
from  the  Pope  whose  voice  had  much  more  weight  with  Christendom 
than  that  of  any  temporal  sovereign,  and  whose  authority  would  place 
him  and  his  successors  beyond  any  possibility  of  dethronement.  He 
accordingly  sent  an  embassy  to  Celestlne  III  in  1195  to  ask  the  Sovereign 
Pontiff  to  give  him  his  blessing  and  the  regal  sovereignty  of  Armenia. 


The  arrival  of  the  Third  Crusade  inside  Cilicia  and  the  territory  of 
Antloch  marked  the  beginning  of  a  new  era  for  the  Armenians,  and  the 


—  213  — 


LATIN  PRINCIPALITIES  OF  THE  EAST 

Moslem  bands  and  the  Imperial  troops  both  ceased  for  a  time  from  raid- 
ing Leo's  dominion.  Both  the  infidels  and  Constantinople  were  watching 
events,  and  the  Moslems,  like  the 
Greeks,  were  preparing  to  meet  the 
new  exigencies  of  a  situation  they 
could  not  yet  clearly  outline  but 
knew  to  be  a  coming  severe  test. 
A  new  Latin  kingdom  was 
about  to  emerge,  not  at  the  expense 
of  the  infidels,  but  by  stripping  the 
Empire  of  one  of  its  provinces.  In 
the   spring  of   1191,   King  Richard 

of  England  who  had  sailed  from  Sicily  with  his  fleet  was  compelled  by 
bad  weather  to  put  into  Cyprus  where  a  prince  of  the  Comneni,  named 
Isaac,  had  set  himself  up  as  independent.  This  Greek  was  a  tyrant  to 
his  subjects  and  a  barbarian  towards  all  strangers.  Learning  of  the  ship- 
wreck of  an  English  ship,  he  rushed  to  Limassol  in  the  hope  of  seizing 


COIN   OF    BARON   LEO    II 


214  — 


COIN  OF  ISAAC 

DUCAS   COMNENUS, 

TYRANT    OF    CYPRUS 


by  ruse  or  force  the  persons  of  Berengaria  of  Navarre,  King  Richard's 
betrothed,   and   her  sister-in-law  Joan  of   Sicily,   whose  vessel   had  run 

aground.  The  ship  got  clear,  however, 
and  rejoined  the  English  fleet.  Infuriated  at 
such  an  outrage,  Richard  disembarked  at  Li- 
massol  and  within  a  few  weeks  had  possession 
of  the  whole  island,  capturing  the  despotic 
Isaac  and  his  family,  together  with  all  his 
treasures.  The  English  king  then  set  sail  again 
for  the  Holy  Land,  leaving  Guy  of  Lusignan 
as  the  first  king  of  Cyprus.  This  time  the 
Latins  were  favored  by  circumstances.  Rich- 
ard had  nothing  to  fear  from  the  Emperors, 
who  were  becoming  continually  weaker  and 
who  ten  years  later  had  to  seek  safety  for  their  crown  at  Nicaea.  Besides, 
Cyprus  was  a  nest  of  pirates  and  spies,  and  Isaac  in  his  hatred  for  the 
Latins  had  lost  no  opportunity  to  injure  them  in  his  relations  with  Saladin 
and  the  other  Moslem  rulers.  His  downfall  could  only  help  the  Western 
cause. 

The  interference  of  Latin  Christians  in  Eastern  af- 
fairs during  the  two  first  Crusades,  and  Frederick's  march 
through  the  Empire  had  greatly  ruffled  the  Greeks,  and 
it  was  a  question  at  Constantinople  whether  it  would  not 
be  better  to  join  up  with  the  Saracens  and  Turks  and  drive 
from  Asia  the  flood  of  Catholics  that  Western  Europe 
was  sending  out  to  conquer  the  holy  places.  The  Em- 
perors felt  that  Moslem  invasion  of  their  provinces  meant 
only  temporary  occupation  of  the  Imperial  realm,  where- 
as they  feared  the  Crusaders'  conquests  might  be  perma- 
nent, and  the  third  Crusade  headed  by  an  Emperor  and 
two  auxiliary  kings  promised  to  be  much  more  serious 
than  the  preceding  ones. 

Had  the  Greeks  joined  the  Crusaders  and  fought  the 
ambitious  Moslem  leaders,  undoubtedly  the  Turkish  invasion  would  have 
been  confined  to  the  eastern  provinces  of  what  is  today  Turkey-in-Asia, 
the  Christian  kingdoms  of  Syria  and  New  Armenia  would  have  been 
maintained  and  Constantinople  would  probably  have  never  fallen  Into 
the  hands  of  the  enemies  of  Western  civilization.  But  the  fanaticism  and 
intolerance  of  the  Orthodox  Greeks,  the   pride  of  the   Emperors,   their 


COIN  OF  GUY 

OF  LUSIGNAN 
FIRST  KING 
OF  CYPRUS 


215 


dynastic  and  religious  hatred,  all  blinded  the  Byzantine  court  and  by 
their  intrigues  the  Greeks  not  only  were  heading  for  ruin  but  were  seri- 
ously endangering  the  civilized  world. 

Leo  had  realized  that  he  could  no  longer  pursue  the  free-lance  policy 
of  his  predecessors  and  hold  the  balance  between  the  Greeks  and  the  Cru- 
saders. His  desire  for  royal  rank  compelled  him  to  take  sides,  but  his 
main  difficulty  lay  in  the  religious  beliefs  of  his  people  whose  ritual 
separated  them  both  from  the  Byzantine  cult  and  that  of  Rome.  He 
must  therefore  effect  a  rapprochement  with  one  or  the  other  of  these  two 
Churches,  if  he  was  to  secure  a  crown  and  thus  estabUsh  his  nation's 
independence. 

He  started  simultaneous  negotiations  with  the  Papacy  and  Byzan- 
tium. In  the  latter  city,  however,  the  Orthodox  clergy  showed  themselves 
unyielding.  The  religious  quarrel  between  the  Armenians 
and  the  Greeks  dated  from  the  early  centuries  of  Christianity. 
In  Greater  Armenia  they  had  frequently  been  very  bitter, 
and  both  at  Constantinople  and  Sis  they  remained  painful 
memories.  The  Armenian  people  hated  the  Greeks  for  their 
oppression  and  cruelty,  and  for  their  treachery  and  the  in- 
tolerance with  which  they  had  always  met  any  overtures  on 
the  part  of  the  Bagratid  rulers.  The  conversations  which 
were  commenced  at  Leo's  bidding  had,  consequently,  but 
very  little  chance  of  success. 

The  Baron  reflected,  however,  that  his  interests  lay 
rather  in  the  direction  of  Byzantium  than  in  that  of  the 
Western  powers,  who  after  all  were  at  a  great  distance  and 
whose  efforts  had  just  sustained  a  setback  by  the  entry  of 
Sultan  Saladin  into  the  arena.  The  Greek  Empire  still  en- 
joyed considerable  prestige  despite  its  present  dilapidated 
condition.  If  he  received  his  crown  from  the  Basileus,  he 
would  be  linking  Armenia's  destiny  with  that  of  Constanti- 
nople, and  forging  an  alliance  with  what  he  still  looked  on  as  a  great 
power,  enabling  him  perhaps  one  day  to  regain  Greater  Armenia  and 
form  a  State  extending  from  the  Gulf  of  Alexandretta  to  the  Caspian  Sea, 
capable  of  blocking  any  Moslem  invasion  of  Byzantium.  There  was  the 
Sultanate  of  Iconium  in  the  centre  of  Asia  Minor,  it  was  true,  but  the 
Seljuks  once  caught  between  the  Greeks  and  the  Armenians  must  surely 
fall,  and  the  kingdom  of  New  Armenia  would  become  the  bastion  of  the 
Orthodox  world.  This  dream  was  shattered  by  the  failure,  easy  to  fore- 
see, of  the  negotiations  of  the  bishops  sent  to  Constantinople. 

—  216  — 


SAINT 
NERSES 
(from  the 
Armenian 
Iconogra- 
phy of  1511) 


"  'I  am  asked,'  wrote  the  Catholicos  Nerses  to  Michael  the  Syrian  (1) 
"  *to  recognize  two  natures  in  Jesus  Christ  and  to  honor  the  fourth  Council, 
"to  celebrate  the  birth  of  Christ  on  the  25th  of  December,  and  the  Mass 
"with  leavened  bread  and  water,  and  not  to  use  the  words:  God,  Holy, 
"Who  wast  crucified.  On  these  conditions  we  are  promised  [by  Emperor 
"Manuel]  great  benefactions.'  " 

Faced  with  the  exactingness  of  the  Byzantine  clergy,  Leo  turned  to 
the  West,  but  in  so  doing  he  was  following  a  totally  opposite  political 
line  for  New  Armenia's  future,  one  altogether  counter  to  that  of  a  Greek 
alliance.  The  Greek  emperors  in  their  hostility  to  the  Crusaders  behaved 
so  deceitfully  to  the  Westerners  that  soon  the  Latins  would  have  to  oc- 
cupy Constantinople  itself  if  they  wanted  to  stop  Greek  intrigue.  By 
applying  to  Rome,  Leo  was  espousing  the  cause  of  the  European  rulers, 
identifying  himself  with  their  acts,  and  casting  his  lot  in  with  theirs  in 
the  East.  It  was  a  serious  decision,  but  the  baron  was  ambitious  of  be- 
coming king,  and  the  Latins  flattered  his  hopes,  consequently  he  pushed 
on  his  negotiations  with  the  Pope  and  the  royal  Crusaders. 

Rome,  on  the  other  hand,  could  hardly  fail  to  derive  the  greatest 
satisfaction  from  seeing  a  native  kingdom  formed  in  the  East  based  on 
Latin  culture  and  the  Latin  worship.  The  new  State  would  give  the 
Crusaders  a  strong  bridgehead  and  facilitate  the  growth  of  the  princi- 
palities of  Syria  and  Palestine.  The  latter  were  envisaged  as  destined  to 
last  forever  and  to  extend  by  degrees  their  dominion  over  all  Western 
Asia,  thus  protecting  Europe  from  Moslem  invasion.  Papal  sagacity  was 
not  deceived,  and  the  western  monarchs  likewise  had  no  illusions,  con- 
cerning the  fate  of  the  Byzantine  Empire.  They  knew  it  was  irretriev- 
ably lost,  and  expected  it  to  be  replaced  by  a  Latin  State  able  to  safe- 
guard the  Bosphorus,  keep  watch  over  it,  and  prevent  the  Moslems  en- 
tering Europe  from  that  direction.  The  conquest  of  Spain  and  Sicily 
by  the  Saracens,  their  thrust  to  the  very  heart  of  France,  had  carried 
a  serious  warning  to  the  Catholic  Christians,  and  any  support  for  their 
arms  in  the  East  was  welcome.  So  Leo's  ambitions  found  a  favorable 
response  not  only  from  the  throne  of  St.  Peter  but  in  every  European 
court.  It  was  essential,  nevertheless,  that  Rome  should  not  demand  too 
much  in  the  way  of  reforming  the  Armenian  ritual,  for  the  people  were 
very  attached  to  their  ancient  worship  and  customs  and  would  have  great 
difficulty  in  giving  up  their  ancestral  ways.    The  clergy  clung  to  its  pre- 


(1)  Op.  cit.  1,  p.  367. 

—  217 


rogatives  and  some  of  the  nobles  looked  askance  not  only  at  any  relin- 
quishment of  a  religious  segregation  that  had  acquired  for  them  national 
significance,  but  also  on  the  creation  of  royal  authority  to  take  the  place 
of  the  former  seigniorial  tenure  which  they  were  sometimes  so  apt  to  set 
at  naught. 

Leo  had  received  from  his  maternal  uncle  Paguran  an  education 
that  was  decidedly  more  Greek  than  Armenian,  for  the  nobles  of  Baberon 
and  Lampron  had  remained  loyal  to  the  Byzantine  emperors.  This  is 
proved  by  the  fact  that  Leo,  signed  his  name  in  Greek  followed  by  his 
royal  title  in  Armenian.  His 
contact  with  the  Byzantines 
is  also  undoubtedly  respon- 


p\go\p»rf^ 


sibJe    tor    his    bemg    recep- 
tive  to  wide   political   con-  V^  '^  ^4         LI 
ceptions  and  for  his  ambi- 
tion of  one  day  wearing  the                 fIRST^KING^OF^W^ARMENIA 
crown.      The    barons    who 
preceded    him,    secluded    in 

their  mountains  and  with  few  contacts  except  with  Prankish  nobles  and 
Moslem  emirs  had  hitherto  had  no  aims  beyond  extending  their  power 
and  their  territory,  gathering  treasure,  and  withstanding  the  encroach- 
ments of  their  dangerous  neighbors.  Leo  saw  much  further;  his  desire 
was  for  a  king's  crown  so  that  he  might  treat  on  a  footing  of  equality 
with  Byzantine  Emperors,  Sultans,  Caliphs,  and  European  sovereigns. 

Negotiations  dragged  on  slowly.  In  1 196  Leo  wrote  once  more  to 
Henry  VI,  Emperor  of  Germany.  "When  Livons  [Leo]  saw  that  he 
"[Henry]  was  the  supreme  leader,  and  that  he  held  no  tenure  from  him, 
"he  sent  his  envoy  to  the  Emperor  Henry  in  Apulia  where  he  was,  with 
"a  message,  offering  him  homage  and  saying  that  he  wished  to  hold  from 
"him  his  land  of  Armenia;  and  begged  him  that  he  send  him  the  crown 
"and  acknowledge  him  as  a  king.  The  Emperor  received  the  message 
"with  great  pleasure,  and  accepted  the  homage,  promising  him  that  he 
"would  crown  him  when  he  crossed  the  sea."  (1) 

In  addition  this  aspirant  to  royal  rank  communicated  his  desire  to 
all  the  nobles  of  the  Crusade,  and  contrived  to  get  support  In  all  direc- 
tions.   "The  Lord  of  Armenia  said  to  Count  Henry  [Duke  of  Champagne 


(1)  GUILLAUME  OF  TYRE,  cont'd.  XXVI.  27. 

—  218  — 


"and  King  of  Jerusalem]:  '1  have  land  enough,  cities  and  castles  and 
"large  revenues,  sufficient  to  be  a  king.  As  the  Prince  of  Antioch  is  my 
"liegeman  [feudatory],  I  beg  of  you  that  you  crown  me." 

iVIeanwhile  continuous  correspondence  went  on  between  Rome  and 
the  king,  and  frequent  embassies  were  sent  to  the  Pope  who  ordered  his 
legates  to  examine  the  question  and  discuss  matters  with  the  high  dig- 
nitaries of  the  Armenian  Church.  Once  before,  in  the  middle  of  the  I2th 
century  under  Eugene  III,  the  Holy  See  had  studied  carefully  the  pos- 
sibility of  a  rapprochement  of  the  Armenian  Church  and  the  Papacy,  and 
a  letter  from  Pope  Lucius  III  (1185)  addressed  to  the  Catholicos  Gre- 
gory IV  Degha,  of  which  Nerses  of  Lampron  has  handed  us  down  a 
translation,  shows  how  far  at  that  time  negotiations  had  already  ad- 
vanced. The  bishop  wrote:  "In  the  year  634  of  the  Armenian  era  there 
"arrived  Gregory,  the  bishop  of  Philippopolis,  sent  by  the  Roman  Pope 
"Lucius  to  our  Catholicos  Gregory.  He  brought  him  the  answer  to  our 
"Monsignor's  [Catholicos']  letter  and  the  book  containing  the  usages  or 
"ritual  of  the  Church,  in  Latin  characters." 

Another  letter  written  by  Pope  Clement  III  four  years  later  (1189) 

to  Baron  Leo,  begins  thus: 

^  yr-i  *^T^>J«  GXePC*-;  "Clement,    Bishop,   Servant 

*if    '  /-^^j  *       /  '"of  the  servants  of  God,  to 

XjjOa-'-rOOcA-'yrO  crO>J^-         -'our  well  beloved  son,  the 

'"illustrious  Prince  of  the 
"Mountains  (Leo),  greet- 
"ings  and  apostolic  bless- 
"ings,"  and  the  Pope  ex- 
horted the  x^rmenian  baron 
to  take  part  in  delivering 
the  holy  places. 

This  exchange  of  let- 
ters with  the  Pope  did  not 
prevent  Leo,  however,  from 
negotiating  at  the  same 
time  with  Constantinople, 
and  from  sending  the  Pa- 
triarch Nerses  and  Baron 
Paul  in  1 197  to  discuss  mat- 
ters of  religion  with  Alexis 
Comnenus.      Nerses    wrote 


J1  ;>!LDW  -ttcsju 
^vO U  TO  U 0JS,  ou  C« ' 

HANDWRITING  OF  SAINT  NERSES  OF 
LAMPRON  ON  A  GREEK  MANUSCRIPT 


—  219 


on  that  occasion  to  his  prince  as  follows:  "After  discussing  things  with 
"them  [the  Greeks],  we  found  them  ignorant,  rude,  and  materialistic, 
"as  stubborn  as  Jews  unwilling  to  serve  God  by  the  renewal  of  the  Holy 
"Ghost,  only  in  the  oldness  of  the  letter.  Our  spiritual  goodwill  was 
''grievously  disheartened  and  we  came  away  troubled  and  disappointed 
"in  our  pious  hope."  Leo  was  motivated,  therefore,  by  political  interest 
and  not  by  any  religious  convictions.  Had  he  met  with  more  toleration 
at  Byzantium,  in  all  likelihood  the  Armenians  would  have  adhered  to 
the  Greek  ritual  and  the  kingdom  of  New  Armenia  would  have  upheld 
the  cause  of  the  Emperors  instead  of  that  of  the  Crusaders. 

As  early  as  1196,  some  say,  while  the  conversations  at  Constantinople 
were  still  on,  Leo  received  from  the  Pope,  whom  he  had  asked  both  for  a 
crown  and  for  his  people's  adoption  by  the  Roman  Church,  the  gift  of  a 
gold  crown  in  token  that  his  prayer  was  granted.    The 
Pope's  stipulations  for  the  Armenian  Church  consisted 
only  of  quite  acceptable  provisos  regarding  ritual  plus 
the  requirement  that  the  Cathollcos  send  an  envoy  at 
regular  stated  Intervals  to  Rome  to  pay  him  homage. 
In  this  manner  New  Armenia  drew  closer  to  the  Catho- 
lic Church  and  widened  still  further  the  gulf  between 
itself  and  the  Byzantine  Empire. 


COIN  OF 

ALEXIS 

COMNENUS 

(1195-1203) 


Moreover  Leo,  In  spite  of  the  need  he  had  for  the 
Crusaders  prior  to  his  coronation,  did  not  always  re- 
main on  good  terms  with  the  Latins.  This  was  particu- 
larly the  case  with  the  neighboring  principality  of  An- 
tloch,  the  undetermined  boundaries  of  which  were  al- 
ways causing  strife.     In  1194  he  forestalled  a  plan  of 

Bohemond  III  seeking  to  trap  and  capture  him, 
by  himself  treacherously  seizing  that  prince 
and  the  chief  nobles  of  the  court  of  Antioch, 
and  locking  them  up  in  the  Castle  of  Sis. 
Count  Henry  of  Champagne,  the  Regent  of 
the  kingdom  of  Jerusalem,  intervened  and  ob- 
tained Bohemond's  freedom,  but  the  Prince  of 
Antioch  had  to  agree  to  give  back  the  terri- 
tory he  had  formerly  taken  from  Rupen,  and  a 


COIN  OF  HENRY  OF 
CHAMPAGNE 


—  220 


new  alliance  was  sealed  by  the  mar- 
riage of  Alice,  one  of  Rupen's  daugh- 
ters, with  Raymond  III,  the  eldest  son 
of  Bohemond.  It  was  set  forth  in  the 
agreement  that  should  Alice,  Rupen 
II's  daughter,  bear  a  son,  he  should  in- 
herit the  throne  of  Antioch.  A  male 
child  was  born,  and  Raymond  at  his 
death  In  1198  made  his  father  swear  to 
keep  this  promise.     Raymond-Rupen, 

the  son  of  Raymond  and  Alice,  was  then  an  infant,  and  Bohemond  Ill's 
younger  son,  the  Count  of  Tripoli,  took  advantage  of  his  nephew's  minor- 
ity and  his  father's  years,  to  drive  the  old  prince  out  of  Antioch  and  seize 
power.  This  usurpation  to  the  prejudice  of  a  child  under  Leo's  protection 
caused  the  Armenians  to  rise  against  the  principality  of  Antioch,  so  that 
when  Leo  received  the  royal  crown,  he  was  openly  at  war  with  the  usurper. 


SEAL    OF    RAYMOND-RUPEN 


Feuds  of  this  kind,  moreover,  were  not  confined  to  the  East.  In 
France  and  England,  and  in  all  the  feudal  kingdoms  of  the  West,  there 
was  constant  strife  among  the  nobility;  European  political  manners  were 
just  as  brutal  as  those  of  Asia. 


COIN  OF  TRIPOLI 
WITHOUT  RULER'S  NAME 


—  221 


CHAPTER  VIII 

The  Kingdom  of  New  Armenia  (1199-1375) 


LEO  I,  KING 

OF   ARMENIA 

(1196  or  1199 

to  1219) 


On  January  6th,  1199  (?)  Cardinal  Conrad  of 
W  ittelsbach,  Archbishop  of  Mayence,  the  delegate 
of  Pope  Celestine  III,  presented  to  Baron  Leo  II, 
in  the  Church  of  the  Holy  Wisdom  of  Christ  at 
Tarsus,  the  royal  crown,  and  the  Catholicos  Abirad 
(1195-1203)  crowned  and  anointed  the  new  mon- 
arch who  took  the  name  and  title  of  ''Leo  I,  by  the  grace  of  the  Roman 
Emperor  [Henry  VT],  King  of  Armenia."  He  thus  proclaimed  himself 
a  feudatory  of  Western  Europe  represented  by  its  leader,  the  Emperor  of 
Germany.  A  few  years  after  his  accession, 
however,  he  felt  irked  by  this  vassalage, 
and  took  the  title  of  "King  by  the  grace  of 
God." 

W^hen  sending  him  the  crown,  the  Pope 
asked  the  new  king  to  consent  to  three  con- 
ditions, all  relating  to  the  ritual  divergencies 
between  the  Armenians  and  the  Latins: 
First,  he  was  to  celebrate  Christmas  and 
Saints'  days  on  the  same  dates  as  in  the 
Latin  Church;  secondly,  that  matins  and 
vespers  be  said  in  church,  a  custom  the  Ar- 
menians had  long  discontinued,  in  fact  ever 
since  the  Ishmaelite  (Arab)  invasion — these 
services  being  observed  only  when  mass  was 
celebrated;  and  thirdly,  the  Christmas  Eve 
and  Easter  fasts  were  to  be  broken  only  with 

fish  and  oil.  "  'When  you  have  adopted  these  rites,'  "  added  the  Cardinal 
"  'you  need  no  longer  worry  about  the  gifts  and  dues  you  have  to  offer 
"  'the  Emperor  and  the  Pope  in  homage  for  your  crown.  If  you  refuse, 
"  T  am  commanded  to  require  from  you  very  large  sums  in  gold,  silver, 
"  'and  jewels'." 


(JUOtlO.^ 


EFFIGY    OF  LEO   I 


—  222  — 


"Leo  called  the  Catholicos  and  bishops  together  and  asked  them  what 
'"reply  he  should  make  to  the  Latin  proposals.  They  refused  to  accept 
''them,  whereupon  Leo  told  them:  'Do  not  worry.  I  will  satisfy  them 
"  'just  for  the  present  by  appearing  to  give  in  to  them.'  Then  he  said  to 
''the  Roman  Archbishop:  'We  do  accept  immediately  and  unconditionally 
*'  'the  instructions  of  the  great  Emperor  and  of  the  Sovereign  Pontiff.' 
"The  Archbishop  demanded  that  the  promise  be  ratified  under  oath  by 
"twelve  bishops,  and  Leo  persuaded  a  dozen  of  his  prelates  to  swear  ac- 
"cordingly."  (1) 

Leo's  words  to  the  Armenian  clergy  illustrate  the  policy  he  followed 
towards  the  Latins,  a  policy  continued  by  his  successors.    Caught  between 


COINS  OF  KING  LEO  I 

the  requirements  of  the  Pope  whom  his  paramount  interest  it  was  to  con- 
ciliate and  who  demanded  unity  regarding  dogma  and  various  disciplinary 
points,  and  the  tremendous  opposition  of  the  Armenian  clergy  and  people, 
the  Cilician  sovereigns  often  were  compelled  to  maneuver.  Had  they 
ridden  roughshod  over  national  prejudice,  they  would  have  come  to  a 
tragic  end,  as  did  later  the  Lusignans.  (2)     On  both  sides,  Latin  and  Ar- 


(1)  GUIRAGOS  OF  KANTZAG. 

(2)  Cf.  DULAURIER,  op.cU.,  vol.  I,  p.  423.  note  1. 


—  223 


menian,  there  was  unyielding  intolerance  in  these  matters,  and  shameful 
hagglings  entered  into  the  discussion  of  religious  convictions.  Western 
fanaticism,  aggravated  by  the  Crusades,  on  the  one  hand,  and  Armenian 
traditions  nationally  enshrined,  on  the  other,  precluded  any  genuine  coming 
together. 


GOLDEN  BULLA  OF  LEO  I 


Leo's  coronation  had  considerable  importance  for  the  Byzantine  court, 
for  it  meant  New  Armenia's  definite  exclusion  from  the  vassalage  of  the 
Basileus,  and  any  refusal  to  acknowledge  the  new  king  would  have  entailed 
open  warfare  with  the  Crusaders  and  consequently  all  Western  Europe. 
As  usual  the  Greeks  preferred  stratagem  to  force. 
Alexis  III  Angelus  (1195-1203)  copied  the  Latins 
by  sending  him  gifts  together  with  a  crown,  but  his 
presents  were  accompanied  with  the  following  omin- 
ous counsel:  "Put  not  upon  thy  head  the  crown 
"the  Romans  have  sent  thee,  for  thou  art  much 
"nearer  to  us  than  thou  art  to  Rome."  Byzantium's 
entire  ensuing  policy  towards  the  Armenians  is  con- 
tained in  those  words. 

Leo's  fondest  wishes  were  realized,  and  all  the 
rulers  of  Europe,  besides  the  Basileus  and  even  the 
Caliph  of  Bagdad,  sent  gifts  and  ambassadors  to  the  new  monarch. 

The  chroniclers  are  not  agreed  as  to  the  date  of  Leo's  coronation. 


COIN  OF  HUGH  I 
OF  CYPRUS 

(1205-1218) 


—  224 


COIN  OF  BOHEMOND  IV 
PRINCE  OF  ANTIOCH 


Hetum  places  the  ceremony  between  July  1197  and  January  1198,  but  ac- 
cording to  Latin  historians  the  arrival  of  the  Archbishop  of  Mayence,  the 
legate  of  the  Holy  See,  could  only  have  taken  place  in  1199.  Fifteen 
bishops  and  thirty-nine  Armenian  feudatory  nobles  were  present  at  their 
sovereign's  crowning,  as  well  as  a  goodly  number  of  knights  of  the 
Crusade. 

The  Frankish  crown  that  he  had  just 
placed  on  his  brow  made  no  change  in  Leo's 
attitude  towards  the  Latin  principality.  In 
1203  the  new  king  of  Armenia  again  took  up 
arms  for  the  throne  of  Antioch.  Bohemond  had 
died  in  1201,  and  Leo  laid  claim  to  it  for 
Rupen-Raymond,  the  son  of  Raymond  III  and 
Alice.  The  knights  and  principal  citizens  of 
Antioch  had  recognized  Bohemond  IV,  Count 
of  Tripoli,  the  younger  son  of  Bohemond  III,  as  their  prince.  Repelled 
by  the  Templars  near  Antioch,  the  king  of  Armenia  had  to  content  him- 
self for  the  time  being  with  laying  siege  to  their  castle. 

The  war  between  the  Armenians  and  the  above  Order  was  waged 
for  several  years  north  of  the  cape  which  Is  called  today  by  the  Arabs 

Ras-el-Khanzir,  or  The  Boar's  Promontory. 
Bohemond  IV  had  entrusted  the  Knights 
Templars  with  the  defense  of  the  princi- 
pality of  Antioch,  while  he  himself  endeav- 
ored to  put  down  two  vassals  of  his  own 
in  the  earldom  of  Tripoli,  one  of  whom  he 
was  besieging  at  the  castle  of  Nephin.  After 
many  unsuccessful  attempts  Leo  finally  cap- 
tured Antioch  through  complicity  on  the 
part  of  the  Seneschal,  Acharie,  with  the  result  that  in  1216  Peter  II  of 
Locedia  crowned  Raymond-Rupen  as  Prince  of  Antioch  in  the  church 
of  St.  Peter  of  that  city. 

Both  enemy  and  ally,  In  turn,  of  the  Templars  and  excommunicated 
by  the  Pope  for  refusing  to  restore  to  the  Knights  their  cities  which  he 
had  seized,  Leo  succeeded  in  having  the  pontifical  sentence  lifted  and  fin- 
ally, on  August  5th,  1217,  in  inducing  Pope  Honorius  III  to  place  Rupen- 
Raymond's  family  and  the  principality  of  Antioch  under  the  protection 
of  the  Holy  See. 


COIN  OF  RAYMOND-RUPEN 
PRINCE  OF  ANTIOCH 


—  225  — 


During  his  warfare  with  the  Count  of  Tripoli,  Leo  contrived  to  ally 
himself  with  Theodore  Lascaris,  the  Emperor  of  Nicaea,  by  giving  him  in 
marriage  Philippine,  the  younger  daughter  of  his  brother  Rupen.  He  took 
steps  also  to  protect  himself  against  the  Moslems  on  his  western  border, 
for,  beyond  the  Taurus  mountains,  the  Seljuks  who  had  carved  out  a 
kingdom  for  themselves  in  the  fair 
provinces  of  central  Asia  Minor,  still 
constituted  a  threat  and  hoped  to 
reap  advantage  from  Saladln's  vic- 
tories over  the  Crusaders  and  from 
the  current  dissensions  between  the 
Armenians  and  the  Latins.  The  rob- 
ber bands  of  their  chief  Rustem  had 
even  advanced  to  the  walls  of  Sis, 
from  where  Leo  drove  them  away 
by  a  bold  surprise  attack. 

Armenian  annals  are  not  at  all  clear  concerning  Leo's  part  in  the 
events  that  took  place  at  the  beginning  of  the  third  Crusade.  Some  ac- 
counts picture  him  in  Cyprus  attending  Guy  of  Lusignan's  marriage  with 
Princess  Berengaria  of  Navarre,  others  represent  him  as  joining  In  the 
siege  of  Ptolemais  (Acre),  along  with  Philippe-Auguste  and  Richard 
Coeur-de-Lion,  the  French  and  English  kings.  Latin  authorities,  how- 
ever, do  not  concur  with  Armenian  historians  in  the  statement  that  Leo 
was  present  at  the  latter  memorable  siege  which  lasted  two  years,  al- 
though it  is  certain  that  some  troops  from  Armenia  gave  assistance  to 
the  Crusaders  during  that  operation. 


COIN   OF  THEODORE  LASCARIS 
EMPEROR  OF  NICAEA 


IMITATIONS  BY  THE  CRUSADERS  OF  MOSLEM  COINS 

—  226  — 


The  King  of  Armenia  was  an  out-and-out  statesman.  From  the 
time  he  first  succeeded  to  the  tile  of  baron  (1187)  until  the  close  of  the 
12th  century  when  his  unremitting  efforts  to  win  a  royal  crown  proved 
successful,  his  one  concern  was  setting  up  his  kingdom  and  putting  it  on 
a  footing  where  it  could  command  the  respect  not  only  of  the  neighboring 
Latin  princes  but  also  of  the  Greeks  and  Moslems. 

Influenced  by  Byzantine  ideas  of  government,  and 
COURT  OF  imbued  to  an  even  greater  extent  with  the  feudal  concep- 
ARMENIA  tions  of  the  Western  world,  the  King  patterned  his  court 
on  those  of  Antioch  and  Jerusalem,  The  Assizes  of  the 
latter  kingdom  were  authoritative  law  in  Christian  Syria  and  Cilicia;  those 
of  Antioch  gained  the  ascendancy,  however,  and  were  administered  in  the 
new  Armenian  realm.  Latin  and  French  soon  became  spoken  at  Leo's 
court,  and  were  used  along  with  the  lative  language.  With  regard  to  the 
nobles,  the  new  king  recalled  the  misfortunes  caused  of  old  in  Greater  Ar- 
menia by  the  almost  unbridled  liberty  they  enjoyed,  and  tightened  up  their 
links  with  the  throne,  in  line  with  the  feudal  customs  of  the  West.  The  feu- 
datories were  given  the  titles  of  baron  and  count;  many  of  the  offices  of 
the  Bagratid  court  were  abolished,  while  others  received  Latin  designa- 
tions such  as  that  of  Constable  instead  of  the  old  title  of  Sbascalar.  On 
the  battle-field  the  dignitary  thus  named  carried  the  royal  standard.  Be- 
fore his  death,  Leo  created  two  Regents  (bailes,  or  in  Latin  bajull),  as 
had  been  provided  by  the  Assizes  of  Jerusalem,  one  to  protect  and  educate 
the  Crown  Princess,  the  other  to  administer  Crown  matters.  There  was 
a  Marshall  to  carry  the  national  standard,  a  Chamberlain  (generally  the 
Archbishop  of  Sis),  a  Chief  Butler  (Royal  Cup-bearer),  and  a  Grand 
Messenger,  just  as  at  European  courts.  A  few  titles  of  Greek  origin,  how- 
ever, continued  in  use,  among  them  being  that  of  "Proximos"  given  to 
the  official  set  over  the  finances  of  the  realm,  and  those  of  Sebastos  and 
Pansebastos  (Reverend  and  Most  Reverend). 

Leo  went  a  step  nearer  to  the  usages  of  Western  chivalry  in  ar- 
rogating for  himself  upon  his  accession  the  right  to  bestow  knighthood  on 
his  vassal  nobles.  In  former  years,  when  he  was  only  a  baron,  this  had 
been  the  privilege  of  the  Princes  of  Antioch  and  he  had  himself  received 
knighthood  at  the  hands  of  Bohemond,  but  on  becoming  a  sovereign,  and 
even  a  suzerain  of  the  neighboring  princes,  he  claimed  sworn  allegiance 
from  his  feudatories.     This   right  became  established,  and  In   1274  Bo- 

—  227  — 


hemond  VII,  the  last  of  the  Antioch  princes,  was  knighted  by  his  uncle, 
King  Leo  III  of  Armenia. 

Thus  the  Armenian  State,  while  retaining  many  of  its  Eastern  char- 
acteristics, followed  the  pattern  of  the  Western  courts.  Leo's  increased 
royal  authority  brought  him  good  results,  for  he  was  able  to  bring  under 
his  rule  the  numerous  and  hitherto  unruly  Armenian  nobles,  and  to  create 
a  stable  realm  stretching  the  full  extent  of  ancient  Cilicia  and  protected  by 
the  high  mountains  of  the  Taurus  and  Amanus  chains  where  all  the  passes 
were  in  his  hands.  His  dominion  comprised,  according  to  the  chronicles, 
sixty-two  fortresses  (1)  the  custody  of  which  he  was  shrewd  enough  to 
entrust  mostly  to  European  knights 
including  the  Templars.  He  adopted 
this  means  of  forestalling  any  incli- 
nation to  revolt  on  the  part  of  the  na- 
tive barons,  many  of  whom  rather 
longed  for  the  days  when  they  had  en- 
tire freedom.  He  was  also  in  this  man- 
ner able  to  frustrate  any  intriguing  by 
the  Byzantines,  always  so  ready  to 
sow  dissension  among  the  hated  Ar- 
menians. 


COIN  OF  KAIKHOSRU  I 

SULTAN  OF  ICONIUM 

(1204.1210) 


While  organizing  his  kingdom  and  expanding  his 

ARMENIAN       territory,  Leo  did  not  forget  to  foster  his  country's  de- 

TRADE  velopment  in  the  economic  field.     Situated  between  the 

kingdoms  of  the  Crusaders,  the  Moslem  dominions,  and 

the  Greek  Empire,  Cilicia  was  admirably  located  to  serve  as  a  middle 

ground  for  trade  between  the  East  and  the  West.  The  Cilician  coasts  though 

possessed  of  no  first-class  ports  had  a  cer- 
tain number  of  harbors  offering  quite  suf- 
ficient shelter  for  trading  vessels  to  anch- 
or, even  if  not  for  galleys  of  war. 

The  Armenians  were  very  conver- 
sant with  Asia  and  familiar  with  all  the 
trade  routes  converging  from  the  Eu- 
phrates and  the  Tigris,  Persia  and  India, 
towards  their  country,  and  knew  the 
great  value  set  by  the  West  on  merchan- 


COIN   OF  SULEIMAN-SHAH 

SULTAN  OF  ICONIUM 

(1202-1203) 


(1)  MICHAEL  THE  SYRIAN,  op.  cit.,  I.  p.  405. 

—  228  — 


disc  from  the  East.  They  therefore  arranged  with  the  Sultans  of  Iconium 
and  the  Emirs  of  Aleppo,  also  the  Caliphs  of  Bagdad,  for  the  traffic  to 
pass  through  their  ports.  Ever  since  the  Moslems  had  gained  possession 
of  nearly  all  Western  Asia,  caravans  proceeded  unmolested,  from  the 
banks  of  the  Indus  to  those  of  the  Euphrates.  Trade  had  formerly  taken 
the  direction  of  the  Greek  provinces  of  Asia,  but  the  Armenians  succeeded 
in  diverting  it,  owing  to  their  cleverness  in  negotiating  with  the  Western 
ship-captains.  Under  Leo  II  traders  from  the  West  began  to  flock  to  Tar- 
sus and  Adana,  and  the  small  port  of  Aias  (1)  was  crowded  with  European 
vessels. 

Venice  and  Genoa,  the  two  great  trading  Republics  of  the  Mediter- 
ranean, were  the  most  eager  to  do  business  with  New  Armenia.  They 
had  extensive  dealing  with  Byzantium  and  the  Frankish  coasts  of  Syria, 
but  the  settling  of  the  Turcomans  in  central  Asia  Minor  on  the  one  hand 
and  the  governments  set  up  by  the  Crusaders  in  Palestine  and  Lebanon, 
on  the  other,  had  caused  an  alteration  in  the  caravan  routes,  and  the 
Genoese  and  Venetian  offices  on  the  Bosphorus  and  in  Syria  were  not 
doing  such  excellent  business  as  formerly.  The  Crusaders  were  unfitted 
for  trading  and  the  Greeks  no  longer  had  the  monopoly  of  the  Eastern 
caravans. 

Nevertheless,  even  in  Cilicia  Western  traders  met  with  difficulties  be- 
cause of  certain  usages  prevalent  throughout  the  East.  The  State  main- 
tained its  right  of  preemption  on  wreckage,  also  that  of  escheat,  or  re- 
version to  the  Crown  treasury  of  the  estates  of  foreigners  dying  within 
the  country.  Armenian  jurisdiction  only  was  recognized  in  disputes  be- 
tween Europeans.  Business  was  further  complicated  by  a  lot  of  custom- 
house vexations.  The  Genoese  and  Venetians  found  all  these  practices 
great  hindrances  in  their  affairs,  but  they  gradually  succeeded  in  ob- 
taining advantages  from  which  the  other  traders  from  Catalonia,  Mont- 
pellier,  Provence,  Pisa,  Sicily,  etc.  were  excluded. 

Merchandise  was  taxed  according  to  the  special  agreements  made 
between  the  country  of  origin  and  the  kingdom  of  Armenia.  The  Genoese 
and  Venetians  were  able  to  bring  in  most  of  their  goods  duty-free,  others 
paid  an  ad  valorem  tax  of  two  to  four  per  cent.  The  caravans  arriving 
from  the  interior  were  also  subject  to  customs  duty. 

In  exchange  for  their  products  or  their  sequins  the  Europeans  ob- 
tained from  the  marts  of  Aias,  Tarsus,  or  Adana,  Eastern  wares  such  as 
pepper,  spices,  aromatics,  incense,  soap,  jewels,  raw  silk,  fine  Indian  and 


(1)   Today:  Yumurtalik. 

—  229 


Persian  textiles,  gold  fabrics,  and  Persian  carpets,  on  all  of  which  precious 
merchandise  the  Armenians  realized  enormous  profits  while  the  royal 
Treasury  reaped  bountiful  customs  revenues.  Cilicia  became  a  scene  ot 
international  transit  trade  comparable  to  that  which  twelve  centuries  be- 
fore had  made  Sybaris  so  opulent. 

The  Armenians  called  their  king  "Leo  the  Great",  or  "The  Magnifi- 
cent". Nevertheless,  without  detracting  from  this  ruler's  fine  quaUties 
or  depreciating  the  work  he  accomplished,  the  historian  must  refrain  from 
sharing  altogether  the  admiration  he  was  held  in  by  those  whom  he  en- 
riched and  whose  encomiums  regarding  him  are  recorded  in  the  Armenian 
chronicles.  Like  most  of  his  contemporaries,  he  was  unscrupulous  as  to 
his  means  for  attaining  his  ends,  enlarging  his  dominions,  or  making  his 
realm  prosperous.  He  blazed  up  against  any  obstacle  he  found  in  his 
path,  even  against  the  Church  on  whom  he  had  called  for  assistance  for 
so  long  a  time.  For  no  valid  reason  he 
repudiated  his  first  wife  Isabel,  and  he  put 
out  the  eyes  of  his  cousin  George,  Mleh's 
illegitimate  son.  By  trickery  he  got  pos- 
session of  the  fortress  of  Lampron  and 
made  Hetum  his  prisoner  at  Tarsus  on  the 
pretext  of  marrying  Rupen's  daughter  Phil- 
ippa  to  Ochin,  Return's  eldest  son.  Never- 
theless he  made  some  very  definite  im- 
provements in  his  realm.  He  endowed  Cil- 
icia with  a  number  of  religious  and  charit- 
able institutions,  brought  under  regulation 
the  slave  trade  throughout  his  territory,  for- 
bidding the  sale  of  Chritian  slaves  to  In- 
fi  d  e  1  s,      and      created      hospitals      for 


EFFIGY  OF  HETUM  I 
KING  OF  ARMENIA 


COIN  OF  HETUM  I,  KING  OF  ARMENIA 


lepers  who  were  then  very  nu- 
merous in  the  East.  He  ac- 
complished much,  for  he 
sought  every  means  of  making 
his  people  prosperous,  but  un- 
like Louis  XI  of  France  he 
was  unable  to  master  the 
shortcomings  of  his  day  or  to 
bring  into  final  submission  the 
unruly  nobles. 


—  230  — 


Before  his  death,  Leo  had  named  as  his  suc- 
ISABEL,  QUEEN      cesser  Isabel  (Zabel),  his  daughter  by  his  second 
1219-1252  wife  Sybil,  the  daughter  of  Amaury  of  Lusignan, 

King  of  Cyprus,  and  Isabel  Plantagenet.  In  ac- 
cordance with  his  expressed  wish,  the  young  princess  was  proclaimed 
queen  under  the  regency  of  Adam  of  Gastim,  but  this  nobleman  having 
been  slain  by  the  Ismailians  (1),  Baron  Constantine  of  the  Lampron 
family  was  named  Regent.  Isabel's  minority  aroused,  however,  the  cup- 
idity of  Raymond-Rupen,  son  of  Raymond  III  of  Antioch  and  Alice, 
Rupen  IPs  daughter,  who  entered  Cilicia  in  the  hope  of  seizing  the  throne. 
He  was  defeated  and  captured  by  Constantine  near  Tarsus,  and  put  to 
death. 


Following  this  quarrel  which  threatened  to  upset  good  relations  be- 
tween the  Armenians  and  the  Latins,  Constantine  was  anxious  to  wipe  out 
all  cause  for  dispute,  and  therefore  brought  about  the  young  queen's  mar- 
riage     to      Prince 
Philip,  son  of  Ray- 
mond     the      One- 
Eyed,     Count     of 
Tripoli.  This  prince 
made  himself  very 
unpopular  with  the 
Armenians,  seeking 
to   impose   western 
customs   on   them.        Consequently 
Constantine  had  him  put  away  in 
the  Castle  of  Sis  where  two  years 
later  he  died  of  poison.    The  Regent 
could  not  leave  the  kingdom  in  the 
dangerous  position  of  belonging  to 
a   queen   who  was    only   nominalh' 
married.  Constantine's  treatment  of 


COINS  WITH  THE  NAMES  OF 

HETUM  I,  AND  OF  SULTANS 

OF  ICONIUM 


(1)  The  "Assassins". 


—  231 


Prince  Philip  appears  somewhat  unscrupulous  when  it  is  considered  that 
he  had  views  of  his  own  with  regard  to  his  ward  whom  he  wished  to  marry 
to  his  own  son  Hetum. 


f 


tTi/^wjLWi'np  fyu)n 


Isabel     was     then     in     her 
twelfth  year  only,  and  some  of 
the    Armenian    barons    disliked 
Constantine's    plans    and    were 
jealous  of  a  Lampron  noble,  one 
of  themselves,  possibly  becoming 
their  ruler.    They  probably  con- 
demned, too,  the  murder  of  Philip.    These  nobles  arranged  for  the  young 
queen  to  flee  for  refuge  to  Seleucia  Trachea   (1),  to  the  home  of  some 
Latin  kinsfolk  who  themselves,  perhaps,  were  not  averse  to  so  flattering 
a  connection. 


HANDWRITING  OF   HETUM   I 


Constantine  took  arms  and  laid  siege  to  the  fortress  which  was  held 
by  the  Knights  Hospitalers.  Their  Grand  Master,  Bertrand,  however, 
was  then  at  war  with  the  Sultan  of  Iconium,  Ala-ed-Din  Kaikobad,  and 
had  no  desire  to  take  on  a  fresh  quarrel;  consequently  he  surrendered  it 
to  the  Armenians.  The  young  queen  was  taken  to  Tarsus  where  she  had 
to  consent  to  marrying  Prince  Hetum,  who  thus  became  King  of  Armenia. 
On  his  coins,  which  are  quite  numerous,  both  his  effigy  and  that  of  Isabel 
are  shown. 

The  reign  of  Hetum  (1226-1270)  was  the  longest  of 
HETUM  I  all  the  sovereigns  of  New  Armenia.  It  began,  however, 
KING  OF  under  very  unfavorable  auspices.  The  Seljuks  of  Iconium 

ARMENIA        invaded  Cilicia,  and  their  Sultan  Kaikobad   (1220-1237) 
1226-1270         compelled  the  kingdom  to  do  him  homage.     Hetum  was 
obliged  to  coin  bilingual  money  with  the  name  of  the  Mos- 
lem overlord  and  himself. 


(1)   Selefkeh. 


232 


HETUM  I  AND  ISABEL 


At  this  time,  Genghis  Khan  was 
proceeding  westward  from  the  Ganges 
and  Indus  laying  everything  waste  as 
he  advanced.  Northern  Persia,  Greater 
Armenia,  and  Georgia  (where  Rousou- 
dan,  a  queen  notorious  for  her  evil  ways, 
was  reigning),  had  fallen  to  the  might  of 
the  terrible  conqueror.  Hetum  and  all 
the  Christian  and  Moslem  rulers  of  Asia 

Minor   joined    together    and    warded   off    invasion. 

Genghis  Khan  withdrew  to  Kurdistan  where  he  was 

assassinated  in  1231. 


This  victory  stemmed  only  for  a  while  the  Mon- 
golian wave.  Oktai-Khan  (1227-1241),  Genghis' 
son  and  successor,  caused  his  hordes  to  overrun  the 
countries  west  of  the  Caspian  Sea,  where  they  spread 
desolation  everywhere,  leaving  in  their  wake  nothing 
but  ashes,  ruins,  and  heaps  of  corpses.  The  sud- 
denness and  cruelty  of  the  disaster  were  unprece- 
dented. In  1235  the  Mongols  exterminated  nearly 
every  inhabitant  of  Gandzak  (lelisavetpol),  and 
the  two  following  years  saw  the  sacking  of  Lori, 
Kayan,  Ani,  and  Kars.  About  1242  Karin  (Erze- 
rum)  shared  the  same  fate.  This  city  was  then  un- 
der the  Sultan  of  Iconium,  Gaiath-ed-Din  Kaikhosru 
II,  who  had  obtained  possession  of  the  throne  by  the 
murder  of  his  father  Ka'ikobad.  This 
sultan  was  completely  defeated  by  the 
invaders  between  Erzerum  and  Erzind- 
jan,  and  both  Caesarea  and  Sebaste,  like- 
wise belonging  to  the  Seljuks,  were  also 
laid  in  ruins. 


SEAL  OF  THE 

PATRIARCH  CON- 

STANTINE  I  OF 

PARTZERPERT 


Hetum  was  appalled  by  the  danger, 
for  the  invasion  was  nearing  his  borders, 
and  he  hastened  to  surrender  to  the  Mon- 
gols.     Their   Khan,    Batchu,    demanded 


COIN  OF  ROUSOUDAN, 
QUEEN  OF  GEORGIA 


233 


that  he  deliver  up  to  him  the  mother,  wife,  and 
daughter  of  the  Sultan  of  Iconium  who  had  taken 
refuge  at  the  court  of  Sis.  Hetum  was  weak  enough 
to  yield  to  the  will  of  the  barbarian,  and  Kaikhosru 
to  avenge  such  an  infraction  of  the  laws  of  hospit- 
ality, gave  his  support  to  the  revolt  of  the  Baron 
of  Lampron,  the  brother-in-law  of  the  Regent  Con- 
stantine,  and  they  together  invaded  Cilicia.  Hetum 
shut  himself  up  in  Adana,  Constantine  and  their 
constable  Sempad  in  Tarsus;  but  with  the  help  oi 
the  Mongols  who  came  to  his  side  the  king  drove 
out  the  Moslems  from  his  realm. 


COIN  OF 

KAIKOBAD   I 

SULTAN  OF 

ICONIUM 


His  alliance  with  the  Khans  seemed  so  valu- 
able and  necessary  to  the  king  of  Armenia  that  he 
did  not  hesitate  to  go  personally  to  visit  Mango,  the 
Mongolian  ruler,  who  dwelt  at  Karakorum  beyond 
the  Gates  of  Derbend,  on  the  shore  of  the  Caspian 
Sea,  near  the  mouth  of  the  Volga.    There  he  was  re- 
ceived with  great  honors  by  the  barbarian  chieftain, 
and  a  treaty  of  alliance  was  signed  between  them,  which 
he  put  to  profit  on  his  return,  taking  back  from  the 
Sultan  of  Iconium  certain  districts  the  latter  had  cap- 
tured in  his  absence. 


A  strange  proceeding,  indeed,  for  this  king  to 
leave  his  Christian  court  and,  crossing  the  width  of 
Moslem  Asia,  to  act  as  his  own  ambassador  to  a  bar- 
barian from  the  Siberian  steppes,  a  dweller  in  the 
heart  of  hardly  known  Scythia!  Nevertheless,  by  way 
of  Greater  Armenia  the  Armenians  and  the  Barbarians 
had  linked  up,  and  the  heathen  horde  after  laying 
waste  the  Ararat  region  had  turned  against  the  Mos- 
lems, thereby  serving  the  Christian  cause.  Hetum 
looked  on  them  as  his  natural  allies. 


^/^J 


COIN  OF 

KAIKHOSRU  II 

SULTAN  OF 

ICONIUM 


As    one    historian     writes:     "When     Mango     Can     [Khatt]     had 
**heard  the   King   of  Armenia's    petition,   he   called   together   his    court, 


—  234  — 


COIN  OF  MANGO  KHAN 


"and  summoned  the  king  to  his  pres- 
"ence.  Then  before  the  assembly  he 
"spoke  thus:  'Because  the  King  of 
"Armenia  has  come  .  .  .  We  do  reply, 
"King  of  Armenia,  that  we  will  be- 
"nignly  grant  all  your  prayers.  And 
"We,  in  the  first  place.  Who  are  Lord 

"by  the  grace  of  God,  will  be  baptized  and  accept 

"the  faith.  Our  Lord  Jesus  Christ.     I  will  have  all 

"those  of  my  house  baptized;  and  I  will  advise  the 

"others  in  good  faith  that  they  too  be  baptized,  and 

"believe  the  Christian  faith.     But  I  will  not  force 

"anyone,  for  faith  and  belief  do  not  require  force. 

"To  your  second  request,  we  reply  that  we  wish  for 

"perpetual  peace  and  friendship,  we  and  our  people, 

"with  the  Christians  ...  To  the  Christian  churches 

"and  to  the  clergy  of  whatever  sort,   religious   or 

"secular,  we  will  give  the  privilege  of  freedom,  and 

"will  not  suffer  that  in  any  wise  they  be  molested. 

"As  to  the  matter  of  the  Holy  Land,  we  would  say 

"that  we  would  willingly  in  our  own  person  under- 

"take  the  conquest  of  the  Holy  Land,  .  .  .  But  in- 

"asmuch  as  we  have  too  much  other  business,  we 

"must  give  commandment  to  our  prow  Alaon  [Hou- 

"lago-Khan]    and  he  will   accomplish   this  task  and   deliver  holy   Jeru- 

"salem  from  the  hands  of  the  infidels,  and  return  it  to  the  Christians  .  .  . 

"and  to  our  brother  we  will  give  com- 
"mandment  that  he  go  and  take  the 
"city  of  Damascus  and  that  he  destroy 
"the  Caliph,  as  our  mortal  enemy  .  . 
(1)" 


Hetum  was  well  advised  in  tak- 
ing this  step,  for  the  mounting  storm 
was  about  to  strike  all  Western  Asia. 
In  1257  the  terrible  Houlago-Khan  ad- 
vanced to  the  center  of  Asia  Minor, 


COIN  OF  DAVID  V, 
KING  OF  GEORGIA, 
AND    OF  MANGO- 
KHAN 


COIN  OF  HOULAGO 


(1)   Hayton  (Hetum).    "La  flore  des  estoiles  de  la  terre  d'Orfent".     (The  flower 
of  the  stars  of  the  Orient.)     Histoire  des  Croisades,  vol.  II,  p.  167. 


—  235  — 


overthrew  the  power  of  the  Sultans  of  Iconlum,  and 
then  capturing  Bagdad  on  February  4th,  1258,  slew 
the  Caliph  Motassem  and  his  two  sons.  For  forty 
days  the  slaughter  went  on  in  the  Arab  capital. 
Everywhere  he  passed,  Houlago  had  left  nothing 
but  ruins:  Erzerum,  Erzindjan,  Sebaste,  Caesarea, 
Iconium,  Martyropolis,  Aleppo,  Damascus,  Edessa, 
Kharan,  Amidus,  all  were  laid  waste  and  the  in- 
habitants wiped  out.  The  Christians,  however,  did 
not  suffer  as  much  as  did  the  Moslems  in  this  ap- 
palling work  of  extermination,  due  to  the  interces- 
sion on  their  behalf  of  Princess  Dokouz-Khatoun, 
and  also  because  Hetum,  as  an  ally  of  the  Mongols, 
was  fighting  alongside  of  them. 


COIN  OF  EMPEROR 
MICHAEL  VIII 
PALAEOLOGUS 

(1261-1288) 


Houlago  was  called  away  by  his  brother  Man- 
go's death,  and  did  not  return  to  Asia  Minor.  He 
left  innumerable  hordes  to  continue  the  deadly  work 

of  their  terrible  chieftain,  masses  of  men  who  were  only  less  dangerous 
in  that  they  lacked  the  cohesive  purpose  of  a  leader. 


COINS  OF  LEO  II 


At  this  juncture  Bibars,  the  Sultan 
of  Egypt,  of  the  Baharit  Mamaluke  dy- 
nasty (1260-1277),  entered  the  scene  to 
take  advantage  of  the  upheaval  caused 
by  the  Mongol  invasion,  also  of  '^e 
barbarian  chief's  departure,  and  deter- 
mined to  destroy  the  Latin  principalities. 
Favored  by  the  momentary  absence  of 
the  Tartars,  he  invaded  Cilicia  and  over- 
whelmed the  army  hastily  raised  to  meet 
him  under  Hetum's  two  sons,  Leo  and 
Theodore.  The  latter  prince  was  killed 
in  the  fight,  and  the  other  carried  away 
prisoner   (August   24th,   1266).     Adoua, 


236  — 


the  city  of  the  Templars,  Sis,  Misis,  Adana,  Aias,  and  Tarsus  fell  to  the 
Mameluke  ruler,  who  destroyed  them  and  slaughtered  every  single  in- 
habitant. Finally,  on  May  19th,  1268,  Antioch  itself  was  lost  to  the  Cru- 
saders. After  massacring  the  male  population,  the  conqueror  distributed 
the  women  among  his  soldiers;  the  sacking  of  this  city  was  on  an  almost 
unprecedented  scale. 

Hetum  finally  obtained  terms  of  peace  from  the  victor  but  they  were 
very  heavy.  His  son  Leo  was  restored  to  him  in  exchange  for  Schems-ed- 
Din  Sonkor  al-aschkar  (Red  Falcon),  Bibars'  favorite  who  had  fallen 
into  Houlago's  hands  at  the  siege  of  Aleppo.  His  eyes  opened  at  last 
to  the  vanity  of  worldly  greatness,  the  king  relinquished  his  crown  as  soon 
2s  his  son  came  back.  He  abdicated  to  make  way  for  Leo  and  withdrew  to 
a  monastery  where  he  died  October  28th,  1270. 

The  new  sovereign,  sometimes  called  Leo 
LEO  II  HI   by   the   Armenians,   was   really   only   the 

KING  OF  ARMENIA      second  king  of  that  name,  the  first  Leo  (1129- 
1270-1289  1137)    having  been   simply   a   baron,   just   as 

Leo  H  was  between  1187  and  1196  (or  1199). 
Only  in  the  latter  reign  at  the  end  of  the  12th  century  did  Armenia  be- 
come a  kingdom  under  Leo  I,  properly  speaking.  The  son  of  Hetum  I 
was  therefore  the  second  crowned  Leo. 


This  ruler's  reign  (1270-1289)  was  only  another  series  of  misfor- 
tunes. The  king's  authority  had  been  much  undermined  by  the  disasters 
under  Hetum  I,  and  a  number  of  Armenian  nobles  preferred  to  submit 
to  the  Egyptian  Sultan  rather  than  keep  up  an  unequal  struggle  against 
the  latter's  hosts.  Out  of  sheer  fright  of  the  Moslems,  these  discouraged 
Individuals  went  so  far  as  to  urge  the  Mamelukes  to  conquer  Cilicia  out- 
right. Leo  was  weak  in  repressing  his  traitorous  liegemen,  and  did  not 
go  beyond  seizing  their  castles.  His  clemency  only  resulted  in  fanning 
their  spite  against  the  throne. 


—  237  — 


While  the  king  was  doing  his  best 
to  raise  the  spirits  of  his  disheartened 
subjects,  suddenly  (1273-1275),  without 
the  least  excuse,  Bibars'  emirs  again  in- 
vaded the  kingdom  with  a  very  big  army. 
Misis  was  captured  in  a  surprise  attack, 
and  its  people  put  to  the  sword.  Sis,  ac- 
cording to  Armenian  historians,  stood 
out;  according  to  Makrisi  it  was  sacked. 
Tarsus  fell,  the  royal  palace  and  Church 
were  burned  to  the  ground,  and  the  State 
Treasury  seized  by  the  Egyptians.  Fif- 
teen thousand  inhabitants  were  slain  by 
the  yataghan,  and  ten  thousand  more 
carried  off  into  captivity  in  the  land  of 
the  Pharaohs.  Aias  met  with  the  same 
fate  as  the  other  cities;  the  whole  popu- 
lation, both  Frank  and  Armenian,  per- 
ished. The  disaster  was  so  appalling  that 
it  remained  a  byword  both  among  the 
horrified  Armenians  and  among  the  Mos- 
lems who  withdrew  from  Cilicia  satiated 
with  plunder  and  gloating  over  the  shed- 
ding of  so  much  Christian  blood. 

Makrisi  (1)  has  left  us  a  terrifying 
account  of  the  Egyptian  invasion  of  Cilicia.  "On  the  third  day  of  the 
month  Schaban  673  [February  1st,  1275]  the  Sultan  [Bibars]  set  out 
"from  the  Mountain  Castle  for  Syria  and  entered  Damascus,  whence  he 
"came  out  again  leading  his  army  and  Arab  auxiliaries  .  .  .  The  Khazindar 
"[Treasurer]  and  the  Emirs  in  an  overland  raid  took  the  city  of  Macica 
"by  surprise  and  slaughtered  all  its  people.  They  had  brought  with  them 
"on  mules  a  quantity  of  boats  taken  apart,  for  the  purpose  of  crossing  the 
"Djeyhan  river  and  the  Nahr-Aswab  [the  Black  River],  but  these  were 
"not  needed.  The  Sultan  at  the  head  of  his  army  joined  the  two  Emirs 
"after  crossing  the  Nahr-Aswab.  The  army  overcame  the  numerous  diffic- 
"ulties  encountered  on  the  way  and  obtained  possession  of  the  mountains, 
"where  they  gathered  an  enormous  amount  of  booty  In  the  way  of  oxen, 


COINS  OF  THE  GREEK 

EMPEROR  ANDRONICUS  II 

(1282-1328) 

THE  VIRGIN  MARY  WITHIN 

THE   WALLS    OF 

CONSTANTINOPLE 


(1)   Histoire  des  Sulthans  Mamlouks,  op.  cit..  vol.  I,  part  2,  p.  123. 

—  238  — 


"buffaloes,  and  sheep.  The  Sultan  entered  Sis  in  battle  array,  and  there 
"observed  the  solemn  feast.  Then  he  gave  the  city  over  to  pillage,  and 
"destroyed  the  palace  of  the  Takafour  [king],  its  summer-houses,  and 
"gardens.  A  detachment  which  he  sent  to  the  gorge  of  Rum  [Taurus 
"Gates]  came  back  with  Tartar  prisoners  including  very  many  women 
"and  children.  The  monarch  fetched  three  hundred  horses  and  mules 
"from  Tarsus.  Troops  sent  to  the  coast  captured  a  number  of  ships, 
"the  crews  of  which  were  slain.  Other  bodies  of  soldiers  raided  the 
"mountains  in  all  directions  and  massacred  or  captured  the  foe,  taking 
"quantities  of  loot.  One  detachment  set  out  for  Aias  and  finding  that  city 
"undefended  sacked  and  burned  it,  killing  great  numbers.  About  two 
"thousand  of  its  inhabitants  had  taken  refuge  in  boats  which  were,  how- 
"ever,  lost  out  at  sea.    The  amount  of  plunder  was  beyond  computation." 

These  terrible  events  remained  graven  in  the  memory  of  the  unhappy 
Armenians,  accustomed  though  they  were  for  centuries  to  barbarous 
enemy  treatment.  Vahram  of  Edessa  in  his  rhymed  chronicle  (1)  says: 
"They  [the  Egyptians]  scoured  the  mountains  and  brought  down  from 
"the  heights  both  people  and  cattle.  They  put  to  the  sword  all  those 
"they  found  in  the  plain.  Only  those  who  had  found  refuge  in  [natural] 
"strongholds  or  who  had  been  able  to  betake  themselves  to  fortresses 
"escaped  the  slaughter.  All  the  rest  were  taken,  none  were  spared.  En- 
"circling  our  land  they  laid  the  torch  to  everything.  The  great  city  of 
"Tarsus  of  such  magnificence  and  renown  was  laid  in  ruins.  They  burned 
"the  Church  of  St.  Sophia  and  gave  the  city  over  to  plunder." 

Armenian  was  not  crushed  entirely,  however;  the  fight  was  continued 
relentlessly.  Leo  with  the  help  of  the  Turcomans  succeeded  in  a  few  en- 
counters, but  Cilicia  was  then  invaded  a  second  time  and  devastated. 
Bibars  finally  died  on  June  30,  1277;  his  death  meant  only  a  short  truce 
for  the  Armenians,  for  in  spite  of  the  dissensions  at  the  Cairo  court  the 
Egyptians  again  set  out  for  the  north.  Mango  Timur  with  fifty  thousand 
Tartars  and  the  aid  of  twenty-five  thousand  Caucasians  and  Armenians 
met  in  pitched  battle  on  the  plain  of  Horns  (Emesa)  the  Sultan  of  Egypt, 
Malek-Mansur,  together  with  the  Sultan  of  Damascus,  Sonkor-Aschkar 
(October  29th,  1281).  The  Christians  and  their  allies  met  with  disastrous 
defeat,  and  the  conquerors  pursuing  the  Armenians  entered  Cilicia. 


(1)  verses  1261-1274. 

—  239  — 


Through  the  intervention  of  the  Commander  of  the  Templars  of 
New  Armenia,  Leo  II  at  last  obtained  peace  with  Egypt.     A  treaty  was 

SIGNATURE  OF  LEO  II 

signed  to  last  ten  years,  ten  months,  and  ten  days;  but  the  terms  of  the 
Sultan  In  Cairo  were  extremely  harsh.  Leo  was  obliged  to  pay  an  annual 
tribute  amounting  to  one  million  dirhems  (1),  to  release  all  Moslem 
merchants  who  had  been  taken  prisoners  and  indemnify  them  for  the 
losses  they  had  sustained,  surrender  fugitives,  and  grant  the  Moslems  full 
freedom  to  trade,  even  in  slaves  whatever  their  nationality  or  religion. 
On  his  part  the  Sultan  agreed  to  similar  terms,  but  Moslem  prisoners  or 
fugitives  were  not  to  be  included  in  the  foregoing  stipuatlon. 

The  remnants  of  the  Latin  principalities  were  likewise  In  a  sorry 
state  at  this  period,  and  each  of  the  princes  was  concerned  only  with  his 
home  protection,  whether  by  arms  or,  as  was  more  often  the  case,  by 
composition  with  the  enemy.  Ever  since  Antloch  fell  to  the  Moslems, 
Cillcia  had  been  completely  isolated.  The  above  peace,  however,  although 
humiliating  and  grievous  for  Leo,  had  Its  bright  side  in  that  it  promised 
eleven  years  of  respite.  Famine  and  plague  came  on  top  of  Armenia's 
devastation  by  war,  and  yet  by  wise  and  prudent  government  the  king 
succeeded  In  raising  his  country  once  more  from  ruin.  Foreign  vessels 
were  again  to  be  seen  visiting  the  port  of  A'ias,  and  commerce  revived. 
Numerous  writings  dating  from  this  reign  show  how  solicitous  he  was 
for  the  education  of  his  people,  especially  their  religious  education. 

By  his  wife.  Queen  Anna,  Leo  II  had  eleven  children,  nine  of  whom 
v/ere  living  at  the  time  of  his  death. 

Hetum    II    (1289-1297)    ascended    the   throne   at    a 
HETUM    II       critical  time  for   Eastern   Christendom.     The   Egyptian 

KING  OF         Mamelukes  who  were  already  in  possession  of  the  former 
ARMENIA        Latin  principalities   of  Edessa,  Jerusalem,  and  Antioch, 

1289-1297         behaved  with  arrogance  towards  the  last  few  Prankish 

domains,  as   also  towards   Armenia.     Kelaun   demanded 

from  Leo  the  surrender  of  the  strongholds  of  Marasch  and  Behesni,  in 

defiance  of  the  treaty  made  In   1185  with  Leo  II.     Hetum  appealed  in 

vain  to  Pope  Nicolas  IV  and  King  Philip  IV  of  France;  the  spirit  of  the 

(1)  Arab  silver  coin. 

—  240  — 


COINS  OF  HETUM  II 


Crusades  was  dead,  so  much  so  that 
Alfonso  III,  king  of  Aragon,  Don 
Jayme,  king  of  Naples,  and  the  Re- 
public of  Genoa  were  all  signing  com- 
mercial treaties  with  the  Sultan,  which 
meant  that  a  portion  of  Europe  ac- 
cepted the  accomplished  fact  and,  in 
short,  disowned  the  Crusaders.  Kelaun 
continued  to  conquer,  to  massacre 
Christians,  and  to  make  slaves  of  their 
women  and  children.  Tripoli  fell  in 
1189,  followed  by  Acre  (May  15th, 
1291).  Tyre,  Sidon,  and  Beyrouth 
shared  the  same  fate.  In  1292,  Melik- 
Aschraf-Khalil,  Kelaun's  son,  ad- 
vanced as  far  as  the  Euphrates  and 
laid  siege  to  Romcla,  the  residence  of 
the  Armenian  Catholicos  and  a  most 
important  stronghold  defended  by 
Raymond,  Hetum's  maternal  uncle. 
The  city  was  taken  by  storm  after  thirty-three  days'  siege,  and  all  the 
men  were  put  to  the  sword  while  the  women  and  children  and  the 
Patriarch  Stephen  went  off  into  captivity.  Threat- 
ened right  in  the  heart  of  his  realm,  Hetum  aban- 
doned Behesni,  Marasch,  and  Till  of  Hamdoun,  in 
order  to  save  his  country  from  utter  destruction. 

With  palace  revolutions  occurring  in  Cairo  and 
the  plague  ravaging  Egypt,  conditions  might  have 
improved  for  the  Latin  principalities,  had  they  not 
become  so  weak  that  they  were  incapable  of  further 
effort.  Aware  that  he  could  expect  no  help  from 
the  Latins,  Hetum  negotiated  with  Melik-Adelzein- 
ed-Dinket  bogha  who  had  seized  the  Mameluke 
throne,  ousting  Nascer-Mohammed,  and  the  Moslem 
ruler  gave  him  back  part  of  the  prisoners  taken  at 
Romcla  together  with  the  holy  vessels  and  relics 
that  had  been  taken  with  the  booty. 

Discouraged  by  the  countless  difficulties  besetting  him  at  every  step, 
Hetum   abdicated  in  favor   of  his   brother  Thoros   and  withdrew   to   a 


SEAL  OF  BROTHER 

IAN 

(HETUM  II) 


241  — 


monastery,  but  urged  by  the  Armenian  nobles  and  by  Thoros  himself 
to  resume  the  reins  of  state,  he  emerged  from  his  retreat.  Disputes  had 
arisen  among  the  kinsmen  of  Genghis-Khan,  and  the  court  of  Sis  followed 

with  anxiety  the  events  transpir- 
..■>'.*.'^*^^^^  y<J^'-^-':  ^y^%.  ing  in  the  reigning  family  of  the 

Mongols,  the  only  allies  to  whom 
the  Armenians  could  look.  The 
new  Khan  quite  willingly  re- 
newed the  former  treaty  of  alli- 
ance with  the  king  of  Armenia. 
On  his  return  to  Sis,  Hetum  was 
overjoyed  to  find  awaiting  him 


m-i 


LEADEN  BULLA  OF  THOROS 


there  a  Byzantine  embassy  sent  to  ask  him  for  the  hand  of  his 
sister  Ritha  (Margaret)  in  marriage  to  Michael,  recently  raised  to  share 
the  Imperial  throne.  The  princess  took  the  name  of  Xene  (Mary). 

These  alliances  with  the  Mongols  and  the  Greeks 
and  the  traditional  friendship  of  the  Armenians  and  the 
Latins  offered  Hetum  a  hope  of  his  country  escaping  for 
a  while  the  Egyptian  menace.  Being  anxious  to  strength- 
en his  ties  with  the  Byzantine  court,  he  proceeded  to 
Constantinople,  but  his  second  brother  Sempad  took  ad- 
vantage of  his  absence  to  seize  the  crown  (1296- 
1298).  The  usurper  captured  his  two  elder  brothers 
at  Caesarea  and  caused  Thoros  to  be  strangled,  and 
Hetum  to  be  blinded.  Constantine,  the  prince  royal, 
who  had  helped  his  brother  Sempad  in  his  seizure 
of  the  throne  was  shocked  by  these  wicked  deeds 
and  therefore  captured  him  in  turn 
and  held  him  prisoner,  setting  Hetum 
free,  and  proclaiming  himself  king 
(1298-1299). 

Within  a  few  months  Hetum  re- 
covered his  sight,  and  the  nobles  re- 
stored to  him  his  crown,  in  spite  of 
opposition  on  the  part  of  Constantine 
and  Sempad.  The  latter  were  both 
taken  and  exiled  to  Constantinople, 
where  they  died. 

During  Constantine's  short  reign,  COINS  OF  SEMPAD 

Armenia  suffered  invasion  and  devas-  KING   OF  ARMENIA 


THOROS 

KING  OF 

ARMENIA, 

1293-1295 


SEMPAD  & 

CONSTANTINE 

USURPERS, 

(1296-1298) 


242 


tation  once  more  by  the  Egyptians,  and  the  enemy  captured  Tell-Ham- 
doun  and  laid  seige  to  Hamous,  which  held  out.  The  historian  Abulfeda, 
who  later  became  governor  of  Hamath,  tells  us  that,  finding  its  food 
supply  nearly  exhausted,  the  defenders  of  the  city  put  outside  the  walls 
twelve  hundred  women  and  children  who  were  divided  among  the  Mos- 
lems, and  that  he  for  his  share  had  two  maidens  and  one  boy.  The  usur- 
per obtained  peace  only  by  surrendering 
Hamous  and  ten  other  fortified  places. 

"The  Egyptian  army  consisted  of 
"'two  divisions,  one  under  Emir  Bedred- 
"din-Bektasch,  and  the  other  under  Mel- 
"ik  Moudhaffer  Takieddin  Mahmoud, 
"Prince  of  Hama.  The  former  advanced 
"through  the  gorge  of  Bagras  towards 
"the  city  of  Iskanderoun  [Alexandretta], 
"and  laid  siege  to  Tell-Hamdoun,  whilst 
"Melik-Moudhaffer  went  forward  on  the 
"side  of  the  Djeihan  river.  They  entered 
"the  gorge  of  Sis  on  Thursday,  the  fourth 
"day  of  the  month  Redjeb  [April  17th, 
"1299].  The  Prince  of  Hama  pitched 
"his  camp  under  the  walls  of  Sis,  and 
"Emir  Bektasch  took  the  road  to  Adana. 
"There  the  various  detachments  of  the 
"Moslem  army  joined  one  another  after 
"slaughtering  all  the  inhabitants  they 
"met,  collecting  all  the  oxen  and  bufi'aloes,  and  pillaging  in  all  directions. 
"They  then  left  Adana  and  returning  to  Mecica  within  three  days,  they 
"passed  through  the  gorge  of  Bagras  and  camped  not  far  from  Antioch. 
"The  emirs  received,  however,  orders  from  Sultan  Latchin  to  attack  the 
"Armenians  once  more  and  not  to  come  back  without  having  taken  Tell- 
"Hamdoun,  From  Roudj  [Rugia]  the  army  passed  through  the  gorge  of 
"Bagras  again  and  proceeded  towards  Sis,  whilst  Kedjken  and  Kara- 
"Anslar  advanced  against  Aias.  The  two  officers  were  caught  by  a  sur- 
"prise  attack  from  the  Armenians  in  ambush,  and  compelled  to  beat  a 
"hasty  retreat.  In  the  meantime  Emir  Bektasch  advanced  against  Tell- 
"Hamdoun  which  he  found  abandoned  by  the  Armenians;  he  entered 
"and  garrisoned  the  place  on  the  7th  day  of  the  month  Ramadhan  [June 
"18th].  At  the  same  time  Emir  Beiban-Tabakhl,  Naib  [deputy-governor] 


COINS  OF  CONSTANTINE  II 
OF  ARMENIA 


—  243  — 


•'of  Aleppo,  captured  the  city  of  Marasch.  The  fortress  of  Nedjimah,  con- 
staining  a  large  Armenian  population  of  laborers,  countrywomen,  and 
"their  children,  surrendered  after  forty-one  days  of  stubborn  resistance 
•'to  the  attacks  of  Emir  Bektasch  and  the  Prince  of  Hama.  The  Egyp- 
"tians  captured  it  in  the  month  Dsulkada  [August-September].  The  in- 
"habitants  who  had  capitulated  on  terms  were  allowed  to  go  where  they 
"wished.  Eleven  fortified  places  in  Armenian  territory  likewise  fell  to 
"the  conquerors  who  remained  In  possession  of  them  until  the  arrival  of 


EMPIRE  OF  NICAEA 
(V:  Venetian  possessions — L:  Crusaders'  possessions) 

"the  Tartars.     Then  the  Emir  sold  all  there  was  of  value  in  them,  and 
"evacuated  the  fortresses  which  were  reoccupied  by  the  Armenians  (1)." 

Hetum  having  regained  his  power,  the  Mongols 
HETUM'S  now   emerged  into  Syria   and   supported   by   the  Ar- 

RETURN   TO        menlans  gained  a  great  victory  over  the  Mamelukes 
POWER  near  Horns   (22-23  December  1299).     The  Egyptians 

were  driven  from  the  valley  of  the  Orontes,  and  Damas- 
cus itself  fell  into  the  victors'  hands.  The  Armenians  restored  their  former 
status  by  the  recovery  of  the  territory  that  had  been  taken  from  them. 
Four  years  later,  however,  Egypt's  Sultan  avenged  himself  by  a  crushing 
defeat  of  the  Allied  Mongol  and  Armenian  armies  near  Damascus  (April 
20th,  1303).  The  latter  were  annihilated,  and  King  Hetum  fled  for  re- 
fuge to  Khazan  at  Mossul. 


(1)   MAKRISI,    Histoire    des   Sulthans    Mamlouks,    transl.    Et.    QUATREMERE 
rol.  II,  part  2,  p    60-65. 

_  244  — 


For  a  number  of  years  the  Mongols  had  been  wavering  as  to  the 
direction  in  which  they  should  turn  politically.  They  were  still  heathen  at 
this  time,  and  with  their  eye  on  world  events  wondered  whether  to  lean 
toward  the  Moslems  and  adopt  their  religion  or  toward  the  Latins  and 
become  Christians.  The  very  precarious  position  into  which  the  Prankish 
principalities  had  fallen  and  Europe's  virtual  abandonment  of  them — 
when  considered  alongside  the  great  military  strength  of  the  Mamelukes 
— tipped  the  scales  in  favor  of  the  Prophet.  Had  Europe  sent  a  fresh 
Crusade  to  the  East,  the  greater  part  of  Asia  would  have  become  Christian 
and  the  Latins  with  the  aid  of  the  Mongols  would  have  driven  Islam  back 
into  the  Arabian  desert.  Civilization  lost  a  unique  opportunity  to  crush  its 
hydra-headed  foe. 

Hetum  and  Leo,  however,  continued  to  be  treated  as  allies  by  the 
Khans,  and  as  such  to  be  harassed  by  the  Egyptians  whose  invasions 
were  becoming  ever  more  frequent  and  disastrous  for  Cilicla. 


LEO  III 

KING  OF  ARMENIA 

1303-1307 


At  this  date  (1305)  Hetum  finally  gave  up 
his  crown  after  first  seating  on  the  throne 
his  nephew  Leo,  the  son  of  Thoros  HI  and 
Margaret  of  Lusignan,  then  only  16  years  old. 
He  retained  for  himself  the  title  of  Grand 
Baron.  But  the  young  prince  had  hardly  been  crowned  when  Bilarghu 
and  his  Mongols  came  to  the  walls  of  Anazarbus.    They  were  asked  inside 

the  city  to  discuss  matters,  and  once  in- 
side they  set  upon  Hetum,  Leo  HI,  and 
a    score  of  Armenian  nobles   and   mas- 

f~''^K,'ty-^^^''^f-^^r^^T\       sacred    them.      This    treacherous    crime 
S?wi/l^:i5^^/kM       ^^'   reportedly  committed   at  the   insti- 
'  '"''^  '  "      ^'^'^^         gatlon  of  other  members  of  the  nobility 

who  resented  what  they  considered  too 
close  a  rapprochement  between  the  el- 
derly king  and  his  young  nephew  and 
heir  on  the  one  hand,  and  the  Pope  and 
the  Catholic  ritual  on  the  other.  The 
historian  Samuel  of  Ani  (1)  voices  the 
discontent  among  Armenian  nationalists 
caused  by  the  decisions  reached  at  the 


COINS  OF  LEO  III  OF  ARMENIA 


(I)   Histoire  des  Croisades,  Documents  armeniens,  I,  p.  456. 

—  245  — 


Council  of  Sis  (1307-1308),  which  seem  to  show  the  reasons  for  the  murder 
of  the  king  and  his  nobles.  He  writes:  "During  the  reign  of  Pope  Con- 
"stantine  of  Caesarea  [1307-1322]  the  grand  Baron  Hetum  held  a  Coun- 
"cil  [at  Sis]  wherein  union  with  the  Church  of  Rome  was  effected  and 
"the  teachings  of  our  Illuminator  [St.  Gregory]  set  at  nought.  It  was 
"agreed  that  Christmas  be  celebrated  on  December  25th,  and  the  saints' 
"days  on  their  respective  dates,  also  that  water  should  be  used  in  the 
"chalice  in  the  celebration  of  Mass." 


OCHIN,   KING 
OF  ARMENIA 

1308-1320 


Hetum's  fourth  brother,  Ochin,  was  informed  of 
the  heinous  assassination  by  a  messenger  from  the 
governor  of  Anazarbus,  and  rushing  to  the  spot  he 
drove  the  Mongols  out  of  Cilicia,  pursuing  them  to 
the  frontier.  On  his  return  he  had  himself  crowned 
in  the  Cathedral  of  Tarsus.  His  religious  opinions  were  not  different 
from  those  of  Hetum,  consequently  he  too  met  with  violent  opposition 
from  some  of  the  nobles  and  the  early  part  of  his  reign  was  taken  up  in 
subduing  their  revolts. 


COINS  OF  OCHIN,  KING  OF  ARMENIA 

Samuel  of  Ani  writes  further  (1):  "This  year  1309-1310  there  as- 
"sembled  at  Sis,  the  capital  of  the  kingdom,  a  large  number  of  monks 
"and  clergy,  priests  and  deacons,  doctors  and  bishops,  together  with  many 
"of  the  people,  both  men  and  women,  all  opposed  to  the  use  of  water  in 
"the  chalice  at  Mass  and  other  changes.  King  Ochin  with  the  consent 
"of  the  Patriarch  and  the  chief  nobles  seized  all  these  people,  imprisoned 
"the  doctors  in  the  fortress  and  put  to  death  very  many  men  and  women 
"together  with  some  of  the  clergy  and  deacons.  He  then  packed  the  monks 
"onto  a  vessel,  and  exiled  them  to  Cyprus,  where  most  of  them  dled.^ 


(1)  Op.cit.,  p.  466. 


246  — 


His  nephew's  murder  at  the  be- 
hest of  the  insurgents  and  his  absolute 
need  of  peace  within  his  borders  in  or- 
der to  meet  the  peril  from  without 
forced  Ochin  'to  take  drastic  step's 
against  these  fanatics  who  were  willing 
to  sacrifice  the  nation's  welfare  to  their 
personal  feelings  and  to  trivialities 
relating  to  church  ritual. 


COIN  OF  HENRY  II, 
KING  OF  CYPRUS 


Amaury,  Prince  of  Tyre,  had  mar- 
ried   Isabel,   Ochin's    sister,   whereby 

the  king  of  Armenia  became  involved  in  the  affairs  of  the  kingdom  of 
Cyprus,  Henry  II  of  Lusignan  having  been  ousted  by  his  brother  Amaury 
and  exiled  to  Cilicia.  There  Ochin,  taking  his  brother-in-law's  part,  im- 
prisoned him  in  the  Castle  of  Lampron.  Amaury  however  was  murdered 
(June  5th,  1310),  and  at  the  entreaty  of  the  Pope's  legate,  Raymond  de 
Pin,  Henry  II  was  released  and  reconciled  with  Isabel. 

The  principaHty  of  Cyprus  was  the  last  remnant  of  Latin  dominion 
in  the  East,  the  king  of  Armenia's  last  hope  of  gaining  the  ear  of  Europe; 
consequently  he  did  everything  in  his  power  to  retain  the  friendship  of 
the  sovereigns  of  the  island.  The  Western  world,  however,  was  losing 
interest  in  the  fate  of  Armenia,  and  all  Ochin  could  obtain  was  a  grant 
of  thirty  thousand  sequins  sent  him  by  the  Pope  at  Avignon,  John  XXII 
(1316-1334).  Meanwhile  the  Moslems  continued  to  ravage  Cilicia,  and 
the  Armenians  continued  their  struggle  to  defend  their  land,  sometimes 
even  scoring  temporary  success,  but  what  could  they  hope  for,  Isolated 
as  they  were  now  against  a  sea  of  enemies! 


Upon  Ochin's  death  (July  20,  1320)  his 
young  son  Leo  IV  (1320-1342)  ascended  the 
throne.  As  he  was  only  ten  years  old,  the 
dying  king  appointed  as  Regent  Ochin,  Count 
of  Gorigos.     This  nobleman  was  the  brother 

of  Isabel,  King  Ochin's  first  wife,  and  was  therefore  the  new  king's  uncle. 

It  was  accordingly  necessary  to  obtain  a  special  letter  (August  10,  1521) 


LEO  IV 

KING  OF  ARMENIA 

1320-1342 


—  247  — 


(1)  from  Pope  John  XXII  to  permit  the  marriage  of  the  youthful  sove- 
reign to  his  cousin  Alice,  the  daughter  of  the  Count.    The  latter  married 

about  the  same  time  Queen  Joan,  the  widow 

of  the  Count  of  Tyre. 


The  Moslem  devastations  went  on  un- 
ceasingly; if  the  Tartars  from  Iconium  were 
not  raiding  the  country,  the  Mamelukes  in 
their  turn  were  sowing  death  and  destruc- 
tion in  Cilicia.  The  Armenian  nobles  shut 
themselves  up  in  their  castles,  and  as  soon 
as  the  storm  was  over,  they  resumed  their 
feuds  with  their  neighbors  and  with  their 
king. 


COINS  OF  LEO  IV 
KING  OF  ARMENIA 


Once  more  the  Pope  interceded  and 
pleaded  for  Armenia  to  king  Philip  V  of 
France  (June  22,  1322),  likewise  to  the  Mogul  Khan  of  Persia  (July  4, 
1322).  The  latter  sent  twenty  thousand  Tartars  to  Leo's  assistance. 
Sultan  Malek-en-Nascer  thus  threatened  consented  to  a  peace  treaty  to 
last  fifteen  years  in  consideration  of  an  annual  tribute  of  fifty  thousand 
gold  fiorins,  plus  one  half  of  the  customs  revenues  of  the  port  of  Aias  and 
one  half  of  the  proceeds  of  the  sale  of  salt  to  foreigners.  On  these  terms 
he  withdrew  his  troops  from  Armenia. 

The  western  world's  concern  for  Armenia  waned,  however,  more  and 
m.ore.  All  the  Pope's  endeavors  to  start  a  new  Crusade  were  fruitless. 
Philip  VI  of  Valois  sent  ten  thousand  gold  bezants  and  later  on  one 
thousand  florins,  but  the  only  monarch  to  make  an  alliance  with  Leo  III 
was  Hugh  IV,  king  of  Cyprus.  Leo's  territory  still  suffered  from  on- 
slaughts by  the  Moslems  notwithstanding  the  treaty  signed  by  the  Sultan. 


(1)   Vatican  archives.     Reg.  Epist.  commun.  an  V,  part  II.  fol.  205,  1326. 

—  248  — 


LEO  IV  ADMINISTERING  JUSTICE 


Furthermore,  the  young  Armen- 
ian king  deserved  little  consideration 
personally,  for  he  was  guilty  of  crimes 
of  all  sorts.  On  January  26th,  1329, 
he  caused  the  arrest  and  death  of  the 
Regent  Ochin  and  his  brother  the  Con- 
stable Constantine  and  to  curry  favor 
with  his  most  formidable  enemies,  he 
sent  the  head  of  the  former  to  Malek- 
en-Nascer  and  of  the  latter  to  the  Mo- 
gul Khan  Abou-Said.  This  double 
murder  was  shortly  afterwards  fol- 
lowed by  that  of  his  own  wife  whom 
he  killed  in  a  fit  of  anger  on  the 
grounds  that  she  had  been  unfaithful 
to  him.  The  nineteen  year  old  self- 
made  widower  married  in  1333  the 
daughter  of  Frederick  11  of  Sicily, 
Constance    Eleonora,    the    widow    of 

Henry  II  of  Cyprus.  Finally  on  August  28th,  1341,  Leo  himself  suc- 
cumbed to  the  assassins'  daggers,  after  experiencing  fresh  defeats  by  the 
Mamelukes  and  swearing  on  the  sacred  gospels  "that  he  would  have  no 
further  relations  with  the  Latins." 

Leo's  life  undoubtedly  covers  him  with  obloquy,  but  history  should  not 
pass  so  severe  a  condemnation  on  this  ruler  as  it  would  on  a  king  living  in 
a  different  environment  and  under  the  care  of  a  upright  regent.  His 
guardian,  Ochin,  took  over  all  the  royal  attributes 
as  soon  as  the  former  king  died,  and  proceeded 
to  make  himself  hated  for  his  inordinate  pride 
and  insatiable  lust  for  power.  One  and  all  had 
to  cringe  to  his  fancy.  He  put  to  death  or  exiled 
any  who  did  not  bow  to  his  will,  and  Isabel,  king 
Ochin's  sister  and  the  widow  of  Amaury  of  Lu- 
signan,  was  strangled  at  his  orders.  Four  of 
Isabel's  five  children  who  lived  in  Armenia  were 
arrested  at  the  same  time  as  their  mother;  the 
two  eldest,  Hugh  and  Henry,  were  poisoned,  and  the  two  others  driven 
out  of  Armenia.  The  cruelties  of  the  Count  of  Gorigos  made  him  hated 
by  most  of  the  nobles  and  especially  by  the  king  whom  as  his  ward  he 


ESCUTCHEONS   OF 
TARSUS 


—  249  — 


treated  most  harshly.  Leo  incensed  at  his  uncle's  behavior  to  him  took 
vengeance,  and  rid  himself  of  a  mentor  whose  yoke  became  so  intolerable. 
This  first  crime  dulled  his  conscience  and  was  the  forerunner  of  further 
misdeeds. 

Jean  Dardel  writes:  (1)  "When  the  aforesaid  Baron  Ossin  had  mar- 
•'ried  the  Lady  Joan  of  Naples  he  was  so  cruel  that  all  who  had  been 
"hostile  to  him  he  caused  to  be  slain  or  driven  from  the  country.  Among 
"others  he  caused  to  be  murdered  by  stranghng  the  aforesaid  Lady 
"Isabel,  the  sister  of  the  late  King  Ochin.  Her  four  children  were  im- 
"prisoned,  and  two  of  them  put  to  death,  namely  Sir  Hugh,  whom  he 
"caused  to  be  poisoned,  and  Sir  Henry.  The  latter  asked  for  the  love  of 
"God  a  little  water,  whereupon  he  had  him  given  urine  to  drink.  And 
"the  other  two,  namely.  Sir  John  and  Sir  Bemon  at  the  prayer  of  some 
"of  the  nobles  he  took  out  of  prison  and  had  them  put  out  to  sea  on  a 
"boat  so  that  they  should  drift  wherever  they  might.  These  two  reached 
"the  island  of  Rhodes  and  the  Knights  Hospitalers  received  them  kindly 
"and  they  remained  there  three  years.  Following  all  of  which,  the  afore- 
"said  Baron  Ossin  gave  his  own  daughter  Aalips  [Alix]  in  marriage  to 
"the  aforesaid  King  Leo  the  Fourth,  who  was  a  minor  and  under  his 
"guardianship." 

It  must  be  remembered  that  in  all  the  Latin  courts  of  the  East,  and 
unfortunately  also  in  European  courts,  there  reigned  at  the  time  consider- 
able lawlessness.  Assassination  was  a  usual  political  weapon;  at  Byzan- 
tium, Cairo,  and  all  the  Asiatic  cities  intrigue,  murder,  poisoning,  were 
the  order  of  the  day.  Vengeance  was  assuaged  by  horrible  massacres, 
human  life  counted  for  naught  either  with  the  Christians  or  the  Moslems. 
No  one  was  sure  of  his  life  for  the  morrow,  and  those  who  held  their  own 
lives  so  cheap  were  all  the  more  indifferent  to  the  fate  of  others. 

KING  OF  ARMENIA,  An  important  event  took  place   at  the 

GUY  OF  LUSIGNAN        death  of  Leo  IV  (1342).    As  this  king  had  no 
(CONSTANTINE  II)         male  heir  he  named  as  his  successor  the  third 
1342-1344  son  of  his  sister  Isabel,  Guy  of  Lusignan,  his 

nearest  kinsman,  who  at  the  time  of  the  mur- 
der of  his  mother  and  brothers  had  been  in  safety  with  thp  Greeks.  Con- 
sequently the  crown  of  Cilicia  passed  from  the  Armenian  princes  to  a 
French  family  of  nobles,  and  the  kingdom  of  Armenia  thus  became  a  coun- 


(1)  Chap.  XXIII. 

—  250  — 


try  under  Latin  government.  In  those  days  when  the  State  was  synony- 
mous with  the  ruler,  this  was  a  far-reaching  change,  for  Latin  influence 
would  necessarily  predominate  and  national  tradition  would  suffer.  For 
this  reason  the  majority  of  the  Armenian  inhabitants  remained  hostile 
to  the  new  reigning  family.  Their  clergy  and  nobility  realized  that  their 
national  identity  might  disappear,  and  this  would  undoubtedly  have  been 
the  case  if  the  principalities  of  the  Crusaders  had  been  destined  to  last 
longer. 

Guy  was  the  son  of  Amaury  of  Lusignan,  Count  of  Tyre,  and  of 
Isabel  of  Armenia.     He  was  the  nephew  of  Henry  II  of  Cyprus.     This 
prince  had  been  living  since  1318  at  Constantinople  with  his  aunt  Xene  or 
Mary,  the  wife  of  Michael  IX  Palaeologus 
(1295-1320)    and  the  mother   of   Emperor 
Andronicus  (1328-1341).    He  was  Imperial 
governor  of  Pheres  (Serrhes)  in  Macedonia, 
and  his  first  wife  was  a  cousin  of  John  Can- 
tacuzene  (1341-1355).    Having  opposed  the 
usurper  of  the  throne  of  John  V   Palaeo- 
logus, he  was  forced  to  open  the  gates  of 
Pheres  to  Michael  and  retired  to  Constan- 
tinople.    In  1342  Guy  knew  that  Leo  had 

chosen  him  for  the  Armenian  throne,  but  he  was  not  anxious  to  accept 
the  honor,  knowing  as  he  did  the  desperate  straits  the  kingdom  was  in. 
First  of  all  he  refused  and  asked  his  brother  John,  the  Constable,  Isabel's 


COIN   OF  MICHAEL   X 
PALAEOLOGUS 


COIN  OF  JOHN  V 
PALAEOLOGUS 


COIN  OF  ANDRONICUS  III 
PALAEOLOGUS 


other  son  who  lived  at  Rhodes,  to  take  the  crown.  Yielding  to  John's 
entreaties,  he  finally  set  out  for  Armenia,  accompanied  by  a  considerable 
body-guard. 

Disturbed  by  this  change  of  dynasty  and  by  the  intimate  connection 

—  251  — 


about  to  exist  between  Armenia  and  the 
kings  of  Cyprus  and  the  western  powers, 
the  Moslems  called  for  payment  of  the  an- 
nual dues  paid  them  by  Leo.  Guy  haught- 
ily refused,  whereupon  war  flared  up  again. 
The  new  king  who  reigned  as  Constantine  II 
upheld  his  reputation  for  valor,  and  during 
COIN  OF  GUY  OF  LUSIGNAN  the  two  years  of  his  reign  (1342-1344),  he 
(CONSTANTINE  II)  prevented  any  Moslem  encroachment  on  his 

frontiers. 
Guy  was  of  the  opinion,  however,  like  Hetum  and  most  of  his  pre- 
decessors, that  the  best  policy  for  the  Armenians,  if  they  were  to  receive 
from  the  western  world  the  assistance  they  so  absolutely  needed,  was  to 
adopt  the  Roman  way  of  worship.  Two  ambassadors  were  sent  to  Avig- 
non, and  the  king  called  together  all  the  chief  dignitaries  of  the  Armenian 
Church  to  discuss  the  manner  in  which  the  union  might  be  brought  about. 
These  negotiations  aroused  the  ire  of  some  of  the  nobles  who  were  already 
very  vexed  by  the  king's  determination  not  to  purchase  peace  from  the 
Moslems  by  abandoning  territory.  The  malcontents  stirred  up  a  riot  in 
which  the  king  was  slain  together  with  three  hundred  Frankish  guards- 
men whom  Guy  had  brought  with  him  to  Armenia.  "Great  pity  it  was 
"for  Christendom,  the  death  of  so  good  a  prince,  for  he  was  brave  and 
"valorous  and  very  enterprising." 

"When  the  good  king  Guy  de  Lisslgnan  reigned  in  Armenia,  he 
"governed  the  country  with  puissance,  valiancy,  and  sovereignty.  He 
"loved  and  served  God  with  all  his  heart,  and  upheld  and  defended  the 
"common  cause  with  all  his  power,  and  the  country's  freedom  did  he 
"most  diligently  protect,  without  paying  any  truce-money  whatever  to 
"the  infidels.  Without  respite  he  withstood  his  foes  and  took  the  field 
"against  them  very  frequently.  And  because  some  Armenians  were  of 
"the  opinion  that  he  overworked  them  and  too  often  took  them  into  battle, 
"a  great  number  of  them  gathered  together  and  arming  themselves  pro- 
"ceeded  to  the  place  where  their  natural  liege,  Guy,  was  with  his  brother 
"Sir  Bemon  de  Lisegnan,  Count  of  Courch.  And  without  giving  them 
"any  warning,  they  killed  them,  putting  them  to  death  feloniously  and 
"treacherously,  falsely  and  without  cause,  and  with  them  a  very,  large 
"number  of  men-at-arms  whom  he  had  brought  with  his  company  from  the 
"Western  Country  to  protect  the  land  of  Armenia.  And  those  Armenians 
"also  killed   a  priest  belonging  to  the  king's   household,   while   he   was 

—  252  — 


CONSTANTINE  III 
KING  OF  ARMENIA 

1344  1363 


"chanting  the  Mass.    All  this  they  did  in  one  day  in  the  city  of  Adenez 
[Adana],"  (1) 

The    nobles    elected    Constantine    (1344- 
1363),  the  eldest  son  of  Baldwin  of  Neghir, 
who  had  died  in  1336  in  the  prison-house  of 
the  Emir  of  Aleppo.     For  the  first  time  the 
kingdom  of  New  Armenia  chose  a  ruler  out- 
side of  the  baronial  house  of  Hetum.    The  new  monarch  was,  however, 
related  to  the  royal  dynasty  by  his  marriage  with  Mary,  the  daughter  of 
the  Regent  Ochin  and  Joan  of  Anjou. 

The  first  act  of  this  sovereign  was  infamous.  He  confiscated  the 
property  of  Soldane,  the  wife  of  John  of  Lusignan,  and  her  children  Bo- 
hemon  and  Leo,  aged  five  and  two  years  respectively,  and  shut  up  the 
princess  and  the  two  little  boys  on  the  island  of  Gorigos  where  he  attempted 
to  kill  them  by  sending  them  poisoned  honey.  Failing  in  this,  he  ordered 
the  three  captives  to  be  drowned.  Soldane  was  warned  fortunately  and 
escaped  with  her  two  children  to  Cyprus,  where  she  placed  herself  under 
the  protection  of  Hugh  IV^  of  Lusignan. 


COINS  OF  CONSTANTINE  III  OF  ARMENIA 

Meanwhile  negotiations  with  the  Pope  continued,  and  Guy's  dele- 
gates were  still  at  Avignon  when  that  king  was  assassinated.     Constan- 
tine had  hardly  ascended  the  throne  when  at  the  request  of  Pope  Clement 
VI's  legate,  he  summoned  a  new 
Council  at  Sis  (1345),  which  as- 
sembly  discussed  the  one   hun- 
dred   and   seventeen   errors    im- 
puted to  the  Armenians  and  set 
forth    in    a    Memorandum    pre- 
sented to  Benedict  XH.     Once 
more,  the  Armenians  agreed  to 
accept  all  the  stipulations  of  the 
Holy  See. 

During  this   time,   Armenia 


COIN  OF  DIEUDONNE  OF  GOZON 


(1)  Jean  DARDEL,  chap.  XXXIX. 


—  253  — 


PETER   I.   KING   OF   CYPRUS 


had  still  to  fight  against  its  age-long  enemies  and  once  more  lost  the  port  of 
Aias.  Things  were  becoming  more  critical  every  day,  but  no  power  in 
Europe  intervened  in  behalf  of  the  Armenians  notwithstanding  the  re- 
peated entreaties  of  Pope  Clement 
VI.  Through  the  support  of  the 
Grand  Master  of  Rhodes,  Dieu- 
donne  of  Gozon,  Aias  was  restored 
to  Constantine,  but  towards  the  end 
of  the  same  year,  the  port  was 
blockaded  and  captured  by  the 
Egyptian  fleet,  and  the  Turcomans 
of  Iconium,  who  were  already  in 
possession  of  Phrygia,  marched  on 
Tarsus.  At  this  time  the  kings  of  France  and  England  had  just  signed  a 
two-years'  truce,  and  Philip  VI  died  the  same  year  (1350).  Edward  III 
turned  a  deaf  ear  to  the  appeals  of  the  Holy  See  which,  although  still 
involved  in  the  religious  problems  with  the  Armenians,  continued  to  assist 
Constantine  with  frequent  subsidies.  While  the  church  discussions  dragged 
on,  the  distance  between  Sis  and  Avignon  making  them  extremely  lengthy, 
Moslem  attacks  on  Armenia  went  on  relentlessly.  In  1359  Sultan  Al 
Melek-en-Nascer  Hassan's  army  invaded  Cilicia,  took  Sis,  Adana,  Tarsus, 
and  all  the  lowlands,  stationed  garrisons  there  and  carried  off  an  enor- 
mous quantity  of  booty  to  Aleppo.  On  top  of  this  the  Moslems  of  Kara- 
man  came  and  besieged  Gorigos  (Curco),  which  was  delivered  by  Peter  I 
of  Cyprus. 

The  Cypriots  thereupon  armed  a  fleet  of  one  hundred  and  forty-six 
galleys  which  was  joined  by  the  naval  forces  of  the  Knights  of  Rhodes 
and  those  of  the  Pope.  In  command  of  this  imposing  navy,  Peter  I  of 
Lusignan  captured  Satalia  and  achieved  a  few  other  successes,  but  con- 
sidering that  the  Eastern  Latins  were  not  numerous  enough  to  be  a  match 
for  their  enemies,  he  decided  to  go  to  Western  Europe  and  ask  for  re- 
inforcements, and  accordingly  set  sail  for  Venice.  He  took  with  him  Bo- 
hcmon  of  Lusignan,  the  son  of  John  and  nephew  of  the  late  king  Guy, 
whom  one  Armenian  party  wanted  for  their  king.  It  was  Peter's  inten- 
tion to  have  Bohemon  crowned  by  the  Pope,  but  this  prince  died  at  Venice 
£tt  the  age  of  twenty-four.  By  reason  of  this  death,  Peter  might  have 
laid  claims  to  the  crown  of  Sis,  but  the  king  of  Cyprus  was  concerned  with 
more  far-reaching  matters;  his  endeavor  was  to  bring  about  a  new  Cru- 
sade.   John  the  Good,  at  the  urgent  prayer  of  Urban  V  took  the  cross 


—  254  — 


and  asked  two  years  in  which  to  get  ready,  but  his  death  which  occurred 
on  April  19th,  1364,  frustrated  this  new  venture. 

Peter  1  continued  nevertheless  with  his  plans,  seeking  support  and 
recruits  throughout  western  Europe,  and  obtaining  money  with  Urban 
V's  assistance. 

In  1363,  Constantine  III  of  Armenia  died 
CONSTANTINE  IV         leaving  no  heir.    A  party  of  Armenians  wrote 
KING  OF  ARMENIA,       to  the  Pope  claiming  the  crown  for  Guy's  heirs. 
1365-1373  Urban  V  nominated  Leo  (1363-1365),  a  near 

kinsman  of  Peter  I.  During  this  time,  how- 
ever, the  Armenian  party  who  were  opposed  to  the  Lusignan^s,  and  con- 
sidered them  as  usurpers,  obtained  the  election  of  Constantine  IV  (1365- 
1373),  the  son  of  Hetum,  Chamberlain  of  Armenia,  and  nephew  of  Mar- 
shall Baldwin,  the  father  of  Constantine  III.  Peter  accepted  the  fait 
accompli,  and  Constantine  recognized  him  as  his  suzerain,  with  the 
result  that  the  king  of  Cyprus  thereafter  gave  assistance  to  his  feudatory 
and  helped  Armenia  tremendously  against  the  Moslems.  The  Venetians 
and  Genoese,  and  the  Aragonese,  remained  neutral  in  these  conflicts.  They 
had  signed  trade  treaties  with  the  Sultans  of  Egypt,  and  notwithstanding 
the  Pope's  threats  of  excommunication  against  any  Christians  dealing 
with  the  Moslems,  they  were  only  concerned  with  the  success  of  their 
business.  Anyone  but  Peter  would  have  lost  courage  at  being  abandoned 
by  the  very  people  who  had  so  generously  contributed  to  the  success  of 
the  first  Crusades,  but  nothing  could  cool  his  fervor  and  on  June  27th, 
1365,  he  valiantly  set  sail  from  Venice  with  thirty  galleys  commanded  by 
French,  Italian,  German,  and  English  knights.  Two  Byzantine  nobles 
also  accompanied  them.  He  sailed  to  Rhodes,  where  he  formed  his  small 
army  consisting  of  ten  thousand  men  and  one  thousand  knights,  un- 
doubtedly all  of  them  arrant  freebooters.  Alexandria  in  Egypt  was  taken 
by  storm  and  sacked,  but  abandoned  when  the  Mamelukes  later  counter- 
attacked. From  Egypt  he  turned  northward  and  laid  waste  all  the  Syrian 
coast  as  far  as  Aias,  where  he  was  withstood  by  the  fortresses,  and  was 
unable  to  obtain  Constantine's  help  in  time. 

La  li  bon  roy,  que  Dieus  aye, 
Atendoit  le  roy  d'Ermenie 
Et  ses  messages  H  manda, 
Et  au  partir  leur  commanda 
Qu'il  li  deissent  qu'il  venist, 

—  255  — 


(Translation: 


Et  que  convenant  li  tenist, 

Et  venist  a  tout  son  effort 

Pour  li  faire  aide  et  confort, 

Car  il  est  venus  comme  amis 

Einsi  comme  il  li  a  promis. 

Quand  ce  vint  au  chief  des  VIII  jours, 

Au  roy  ennuia  li  sejours, 

Pour  ce  que  le  roy  d'Ermenie 

Par  devers  lui  ne  venoit  mie, 

Et  pour  river  qui  aprochoit  ....  (1) 


There  the  good  King,  whom  God  help, 

Awaited  the  King  of  Armenia 

And  sent  to  him  his  messengers 

And  commanded  them  on  leaving 

That  they  tell  him  that  he  come, 

And  that  he  keep  his  agreement, 

And  come  with  all  his  might 

To  give  him  aid  and  comfort, 

For  he  was  come  as  his  friend 

As  indeed  he  had  promised  him. 

When  it  came  to  the  end  of  8  days. 

The  King  wearied  of  his  waiting 

Because  the  King  of  Armenia 

Did  not  come  to  help  him, 

And  because  of  the  approaching  winter  .  .  .  ) 

The  king  of  Cyprus  thereupon  returned  to  the  West  in  search  of 
fresh  subsidies  and  troops,  and  while  he  was  at  Venice  an  Armenian  de- 
putation arrived  to  offer  him  the  crown.  Setting  sail  for  Cyprus  on  Sep- 
tember 28th,  1368,  he  was  intending  to  cross  over  into  Cilicia  and  be 
crowned  when  he  was  assassinated  on  January  16th,  1369,  at  Nicosia, 
by  some  nobles  whom,  it  was  said,  he  had  offended  by  treating  them  dis- 
dainfully. Armenia  meanwhile  was  again  the  prey  of  Moslem  bands 
from  Egypt,  Syria,  and  Asia  Minor. 


(1)   Guillaume  de  MACHAUT.  La  Prise  d^Alexandrie. 

—  256  — 


The  chronicler  writes: 


"After  the  death  of  the  king,  Constant  [Constantine  III]  the  tyrant, 
"the  Armenians  chose  another  king,  son  of  Baron  Heyton  who  was  named 
"Constant  [Constantine  IV].  They  did  not  elect  him  king  on  account 
"of  noble  birth  but  because  of  wealth,  for  he  was  of  base-born  Cypriot 
"extraction;  and  because  the  kingdom  of  Armenia  was  oppressed  by  the 
"Infidels,  he  sent  word  to  the  king  of  Cyprus  of  whose  house  he  was  that 
"it  should  please  him  to  receive  him  in  his  kingdom  freely,  him  and  all 
"his  estate,  and  that  he  should  do  with  the  kingdom  of  Armenia  entirely 
"according  to  his  good  pleasure.  When  King  Peter  heard  the  petition 
"of  King  Constant  of  Armenia,  he  coveted  the  Seigneury  thereof  for 
"himself;  he  kept  the  aforesaid  letters  from  the  Holy  Father  [giving  the 
"crown  to  Prince  Leo  of  Lusignan]  and  did  not  show  or  hand  them  to 
"the  said  Sir  Leo.  But  .  .  .  God  willed  that  he  be  frustrated  in  his  intent 
"and  did  not  allow  him  to  transfer  to  Cyprus  all  the  royal  wealth  of  which 
"he  had  stripped  the  kingdom  and  robbed  from  the  people's  possessions, 
"for  the  Infidels  then  occupied  the  ports  [excepting  Gorighos].  And  also 
"in  the  meantime  King  Peter  of  Cyprus  was  slain  by  his  barons  and 
"vassals.  Thus  it  behooved  King  Constantine  to  remain  in  Armenia 
"against  his  will." 

Constantine  IV  seemed,  moreover,  to 
have  taken  little  interest  in  his  kingdom's 
welfare  and  to  have  made  no  effort  to 
deliver  his  country  from  Moslem  depreda- 
tion. The  chroniclers  figure  him  as  a  ty- 
rant, a  kind  of  interloper  who  abandoned 
the  government  to  Queen  Mary  (Miriam), 
the  wife  of  the  late  king  Constantine  III. 
This  princess  sent  embassies  to  her  uncle 
Philip  of  Taranto,  the  Emperor  of  Con- 
stantinople, and  to  Pope  Gregory  XI.  The 
latter  stirred  up  all  Europe  in  his  desire  to 
help  the  Armenians. 

Unfortunately  the  Latin  cause  in  the 
East  was  irretrievably  ruined  by  a  dispute 
COINS  OF  CONSTANTINE  IV     which  broke  out  among  the  Christians.    The 
OF  ARMENIA  ^pset  occurred  on  the  island  of  Cyprus  be- 

tween Venetians  and  Genoese  over  a  ques- 


257  — 


tion  of  precedence.  The  island  was  laid  waste  and  condemned  to  pay 
40,000  sequins  to  the  Genoese.  Finally,  on  January  12th,  1372,  Peter  II 
was  crowned  King  of  Cyprus  at  Nicosia  and  on  the  following  October 
12th,  King  of  Jerusalem  at  Famagusta. 

Leo,  Isabel  of  Armenia's  only  surviving  grand- 

LEO  V  son,  had  been  brought  up  in  Cyprus.     Pope  Urban 

OF  LUSIGNAN        V  had  suggested  as  early  as  1365  that  he  should  have 

KING  OF  the  Armenian  crown,  but  various  schemings  had  kept 

ARMENIA  ^ini  from  leaving  the   Cyprus  court.     On  several 

1374-1375  occasions  after  Peter  I's  death,  he  refused  the  throne 

when  offered  to  him.     At  last,  however,  upon  the 

assassination  of  Constantine  IV  by  his  subjects  (April  1373),  Prince  Leo 

yielded  to  the  entreaties   of  the   barons,  the   clergy,   Queen  Mary,  and 

Queen  Joan,  and  accepted  the  crown.    The  situation  was  desperate,  and 

the  bells  that  rang  for  the  new  sovereign's  coronation  sounded  in  fact 

the  knell  of  the  last  Armenian  kingdom. 

Even  before  Constantine  IV's  assassination,  the  insurgent  barons  had 
given  the  regency  to  Queen  Mary.  A  letter  from  Pope  Gregory  XI  (dated 
February  1st,  1372)  to  Philip  III  of  Taranto,  the  titular  emperor  of 
Constantinople,  bears  this  out.  It  reads:  "Mary,  Queen  of  Armenia, 
"niece  of  Philip  of  Taranto,  asks  the  Pope  to  come  to  her  assistance  against 
"the  Moslems  who  are  greatly  endangering  her  country;  she  has  sent 
"John,  the  Bishop  of  Sis,  as  her  ambassador  to  the  Holy  See,  and  the 
"latter  expresses  the  desire  that  the  Queen  should  find  a  husband  among 
"the  Latin  nobles  able  to  defend  and  govern  Armenia.  The  Pope  urges 
"John,  Prince  of  Antioch  and  Regent  of  Cyprus,  also  the  Venetians,  the 
"Genoese  and  the  Knights  of  Rhodes  to  help  the  Armenians.  He  desig- 
"nates  Otto  of  Brunswick  as  having  all  the  qualities  that  would  fit  him 
"to  become  Mary's  husband  In  the  present  circumstances.  (1)" 

The  Pope's  letter  was  not  acted  upon.  Thereupon  Queen  Mary 
despatched  to  Peter  II  of  Cyprus  a  knight.  Lyon  Hamoncy,  and  two 
citizens  of  Sis  bearing  a  letter  of  which  the  substance  has  been  preserved 
for  us  by  Jean  Dardel:  (2) 


(1)  RAYNALDI,  ann.  1372,  part  XXX. 

(2)  chap.  LHI. 


—  258  — 


?V?i-.ft 


f^^ 


w^^^ 


i>or^-i 


\r>)C 


^7 


"Sire:  The  Queen  of  Armenia,  the 
"former  wife  of  the  autocrat  King  Con- 
"stant  the  First,  who  today  by  common 
"assent  holds  the  sovereignty  of  the  king- 
"dom,  and  our  Catholicos,  our  lord  bar- 
'"ons  and  noble  knights  and  all  the  people 
"hereby  do  humble  obeisance  to  your 
"Lordship,  and  inform  you  that  God  has 
"wrought  His  will  anent  their  king  Con- 
"stant,  son  of  Baron  Heyton  [Hetum], 
"who  was  no  whit  their  true  and  natural 
"Sovereign.  And  now  are  they  without 
"a  king,  and  because  their  true  and  na- 
"tural  sovereign  is  in  this  land  of  Cy- 
"prus  and  his  name  is  Lord  Lyon  of 
"Lisegnan,  your  cousin,  the  Seneschal  ot 
"Jerusalem,  they  do  humbly  beseech 
"Your  Excellency  to  grant  unto  him  per- 

"mission  to  depart  from  Cyprus  and  to  come  and  receive  the  kingdom  of 
"Armenia,  his  true  heritage,  because  we  are  well  aware  that  he  has  done 
"homage  to  you  for  the  fief  which  he  holds  in  your  dominion  through  his 
"Lady.  And  should  it  be  that  your  Lordship  were  unwilling  to  permit 
"him  so  to  leave,  you  must  know  that  the  whole  country  and  Christian 
"life  of  Armenia  is  perishing  and  falling  to  the  Infidels,  which  God  forbid 
"as  it  would  be  a  great  calamity  and  loss  for  Christendom.  Wherefore, 
"Sire,  for  God's  sake  and  for  mercy's  sake,  do  not  suffer  that  this  ruin 
"and  disaster  should  happen  in  your  day  to  Christendom." 


COINS  OF  LEO  V  OF  LUSIGNAN 
KING  OF  ARMENIA 


But  Leo,  being  Peter  IPs  vassal  by  reason  of  his  wife's  fiefs  and 
obliged  to  deal  prudently  with  the  king  of  Cyprus  as  his  crown's  only 
support,  was  unable,  immediately  upon  acceptance,  to  go  to  Armenia  and 
take  up  the  reins  of  government.  Peter  replied  to  the  Armenian  delegates 
that  he  could  not  allow  the  prince  to  go  until  peace  with  the  Genoese  had 
been  restored  in  the  island,    Leo  was  therefore  obliged  to  continue  with 


—  259  — 


the  campaign  against  the  Italians  and  to 
arrange  for  a  provisional  government  in 
Armenia  consisting  of  Queen  Mary,  Phe- 
mya,  Constantine's  sister,  Bohemond,  Count 
of  Gorigos,  and  Baron  Basil,  the  son  of 
Baron  Thoros.  The  future  king's  main  an- 
xiety was  how  to  increase  the  financial  re- 
sources of  the  kingdom.  This  concern  is 
easy  to  understand  in  view  of  the  need  of 
raising  an  army  to  meet  the  Moslems,  but 
even  Jean  Dardel's  memoirs  which  were  mostly  written  at  royal  dictation 
rather  show  that  Leo  looked  to  the  main  chance  in  his  personal  affairs. 


COIN  OF  PETER  II 
OF  CYPRUS 


The  delegates  returned  to  Armenia  by  the  port  of 
LEO  V  Gorigos,  the  only  one  that  had  not  fallen  to  the  Infidels. 

AT  CYPRUS  They  were  accompanied  by  the  knight  Constant,  Leo's 
equerry,  also  by  Manuel  the  interpreter,  who  were  both 
entrusted  with  the  duty  of  attending  to  the  needs  of  the  royal  Treasury. 
When  they  arrived  outside  Sis,  they  had  to  cross  the  lines  of  Beydemur, 
governor  of  Damascus,  who  was  besieging  the  capital  but  who  withdrew 
soon  after,  finding  himself  unable  to  take  it. 


VIEW  OF  THE  CITY  AND  CASTLE  OF  GORIGOS 


-»*/ 


Matters  were  meanwhile  becoming  worse  for  Peter  II  and  Leo  in 
Cyprus.  The  Genoese  succeeded  by  stratagem  in  seizing  the  city  of 
Famagusta,  and  having  got  possession  of  the  rest  of  the  island  they  de- 
manded from  the  inhabitants  the  huge  sum  of  2,560,000  ducats  as  war 
indemnity,  plus  interest  at  the  fantastic  rate  of  60  per  cent,  besides  the 
personal  levies  exacted  for  their  own  account  by  the  Italian  commanders. 
Leo  was  called  on  to  pay  the  conquerors  36,000  silver  bezants,  equal  to 
280  pounds  of  gold.  His  silverware,  crown,  and  wardrobe  were  taken 
and  only  restored  him  on  payment  of  three  hundred  ducats.    In  addition, 


260  — 


the  Genoese  admiral,  Pietro  de  Campo  Fregoso,  the  brother  of  Domenico, 
the  Doge,  kept  for  himself  the  finest  jewel  In  the  royal  crown,  a  ruby,  and 
extracted  a  promise  of  10,000  gold  florins  to  be  paid  him  later.  So  much 
for  Genoa's  obedience  to  the  Pope!  Throughout  the  wars  of  the  Cru- 
saders whether  against  the 
Moslems  or  the  Greeks,  the 
Genoese  and  Venetians  had 
their  eye  only  on  profit.  Some- 
times they  gave  a  little  assis- 
tance to  their  Latin  brethren, 
but  only  as  a  business  policy. 
Now  that  the  Christian  cause 
was  irretrievably  lost  in  the 
East,  they  had  no  further  rea- 
son to  retain  the  mask.  fei;>c^i v:;''!:';/ '      -^  .:.,•■.  "■"'.' '^'j^Z^J^ 


mm       — — 


■lift  -Jl 


'm 


TOMBSTONE  AT  NICOSIA 


The  Cypriots,  ground 
down  by  the  extortions  of  the 
Genoese    and   of    their    ruler 

Peter  II  together  with  Peter's  mother  Catherine  of  Aragon,  managed  to 
meet  the  grievous  demands  on  them,  but  Leo  after  surrendering  all  he  had, 
was  obliged  to  appeal  to  the  Armenian  treasury  at  Sis  to  help  him  out 
of  the  plight  he  was  in  through  none  of  his  own  seeking.  Before  leaving,  he 
had  yet  to  give  up  to  Catherine  of  Aragon  his  wife's  fief  with  Its  yearly 
revenue  of  1,000  gold  bezants,  and  also  to  undertake  not  to  set  foot 
inside  the  Castle  of  Gorigos,  on  the  coast  of  Asia,  although  It  had  been 
ceded  to  the  Armenians  by  the  king  of  Cyprus.    He  was  to  occupy  only 

the  castle  out  at  sea  on  an  island 
some  distance  from  the  port.  In 
this  precarious  situation,  stripped 
by  the  Genoese  and  his  own  Lusig- 
nan  family  of  the  funds  that  he 
most  urgently  needed,  the  new  king 
of  Armenia  landed  on  the  shores  of 
his  kingdom  on  Easter  Sunday, 
April  2nd,  1374.  Leo  was  forced 
to  conceal  his  resentment  both  from 
Cyprus  and  the  Genoese,  for  they 
alone  could  furnish  him  the  means 
to  take  the  field  and  seize  Tarsus, 


CMATIAU^«Mla>  .X>>-w/ 


PLAN  OF  THE  PORT  OF  GORIGOS 


261  — 


which  fortress  was  garrisoned  by  no  more  than  three  hundred  Mamelukes. 
He  sold  his  silverware  and  his  wife's  crown  to  money-lenders,  and  on  re- 
ceipt of  the  proceeds  the  King  of  Cyprus  sent  him  one  hundred  soldiers, 
men-at-arms  or  cross-bowmen,  under  the  French  equerry  Sohier  Doul- 
cart,  a  Genoese  mercenary.  These  and  a  few  cross-bowmen  and  archers 
whom  he  recruited  at  Gorigos  made  up  the  small  army  with  which  Leo 
hoped  to  be  a  match  for  the  Infidels.  The  Genoese  admiral,  even  though 
he  had  accepted  the  sums  of  money  sent  him,  refused  to  supply  the  king 


r-^ 


(.-  ilf 


':ri-i.."'''flii'!S5'iP 


^f' — 
VIEW  OF  THE  CASTLE  OF  GORIGOS 

with  ships  to  attack  Tarsus  by  way  of  the  river,  "because  of  the  business 
alliance  which  the  Genoese  have  with  the  Saracens."  ("pour  cause  de 
I'aliance  que  les  Jennevois  ont  avecques  les  Sarrasins  pour  le  fait  de  leurs 
marchandises.") 

The  poor  young  king's  difficulties  had  only  just  begun.  Thinking 
he  could  confide  his  plans  to  the  Commandant  at  Gorigos  who  was  an 
Armenian,  Leo  was  treacherously  betrayed,  for  the  former  notified  the 
Moslem  governor  of  Tarsus  and  made  Peter  II  and  the  Genoese  believe 
that  Leo  was  gathering  an  army  in  order  to  cross  over  to  Cyprus  and 
fight  for  John  of  Lusignan,  Prince  of  Antioch,  against  his  nephew,  the 
King  of  Cyprus.  Leo  had  not  a  moment  to  lose,  for  the  Genoese  galleys 
would  certainly  soon  arrive  to  take  him  prisoner.  He  sent  his  mother 
and  wife  to  the  city  of  Gorigos  and  he  himself  left  the  island  where  he 
had  remained  as  he  had  promised,  setting  out  at  midnight  with  a  few 
men.  He  landed  over  seventy-five  miles  from  Gorigos,  near  the  mouth 
of  the  Adana  river.  His  knight  Doulcart  joined  him  on  the  following 
day  with  twenty-five  horsemen  and  an  equal  number  of  cross-bowmen. 


—  262  — 


Unable  to  attack  Tarsus,  Leo  decided  to  go  to  Sis,  the  seat  of  the 
Council  of  Regency.  To  reach  the  capital  he  had  to  cross  a  region  in- 
fested with  Mamelukes,  therefore  he  needed  to  move  with  great  speed. 
The  cross-bowmen  on  foot  could  not  keep  up  with  the  horsemen,  and  so 
Leo  gave  them  guides  and  sent  them  by  mountain  by-passes. 

"And  as  soon  as  the  heat  of  the  day  was  past,  Sir  Leo  and  his  com- 
''pany  made  the  sign  of  the  cross  and  commended  themselves  to  God. 
"They  mounted  the  25  horses,  while  the  25  arbalesters  with  two  guides 
"went  on  foot.  They  proceeded  until  nightfall  when  the  two  guides  told 
"my  Lord  Leo  that  he  must  go  forward  with  speed,  for  there  were  many 
"dangerous  places  on  their  way  manned  with  Turks  and  Saracens  who 
"knew  of  his  coming  and  whom  he  would  have  more  trouble  getting  by 
"in  the  daytime  than  at  night.  Therefore  Sir  Leo  started  to  go  fast,  and 
"because  he  saw  that  the  25  arbalesters  afoot  could  not  follow  him,  he 
"gave  them  one  of  the  guides  to  lead  them  by  another  way  in  the  moun- 
"tains.    They  went  two  days  and  two  nights  without  dismounting,  and  so 


VIEW  OF  THE  CASTLE  OF  CHAHI-MARAN   (CILICIA) 

"long  and  forced  was  their  effort  and  so  great  the  heat  they  suffered,  that 
"two  of  their  company  died.  Nevertheless,  by  the  grace  of  God,  they 
"passed  unharmed  through  the  midst  of  their  enemies  guarding  the  passes, 
and  they  came  to  within  three  leagues  of  the  city  of  Sis.  It  was  not  yet 
"day,  and  they  dismounted  to  rest  and  refresh  themselves  and  their 
"horses,  for  they  were  sore  exhausted.     And  at  day-break,  Sir  Leo  sent 


263  — 


"two  messengers  on  horseback  to  the  city  of  Sis,  to  the  Queen  and  citizens, 
"to  acquaint  them  with  his  arrival.  (1) 

Preceded  by  the  Catholicos,  prelates,  and  nobles,  a  crowd  of  citizens 
came  out  with  music  and  dancing  to  welcome  their  king.  They  were 
transported  with  joy,  for  they  had  become  so  utterly  discouraged  that  a 
number  of  people  were  thinking  of  revolting  and  killing  the  members  of 
the  Regency,  and  then  surrendering  the  city  to  the  Infidels. 

One  hundred  and  fifty  armed  men,  sent  out  four  days  later  by  the 
king's  orders  to  the  mouth  of  the  river  Seihan,  brought  back  his  mother 
and  the  Queen  as  far  as  Anazarbus  without  encountering  the  enemy.  Un- 
fortunately because  of  the  unwillingness  of  the  people  of  Gorigos  to 
supply  means  of  transport  for  the  Latins  who  had  accompanied  the  two 
princesses  to  that  city,  many  of  them  could  not  leave.  The  princesses  with 
their  suite  left  Anazarbus  about  noon  and  arrived  about  a  league  from 
Sis  a  little  before  nightfall. 

"When  the  aforesaid  Ladies  and  their  company  were  one  league 
"away  from  Sis,  they  sent  word  to  my  Lord  Leo  who  immediately  had 
"the  trumpets  sound  a  call  to  arms,  and  he  armed  himself  and  ordered 
"his  French  and  Armenian  men-at-arms  that  had  remained  with  him,  so 
"to  do.  Then  went  out  my  Lord  Leo  and  his  company  to  meet  the  Ladies, 
"and  there  followed  him  all  the  people  in  a  great  procession,  each  with 
"a  torch  in  his  hand.  And  when  they  had  met  the  Ladies,  they  welcomed 
"them  with  great  joy  and  great  festivity.  And  when  night  fell,  they  lit 
"their  torches  of  which  there  were  so  many  that  they  extended  from  one 
"end  of  the  city  to  the  other,  almost  one  league  in  length.  (1)" 

After  enjoying  for  a  few  days  his  happy  arrival,  Leo,  who  was  wor- 
lied  over  the  low  estate  his  unfortunate  kingdom  had  fallen  into,  and  who 
had  long  been  cherishing  thought-out  plans  for  reorganizing  it,  enquired 
concerning  the  state  of  the  Treasury.  Besides  the  royal  assets,  it  was 
supposed  to  contain  100,000  ducats  which  had  been  previously  offered 
him.  Great  was  his  disappointment  when  he  found  that  the  Treasury 
was  empty  and  that  all  that  was  left  in  it,  according  to  Dardel,  was  a 
crown.  In  vain  did  they  try  to  explain  to  him  that  the  Regency  had  been 
compelled  not  only  to  buy  off  the  Moslems  with  money  but  to  appease 
likewise  the  leaders  of  factions  within  the  city  of  Sis  itself.  The  king  was 
not  satisfied  with  these  excuses,  and  on  looking  over  the  accounts  show- 


(1)  Jean  DARDEL,  chap.   LXXII. 
(1)  Jean  DARDEL,  chap.  LXXV. 


264 


ing  the  disbursements  he  considered  them  excessive.  Thereupon,  acting 
on  the  denunciation  of  the  prelates,  the  barons,  and  the  people,  he  threw 
into  prison  Mariam,  the  widow  of  Constantine  III  and  Baron  Basil,  as 
responsible  for  the  Regency's  extravagances.  It  was  his  intention,  how- 
ever, to  pardon  them  generously  on  the  day  of  his  coronation. 

Leo  wanted  to  be  crowned  by  a  Roman  bishop, 
CORONATION       but  this  decision  caused  so  much  discontent  that  it 
OF  LEO  V  was  agreed  to  have   a  double   ceremony,  the  Latin 

ritual  to  be  followed  by  the  Armenian.  The  coro- 
nation took  place  in  the  church  of  St.  Sophia  at  Sis  on  September  14th, 
1374.  Queen  Marguerite  of  Soissons  was  crowned  with  the  same 
ceremonial. 

This  double  coronation  was  a  very  serious  mistake  politically,  for 
the  Armenians  who  were  as  exclusive  as  the  Byzantines  in  their  religious 
beliefs,  looked  on  the  Catholic  ceremony  as  an  insult  to  the  Gregorian 
ritual,  and  their  discontent  took  form  later  in  betrayal. 

The  treasury  was  empty,  the  country  ruined,  the  enemy  held  every 
province  and  every  city,  except  Anazarbus  and  Sis  and  a  few  castles 
around  those  two  places.  The  army  of  the  young  Egyptian  Sultan,  Melik- 
el-Ashraf  Chaaban,  ruled  unchallenged  in  the  greater  part  of  Cilicia,  and 
two  Turcoman  chiefs,  Daoudbash  and  Bukabir  (Abu-Bekr)  occupied  the 
suburbs  of  Sis  with  eleven  thousand  men  under  each  of  them.  These 
barbarians,  however,  did  not  show  hostility  to  the  Armenians;  their 
clemency  went  even  so  far  as  to  supply  the  capital  and  the  neighboring 
castles  with  the  food  they  required.  Daoudbash  sent  presents  to  Leo 
on  the  day  he  was  crowned,  and  the  king  of  Armenia  thinking  it  would 
be  easy  to  deal  with  this  intruder,  sent  him  gifts  in  return  accompanied  by 
preliminary  steps  towards  renewing  the  truce  on  the  old  terms.  The 
king  was  reckoning,  however,  without  his  own  subjects. 

Not  only  did  these  tragic  days  not  prevent  the  malcontents  among 
the  Armenians  from  raising  the  questions  of  ritual  on  the  coronation  day, 
but  these  same  people  deliberately  brought  on  war  by  making  false  re- 
ports to  Daoudbash.  For  three  months  Sis  was  besieged.  The  Latin 
cross-bowmen  caused,  however,  so  many  losses  to  the  Turcomans  who 
fought  without  body-armor,  that  Daoudbash  renewed  the  old  agreement 
by  which  he  undertook  to  supply  Sis  with  its  food  requirements  in  return 
for  tribute  payment. 

There  was  living  in  Cairo  at  this  time  an  Armenian  renegade  named 

—  265  — 


Ashot.  This  man  was  a  son  of  Baron  Ochin  and  brother  of  Constantine 
Ill's  widow.  The  Armenian  party  opposed  to  the  Lusignans,  claiming 
that  Ashot  had  a  right  to  the  crown,  urged  him  to  come  with  an  Egyptian 
army  and  take  possession  of  his  dominion. 

The  Turcoman  chief  Bukabir,  who  was  more  or  less 
SIEGE   OF  under  Cairo's  orders,  was  at  Ashot's  request  given  in- 

SIS  structions  to  reduce  Sis  by  hunger,  and  on  the  pretence 

that  he  had  not  received  the  tribute  to  which  he  was 
entitled,  he  stopped  sending  in  food  suppUes.  At  the  same  time,  Leo's 
enemies  were  secretly  offering  to  deliver  the  city  to  the  Infidels.  Warned 
by  his  spies  that  the  place  was  about  to  be  attacked  the  king  gathered 
the  population  into  the  fortified  upper  part  of  the  city,  and  also  into  the 
Castle. 

The  lower  city  surrounded  by  a  wall  that  had  not  been  long  erected 
did  not  seem  likely  to  offer  adequate  resistance,  whereas  the  royal  palace 
was  protected  by  a  fortified  enceinte,  proof  against  any  surprise  attack 
and  spacious  enough  to  shelter  a  part  of  the  population.  This  enceinte 
took  in,  besides  the  palace,  various  other  edifices  including  the  Cathedral 
Church  of  St.  Sophia.  Jean  Dardel  calls  this  portion  of  the  city  "the  bourg". 
Strong  fortifications  stood  quite  high  up  on  the  rock  overlooking  the  city; 
these  constituted  the  "chastel"  of  which  V.  Langlois  (1)  gives  the  follow- 
ing brief  description:  "The  Sis-Kalessi  is  oval-shaped;  it  has  three  gates, 
"three  enceintes,  and  encloses  various  buildings.  On  account  of  the  shape 
"of  the  rock  it  is  built  upon,  the  castle  walls  are  irregular  and  unequal  In 
"height.  The  fortress  is  flanked  by  towers  and  bastions.  Owing  to  the 
"irregular  shape  of  its  structures,  the  castle  is  divided  Into  three  parts 
"based  on  each  of  the  three  chief  summits  of  the  rock.  Empty  spaces 
"separate  these  different  constructions,  which  are  nevertheless  Intercon- 
"nected  by  paths  hewn  In  the  rock  and  skirting  the  cliffs.  The  southern 
"side  where  stood  the  keep  was  more  carefully  fortified  than  any  other 
"point  of  the  fortress." 

On  January  15th,  1375,  Bubakir  with  fifteen  thousand  men  captured 
the  lower  part  of  Sis,  which  was  sacked,  but  the  upper  city  and  the  castle 
remained  Impregnable. 

According  to  Jean  Dardel  (2)  whose  testimony  cannot  be  considered 
Impartial,  there  then  ensued  a  most  abominable  piece  of  treachery.    Those 


(1)  Voyage  en  Cilicie,  p.  384. 

(2)  Chap.  XC. 


266  — 


who  had  never  sincerely  accepted  the  union  of  the  Armenian  church  with 
that  of  Rome  and  those  who  hated  the  Latin  house  of  Lusignan,  joined  up 
with  all  the  other  malcontents  and  decided  to  obtain  peace  once  for  all  by- 
submitting  to  the  Sultan  of  Egypt.  The  Catholicos  Paul  I  (1374-1378) 
was  one  of  the  chief  instigators  of  this  frightful  betrayal,  showing  that  he 
preferred  the  temporal  domination  of  one  of  Islam's  rulers,  rather  than 
the  spiritual  supremacy  of  the  Pope.  Seventy-five  years  later,  the  same 
religious  intransigence  caused  the  ancient  capital  of  the  Greek  Emperors 
to  fall  likewise  into  the  Infidels'  hands. 

In  answer  to  the  call  of  the  enemies  of  the  Lusignans  and  the  Pope, 
Emir  Seif-ed-Din-Ichq  Timur,  governor  of  Aleppo,  sent  15,000  men  to 
assist  the  Turcomans,  and  on  February  24th  the  Egyptians  were  seen 
pouring  in  under  the  walls  of  Sis.  Realizing  that  the  upper  city  could  not 
withstand  assault,  Leo  had  it  evacuated  and  set  on  fire  that  same  night. 
This  act  reduced  the  kingdom  of  Armenia  to  the  mere  Castle  of  Sis.  Even 
there  the  traitors  were  mingled  with  the  defenders. 


RUINS  OF  THE  FORTRESS  OF  SIS 

More  than  thirty  thousand  of  the  enemy  thronged  around  the  Castle 
amid  the  ruins  of  the  city  and  the  "bourg".  Leo  feeling  the  final  assault 
to  be  at  hand  gathered  around  him  the  nobles  and  clergy,  and  called  on 
all  to  swear  to  be  obedient  and  faithful  to  the  Christian  religion  and  to 
their  sovereign,  and  he  himself  swore  upon  the  gospels,  held  by  the  Bishop 
of  Hebron,  that  he  would  die  for  Christ.  He  at  the  same  time  solemnly 
called  on  the  nobles  and  clergy  to  denounce  and  punish  the  traitors  (1). 

On  the  morrow  the  Moslems  began  the  attack,  but  the  only  point 


(1)  Jean  DARDEL,  Chap.  XCII. 

—  267  — 


ihey  could  reach  on  the  steep  rocky  cliffs  was  the  level  space  in  front  of 
the  fortress  gate.  The  besieged  put  up  a  vigorous  resistance;  the  king  him- 
self was  shooting  with  his  cross-bow  when  he  was  struck  by  an  iron  mis- 
sile which  broke  his  jaw  and  tore  away  three  of  his  teeth.  Leo  withdrew 
inside  the  castle  to  have  his  injury  dressed,  while  the  Saracens  who  had 
suffered  much  loss  also  returned  to  their  tents.  (2) 

That  same  evening  Seif-ed-Din  sent  the  Christian  monarch  a  letter 
informing  him:  "That  the  Sultan  his  Lord  had  sent  him  word  to  let  him 
"[Leo]  know  that  if  he  consented  to  surrender  the  castle  and  become  a 
"Saracen,  he,  the  Sultan,  would  make  him  his  Grand  Admiral  and  restore 
"him  his  whole  country."  Leo  replied  in  a  worthy  manner,  that  he  was 
determined  to  die  rather  than  deny  his  God,  and  he  offered  to  pay  tribute 
to  the  Sultan  as  in  the  past  if  the  siege  were  raised  and  his  possessions  re- 
stored to  him  (1). 

This  reply  angered  the  Moslems,  and  they  made  several  further  at- 
tempts to  take  the  castle  by  storm,  but  without  success.  (2)  Meanwhile, 
however,  the  traitors  were  busy  communicating  with  Seif-ed-Din,  telling 
him  of  the  king's  injury  and  serious  condition  and  informing  him  that 
hunger  would  soon  compel  the  opening  of  the  gates.  (3) 

Not  content  with  scheming  with  the  enemy,  the  leaders  of  the  sedition, 
finding  the  king  adamant  to  their  treacherous  counsels,  decided  to  do  away 
with  him.  The  Catholicos,  Baron  Basil,  and  King  Constantine's  widow 
(who  had  married  the  Cyprus  knight  Matthew  Cappe  and  was  herself 
the  sister  of  the  renegade  Ashot)  incited  Cappe,  by  alluring  promises,  to 
commit  this  deed.  This  traitor  turned  against  the  king  some  of  the  sol- 
diers who  were  from  Cyprus,  and  with  them  during  the  night  broke  into 
the  castle-keep  where  Leo  dwelt.  The  Armenian  guards  were  massacred 
to  a  man.  "When  the  king,  who  lay  so  ill  on  his  bed  that  he  was  helpless 
"by  reason  of  the  wound  from  the  projectile,  heard  the  assault,  he  made 
"an  effort  and  took  his  coat  of  mail  and  armed  himself  as  best  he  could. 
"With  him  in  his  bed-chamber  were  two  Armenian  knights  and  one  Greek 
"cross-bowman  who  was  the  chief  engineer  and  was  named  Costa  de  Les- 
"mirre.  When  these  three  heard  the  attackers  breaking  down  the  door  of 
"the  king's  room  with  hatchets  to  get  inside  and  kill  the  king  and  them- 
"selves,  the  Greek  took  the  king  and  tied  him  to  a  strong  rope  and  let  him 


(2)  Jean  DARDEL,  chap.  XCIII. 

(1)  Jean  DARDEL,  chap.  XCIV. 

(2)  Id.,  chap.  XCV. 

(3)  Id.,  chap.  XCVI. 


—  268 


'"down  by  a  privy  to  the  second  castle,   they  all   three   following  after 
'him.  (4) 

The  king  took  refuge  with  Queen  Mary  and  found  his  knight  Doul- 
cart,  who  knew  nothing  of  the  plot  of  the  Latin  mercenaries.  He  informed 
those  in  the  castle  of  the  attempt  on  his  life  which  he  had  just  escaped, 
and  fearing  for  the  queen  and  her  children  imprisoned  in  the  keep,  he 
offered  to  pardon  the  insurgents.  The  latter  would  not  listen,  and  a  fight 
consequently  ensued.  Four  times  the  loyal  Armenians  tried  to  take  the 
keep  and  each  time  they  were  repelled  (5). 

Meanwhile  the  rebels  were  letting  the  enemy  in 
SIS  by  means  of  ropes,  and  a  few  Moslems  had  already 

TAKEN  BY  joined  them  when  a  Jacobite  friar  who  had  accom- 

THE    MOSLEMS      panied  the  bishop  of  Hebron  to  Sis  and  was  then  in 
the  keep,  fearful  of  having  to  embrace   Islam,   se- 
cretly let  in  a  number  of  Armenians  who  got  possession  of  the  fort. 

Thereupon  the  Catholicos  and  the  other  conspirators  stirred  up  the 
people  against  the  king,  and  persuaded  the  Armenians  to  surrender  the 
castle  to  the  Moslems.  They  all  forsook  their  sovereign  and,  breaking 
down  the  gates,  let  the  enemy  in.  Leo,  suffering  from  his  injury  and 
stretched  on  his  bed,  had  with  him  only  his  wife  and  children  and  the 
faithful  knight  Sohler  Doulcart.  A  handful  of  soldiers  alone  defended 
the  keep  which  he  still  held.  But  their  food  was 
SIS  CASTLE  exhausted,  and  In  this  terrible  position  Leo  could 

CAPITULATES        offer  no  further  resistance.     He  accepted  the  decree 
1357  of  Fate,  and  sent  a  message  to  the  Moslem  leader. 

Following  a  very  courteous  exchange  of  letters, 
Ishki-Timur  sent  the  king  a  safe-conduct.  He  wrote:  "We  do  grant  him 
"this  letter,  that  he  may  come  down  from  the  Keep  and  surrender  it  to 
'•the  mighty  Sultan,  and  then  proceed  wherever  he  please.  The  safe- 
"conduct  is  for  him,  his  queen,  their  children  and  also  for  his  personal 
'•belongings  and  suite,  so  that  he  may  be  respected  and  honored  by  all." 
But  the  poor  king  had  slight  trust  in  the  victor's  word.  He  made  his 
confession,  heard  mass,  and  took  communion;  then  hardly  able  to  walk, 
with  his  head  completely  bandaged,  he  came  down  from  the  keep  fol- 
lowed by  his  family.     This  was  April  13th,  1375,  less  than  ten  months 


(4)  Jean  DARDEL,  chap.  XCVH. 

(5)  Jean  DARDEL.  chap.  XCIX. 


—  269  — 


after  King  Leo  V  of  Lusignan  had  left  the  island  of  Cyprus  and  set  foot 
on  Armenian  soil. 

The  Sultan  offered  to  restore  him  his  kingdom  provided  he  embraced 
Islam.  Leo  refused  with  dignity.  He  was  offered  one  of  the 
castles  in  Cilicia  to  live  in,  but  he  declined,  realizing  that  within  a  few 
years  the  Moslems  would  get  rid  of  him.  He  thought  of  going  to  Cyprus, 
but  learning  that  he  would  be  assassinated  on  the  way,  he  abandoned  the 
plan,  and  threw  himself  on  the  mercy  of  Sultan  Ashraf  of  Egypt. 

After  his  victory  over  the  Christians,  Ishki-Timur 
LEO  V*S  entered  with  pomp  into  Aleppo,  the  city  en  fete,  with 
CAPTIVITY  the  king  and  queen  of  Armenia,  their  children,  Queen 
Marlam,  Sohier  Doulcart  and  his  wife,  the  Countess  of 
Gorigos,  the  Catholicos  Paul  I,  the  Armenian  barons  and  the  chief  citi- 
zens of  Sis  following  behind  him.  Inside  the  city  the  prisoners  had  to 
prostrate  themselves  several  times  before  their  conqueror  in  the  presence 
of  the  inhabitants.  Finally,  on  May  1st,  Leo  left  Aleppo  for  Cairo  where 
he  arrived  on  July  9th. 

Notwithstanding  the  promise  contained  in  the  safe-conduct  delivered 
in  his  name,  the  Sultan  refused  to  allow  Leo  to  go  to  Europe.  He  was 
afraid  lest  he  should  start  a  new  Crusade,  and  he  therefore  kept  him  at 
Cairo,  decently  treated  but  closely  watched. 

The  king  of  Cyprus  interceded  with  the  Egyptian  ruler  for  Leo's 
release,  but  no  consent  could  be  obtained  from  the  councillors  of  the  new 
young  Sultan  Melik-Mansur  AH  who  had  ascended  the  throne  after  his 
father  Ashraf  Chabaan's  assassination  (March  16th,  1377).  Leo  wrote 
to  the  Pope,  to  the  Emperor  of  Constantinople,  to  the  king  of  France, 
and  to  other  European  monarchs;  some  of  them  also  interceded  on  his 
behalf,  but  none  met  with  any  success. 

That  same  year,  In  July,  there  arrived  at  Cairo  a  number  of  western 
pilgrims,  nobles,  knights,  equerries,  and  others  bound  for  Sinai  and  Jeru- 
salem. Among  them  was  a  Franciscan  monk  named  Jean  Dardel,  a 
native  of  Etampes,  and  a  Grey  Friar  of  the  Province  of  France.  He  was 
asked  to  say  mass  for  King  Leo  and  had  a  long  talk  with  him.  Leo  nar- 
rated to  him  all  his  woes  and  confided  to  him  hopes  he  still  cherished, 
with  the  result  that  he  induced  the  friar  to  remain  with  him.  Dardel 
thus  became  not  only  the  king's  chaplain  but  his  councillor  and  ambassador. 

—  270  — 


Bearing  the  king's  ring  and  letters  for  the  rulers 
DELIVERANCE  of  Europe,  Dardel  left  Cairo  on  September  11th,  1379, 
OF  LEO  V  and  obtained  from  the  kings  of  Castille  and  Aragon 
the  amounts  needed  to  purchase  Leo's  freedom.  The 
ambassadors  sent  from  Spain  to  Cairo  at  last  succeeded  in  getting  permis- 
sion for  the  prisoner  to  leave  Egypt.  On  October  7th,  1382,  the  king 
of  Armenia  sailed  from  Alexandria,  accompanied  by  the  friar  Jean  Dardel 
whom  upon  his  arrival  at  Rhodes  (October  21st)  he  made  Chancellor 
of  his  realm. 

Leo  V  of  Lusignan's  subsequent  life  was  like  that  of  all  exiled  mon- 
archs.  Nowhere  did  he  find  any  willingness  such  as  he  had  hoped  for, 
to  help  him  get  back  his  kingdom.  Kings  Peter  of  Aragon  and  John  of 
Castille  treated  him  generously,  and  Pope  Clement  VII  of  Avignon  whom 
Leo  opted  for  in  preference  to  Urban  VI,  the  pontiff  at  Rome,  awarded 
him  the  "Golden  Rose",  not  forgetting  Jean  Dardel  who  was  given  the 
bishopric  of  Tortiboli  in  the  province  of  Benevento.  This  episcopal  see, 
however,  could  not  be  taken  over  by  the  Franciscan  nominee  because 
Tortiboli  was  then  under  Urban  VI's  control. 

The  king  of  Navarre,  Charles  II,  whom  Leo  visited,  lavished  gifts 
on  him,  and  the  Count  of  Foix  was  also  equally  generous.    With  pensions 

from  the  kings  of  France,  England,  Aragon,  and 

LEO  V'S  Castille,  Leo  V  withdrew  to  the  castle  of  St.  Ouen 

DEATH  AT  PARIS     generously  bestowed  on  him  by  Charles  VI.    He 

1393  died  on  November  29th,  1393,  in  the  Palais  des 

Tournelles,  Rue  St.  Antoine,  opposite  the  Hotel 
St.  Paul,  where  the  kings  of  France  generally  lived.  His  body  was  in- 
terred at  the  Celestine  monastery  where  it  remained  until  the  Revolution, 
when  his  remains  were  scattered  to  the  wind  along  with  those  of  so  many 
other  sovereigns.  His  tomb,  transferred  at  first  to  the  museum  of  French 
Antiquities  (Musee  des  Petits  Augustins),  was  placed,  at  the  Restoration, 
in  the  vaults  of  the  royal  tombs  at  St.  Denis  where  it  lies  today.  Around 
the  border  of  the  tombstone  runs  the  epitaph:  "Here  lieth  the  very  noble 
"and  excellent  prince  Lyon  the  Fifth  of  LIzIngue  [Lusignan]  Latin  King 
"of  the  Kingdom  of  Armenia  whose  soul  departed  to  God  on  the  29th 
"day  of  November  in  the  year  of  grace  1393.    Pray  for  him."  (1) 


■[  (D'^'Cy  gist  tres  noble  et  excellent  prince  Lyon  de  Lizingue  quint  roy  latin 
du  .royaj^pie  d'Armenie  qui  rendit  Fame  a  Dieu  le  XXIXe  jour  de  novembre  I'an 
de   grace  MCCCXCIII.     pries  pour  lui. 

—  271  — 


Jean  Dardel  died  before  his  master,  on  December  6th,  1384.  The 
Bishop  of  Tortiboli  was  buried  in  his  family  burial-ground,  the  churchyard 
of  St.  Basil  at  Etampes. 

It  is  only  through  Dardel's  chronicle  that  we 
know  the  events  of  Leo's  brief  and  dramatic  reign, 
and  the  Etampes  monk  who  wrote  as  suggested, 
even  as  dictated,  by  the  king,  judges  the  Armenians 
quite  severely.  If  we  think,  however,  of  the  fate 
with  which  the  Mamelukes  were  threatening  the 
last  defenders  of  the  Christian  kingdom,  or  the 
hunger  they  were  enduring  inside  the  Castle  of 
Sis,  we  can  hardly  blame  the  ''Armins"  so  harshly 
as  Dardel.  They  certainly  cannot  be  exonerated 
altogether,  but  considering  the  desperation  they 
were   in  they  should  be   remembered   charitably. 

Had  there  been  a  chronicler  among  the  defenders  of  Sis,  we  should  prob- 
ably have  had  the  events  related  to  us  in  quite  a  diflferent  manner  from 
that  of  Dardel's  writings,  but  unfortunately  we  have  no  means  of  judging 
accurately. 


ESCUTCHEON   ON 

TOMB  OF  LEO  V 

OF   LUSIGNAN 


TOMB  OF  LEO  V  AT  ST.  DENIS 
(from  a  drawing  given  by  K.  J.  Basniadjian 

From  the  day  that  Rupen  raised  his  standard  of  revolt  until  that 
of  the  fall  of  the  Castle  of  Sis,  i.e.  during  the  whole  of  the  three  centuries 
that  it  lasted.  New  Armenia  had  been  one  perpetual  battle-field.  Its  cities 
and  countryside  were  laid  waste  one  hundred  times  by  the  invading  Mos- 
lems. The  inhabitants  were  massacred  and  carried  away  into  slavery, 
and  the  Armenians  who  had  seen  all  the  Latin  States  in  the  East  fall  one 
after  the  other  could  only  trust  in  the  help  of  the  Almighty.  But  courage 
failed  them. 

Apart  from  this  dejection  due  to  their  misfortunes,  however,  there 
are  some  charges  that  the  Armenians  cannot  be  acquitted  of.  Their  poli- 
tical and  religious  dissensions  and  the  ambitions  of  the  barons  contributed 


—  272  — 


to  the  kingdom's  downfall.  In  the  latter  part  of  the  14th  century  the 
claimants  to  the  throne  were  very  numerous,  and  the  religious  factions 
maintained  all  their  intolerance  of  old.  Leo  V  as  a  Latin  Catholic  would 
subscribe  to  no  concession,  and  the  Catholicos,  Paul  I  (Boghos),  afraid 
lest  his  church  should  submit  completely  and  irretrievably  to  the  Pope's 
requirements  was  on  principle  hostile  to  the  Lusignan  family.  All  the 
clergy  and  a  part  of  the  population,  also  a  majority  of  the  nobles,  shared 
the  apprehensions  and  resentment  of  the  Catholicos.  Unity  in  the  face  of 
the  Moslem  enemy  was  absent  among  the  Armenians,  and  such  was  un- 
fortunately the  case  throughout  the  Christian  world  in  the  East-  At 
Byzantium,  hatred  for  the  Latins  was  even  more  intense,  and  only  in  its 
dying  hours  did  the  Empire  look  towards  western  Europe,  when  it  was 
too  late. 

Nevertheless,  this  small  kingdom  founded  by  men  from  far  off  in 
the  East  and  Europeanized  by  contact  with  the  Crusaders  wrote  a  hand- 
some page  in  the  great  epic  of  the  Middle  Ages.  Despite  disturbances 
and  wars,  amid  the  greatest  perils,  the  Armenians  of  Cilicia  devoted 
themselves  to  literature  and  art,  built  churches,  monasteries,  castles  and 
fortresses,  and  engaged  in  commerce.  In  short,  even  throughout  the  hor- 
rors of  war,  this  principality  showed  surprising  vitality.  Its  downfall 
was  caused  by  the  disaster  that  befell  the  Crusaders,  but  whereas  the 
Latins  withdrew  to  their  western  lands  the  Armenians  had  to  endure  for 
centuries  the  yoke  of  their  conquerors.  From  the  time  that  the  Western- 
ers' domains  were  reduced  to  the  island  of  Cyprus,  discouragement  seized 
the  Christians  of  Asia,  and  the  drama  that  ended  the  death-throes  of  the 
city  of  Sis,  now  that  we  can  view  it  at  a  distance  of  five  centuries,  deserves 
censure  less  severe  than  that  passed  by  its  contemporary,  Dardel.  Mis- 
takes were  made,  but  if  we  compare  the  heroic  resistance  of  the  Armenians 
for  two  centuries  with  the  supineness  with  which  most  Eastern  Christians 
bowed  to  Islam's  yataghan,  we  cannot  but  admire  this  small  number  of 
brave  people,  and  find  their  faults  effaced  by  the  courage  they  manifested 
up  to  the  last  hour,  until  every  hope  had  faded. 

In  1384  Pope  Gregory  XIII,  in  his  Bull  "Ecclesia  Romana",  does 
signal  justice  to  the  Armenians,  and  this  homage  of  the  sovereign  Pontiff 
should  not  be  forgotten.  He  wrote:  "Among  the  other  merits  of  the 
"Armenian  nation  as  regards  the  Church  and  Christendom,  there  is 
"one  that  is  outstanding  and  deserves  particularly  to  be  remembered, 
"namely,  that  when  in  times  past  the  Christian  princes  and  armies  went 
""forth  to  recover  the  Holy  Land,  no  nation,  no  people  came  to  their  aid 

—  273  — 


"more  speedily  and  with  more  enthusiasm  than  the  Armenian^,  giving 
"them  assistance  in  men,  horses,  food  supplies,  and  counsel;  with  all  their 
"might  and  with  the  greatest  bravery  and  fidelity,  they  helped  the  Chris- 
"tians  in  those  holy  wars." 


Pfo/'K-on-^/NJ*. 


7 


SEAL  AND  SIGNATURE  OF  KING  LEO  V  OF  ARMENIA 


*       * 


274  — 


CHAPTER  IX 
Armenia  After  Its  Loss  of  Independence 

■  As  we  have  seen,  in  1045  Ani  and  its  surrounding  kingdom  canie 
under  the  rule  of  Constantinople,  and  its  last  king  Gaghik  II  was  assas- 
sinated by  the  Greeks  in  1079  during  his  captivity  in  Imperial  territory; 
also  in  1064  Alp-Arslan  finally  conquered  Greater  Armenia,  and  in  1375 
the  kingdom  of  Leo  V  of  Lusignan  came  to  an  end.  (1)  From  the  11th 
century  until  our  present  day,  the  inhabitants  of  Greater  Armenia  were 
consequently  the  Rayahs  of  the  Moslems,  as  also  were  those  of  New 
Armenia  from  the  beginning  of  the  14th  century.  The  people  living 
north  of  the  Araxes  emerged  from  under  Islam's  yoke,  however,  in  1827 
when  they  fell  to  the  Russian  government  of  the  Czar. 

Much  of  the  population  of  these  two  countries  had,  for  years  and 
years  already,  fled  from  their  homeland  during  the  terrible  wars  that 
have  always  laid  waste  the  Ararat  regions,  but  the  emigration  reached 
its  greatest  peak  in  the  Middle  Ages.  The  horrible  deeds  of  the  Arabs, 
Turks,  and  Mongols,  together  with  the  knowledge  that  the  morrow  would 
be  still  worse,  impelled  a  large  portion  of  the  unhappy  inhabitants  to  seek 
other  lands.  A  good  number  of  Armenian  colonies  were  founded  in  the 
Old  World,  and  later  in  the  New.  Consequently,  dating  from  the  conquest 
of  Armenia  by  the  Caliphs,  this  nation's  history  is  divided  into  two  very 
difFei-ent  branches,  that  of  the  enslaved  people's  struggle  for  existence, 
and  that  of  the  descendants  of  Haik  living  in  foreign  countries.  Although 
contemporary,  I  have  thought  it  wiser  to  deal  with  each  of  these  phases 
separately  so  as  to  give  a  clearer  idea  of  the  distinct  development  of  the 
Armenians  in  each  of  these  dissimilar  environments  during  this  period  of 
history. 


(1)  After  the  death  of  Leo  V  the  rulers  of  Cyprus  took  the  title  of  kings  of 
Ai-meDia'.  Those  who  bore  this  title  are:  Jacques  I,  king  of  Cyprus,  1393-1398; 
Janus,  1398-1452;  Jean  II,  1452-1458;  Charlotte  and  Louis  of  Savoy.  1458-1464; 
jaiques  II,  1464-1473;   Jacques  IH,  1473-1475;   Catherine  Cornaro.   1475-1489. 

—  275  — 


The  Arab  conquest,  although  it  marched  under  the  particularly  hate- 
ful banner  of  religion  and  was  accompanied  with  unbelievable  violence 
and  cruelty,  was  mitigated  nevertheless  by  the  fact  that  in  the  early  days 
of  Islam  the  Mahometans  were  confronted  with  the  Byzantine  Empire, 
and  dealing  as  they  were  with  Christian  inhabitants  only,  they  were 
obliged  to  spare  the  unbelievers  to  some  extent.  The  speedy  triumphs 
of  the  followers  of  the  Prophet  might  after  all  be  only  temporary,  for 
the  empire  of  Byzantium  had  not  been  overthrown  like  that  of  the  Persian 
"King  of  Kings."  The  Caliphs  behaved,  therefore,  less  harshly  to  the 
Christians  than  to  the  Mazdeans,  for  the  latter  once  conquered  and  sub- 
dued had  no  neighboring  State  to  which  they  could  look  for  support. 

In  any  case,  however,  as  regards  the  Christians,  all  Mohammedans, 
whether  Arab,  Turkish,  or  Persian,  followed  the  lines  of  policy  prescribed 
for  them  in  the  Koran,  which  they  applied  with  varying  degrees  of  sev- 
erity, according  to  circumstances  and  their  own  differing  characters.  They 
all,  throughout  the  centuries,  looked  on  unbelievers  as  inferior  beings,  and 
their  reason  for  not  wiping  them  out  to  the  last  one  was  that  they  needed 
their  labor  to  cultivate  the  soil  and  carry  out  the  thousand  and  one  jobs 
they  themselves  were  too  lazy  or  too  proud  to  undertake. 

Within  the  Byzantine  Empire,  Christianity  had  considerably  softened 
the  institution  of  slavery,  which  in  the  western  world  had  taken  the  form 
of  serfdom.  Among  Eastern  peoples,  however,  barbaric  tradition  remained 
in  all  its  rigor,  and  the  conquered  fellow-being  became  his  master's  absol- 
ute property,  might  making  right. 

From  the  very  outset  of  Islam,  therefore,  the  Christian  was  the 
Moslem's  slave;  he  was  the  ray  ah  or  herd,  and  even  if  not  always  applied 
absolutely,  this  primordial  law  with  the  Mohammedans  remained  the 
basis  of  the  treatment  they  inflicted  for  centuries  on  those  unbelievers 
unfortunate  enough  to  fall  into  their  hands  and  courageous  enough  not 
to  deny  their  faith.  If  the  Christian  owned  land  or  property,  it  was  only 
by  tolerance,  and  his  masters  could  always  take  his  possessions  from  him, 
even  his  children,  for  their  own  good  pleasure.  Their  warrant  for  such 
cruelty  they  found  in  the  book  of  the  Prophet,  the  Koran,  "a  strange 
medley  of  dualism  and  double-dealing"  wherein  the  two  chapters  "The 
Sword"  and  "War"  give  fierce  orders  to  slay  with  the  sword  or  enslave 
all  unbelievers  falling  into  the  hands  of  the  Faithful.  These  two  last 
chapters,  dictated  by  Mahomet  when  his  power  was  assured,  do  not  tally 
with  the  instructions  he  gave  at  the  beginning  of  his  conquests.  Then  he 
wrote:  "O  unbelievers,  if  you  do  not  worship  what  I  worship,  keep  for 

—  276  — 


"yourselves  your  religion,  and  I  will  keep  mine  for  myself."  These  con- 
tradictions permit  Moslems  to  swing  as  their  interest  dictates,  from  toler- 
ance to  intolerance,,  and  whatever  their  treatment  of  Christians,  to  be 
always  obedient  to  their  Master's  law. 

The  Moslems  allowed  quantities  of  Greeks,  Chaldeans,  Armenians, 
and  Copts  to  keep  their  religion  and  language,  their  religion  because 
of  the  impossibility  of  making  apostates  of  them  all,  and  their  language 
in  order  that  the  Christian  should  not  mingle  with  the  governing  class,  and 
that  by  his  native  tongue  and  customs  he  should  always  be  conspicuous 
and  despised  of  the  true  believer,  whom  he  must  work  for  and  serve.  This 
governing  class,  thus  relieved  of  having  to  earn  their  daily  bread,  could 
consequently  live  a  parasitical  life  of  ease.     This  is  what  occurred   in 

Armenia,  Syria,  Greece,  Egypt,  and  North 
Africa  as  far  as  Morocco  and  Spain,  through- 
out the  vast  Arab  empire.  It  is  still  the  case 
in  Turkish  countries,  and  would  be  so  today  in 
Persia  were  it  not  that  this  country'  so  long 
decadent  has  had  to  bow  to  the  European  Pow- 
ers and  not  ill-treat  the  unbelievers  dwelling 
there. 

What  suiferings  and  humiliation  fell  on 
those  unfortunates  whom  cruel  fate  threw  into 
the  power  of  such  infamous  masters!  Carr}--- 
ing  weapons  was  forbidden  to  the  "rayahs", 
whether  Christian,  Jewish,  Mazdean,  or  Man- 
daean,  to  all  who  did  not  worship  Allah.  These 
people  all  had  to  wear  special  clothing  so  that 
they  might  be  recognized  on  sight,  and  ordered 
about  or  ill-treated.  The  churches  of  the  wor- 
shipers of  the  prophet  Issa  (Jesus)  with  their 
modest  exteriors,  without  steeples  or  bells, 
were  constantly  the  scene  of  wicked  attacks,  re- 
volting orgies,  and  frightful  crimes,  and  the 
Christian  had  to  remain  mute  and  helpless 
in  presence  of  the  most  infamous  sacrilege  and  indignity. 

Not  satisfied  with  their  own  cruelties,  the  Arabs,  Turks,  and  Persians 
gave  over  Christian  villages  to  the  most  barbaric  of  all  Eastern  peoples, 
the  Kurds.  We  have  seen  in  the  preceding  pages  the  behavior  of  the 
Emjrs  of  Azerbaidjan  to  the  Armenians,  and  if  now  and  then  the  rulers 


COIN  OF  GIORGI  HI  OF 

GEORGIA  WITH  AL 

MOKTAFY 

(1254-1284) 


277 


checked  the  fury  of  the  Kurdistan  bandits,  it  was  only  lest  they  should  be 
unable  to  levy  from  a  devastated  Armenia  the  enormous  taxation  they 
lived  on.  Never  did  the  Moslem  show  pity  out  of  kindness  or  respect 
for  humanity;  he  was  ever  motivated  by  interest  alone. 

Hatred  and  contempt  for  the  Christian  were  so  anchored  in  the 
Moslem  heart  that  an  unbeliever  was  believed  incapable  of  a  good  deed, 
and  his  duplicity  caused  him  to  attribute  to  Allah  any  generous  act  com- 
mitted by  a  Christian,  who  merely  was  a  divinely  provided  instrument 
and  not  entitled  to  the  Mohammedan's  gratitude,  which  must  go  to  the 
deity  of  whom  he  himself  was  the  servant. 

After   the   downfall    of   the    Bagratid    kingdom 
TURKISH  and  the  capture  of  Ani  by  the  Seljuks,  Turkish  rule 

RULE  extended  as  far  as  the  foot  of  the  great  Caucasian 

OF  ARMENIA  chain,  to  the  countries  watered  by  the  Kura  and 
the  Araxes.  (1)  The  Armenians,  Georgians,  Im- 
eritians,  and  Mingrelians  fought  unceasingly  against  the  invaders,  who 
being  nomads  occupied  all  the  pasturages  of  the  lowlands,  and  whose 
beys  maintained  absolute  rule  in  the  cities  of  any  size.  Sometimes  the 
Basileus  of  Constantinople  sent  a  few  troops,  but  generally  these  Irregular 
and  insufficient  arrivals  only  resulted  in  atrocious  reprisals  as  soon  as 
such  assistance  from  the  Emperor  was  out  of  the  way  again.  Then 
later  came  the  Mogul  invasion  which  spread  terror  anew  in  Transcau- 
casia and  the  Ararat  country. 

The  Mongols  started  from  Central  Asia  in  the 
THE  MONGOLS  middle  of  the  11th  century  and  crossed  the  Siberian 
IN  ARMENIA  steppes  and  the  Persian  tableland,  subduing  every 
tribe  they  encountered  in  their  onrushing  advance. 
These  conquered  peoples  were  mostly  themselves  of  Turkish  race,  and 
spoke  Jagatai.  Their  soldiers  were  constantly  added  to  the  Mongol  army, 
with  the  result  that  the  original  element  was  gradually  lost  and  when  the 
Mongols  arrived  in  Transcaucasia  there  were  hardly  any  of  the  original 
stock  left  except  the  chieftains. 

In  1206  Genghis-Khan  began  his  conquest  of  Asia.  After  vanquish- 
ing the  tribes  of  the  Turcoman  steppe,  he  destroyed  the  Moslem  dominion 
of  Kharesm  on  the  lower  Oxus  (about  1217).  He  then  subdued  Khora- 
san,  Persia,  Irak-Arabi,  and  northern  India,  bringing  to  naught  in  a  few 

(1)   In  1071  the  Seljuks  advanced  as  far  as  the  interior  of  Cappadocia;  in  1082 
the  Ortokids  took  Jerusalem,  and  in  1092  the  Seljuk  empire  was  dismembered: 

—  278  — 


years  aj]  the  work  of  the  Arabs  in  those  parts.  His  generals,  Subada- 
BehaduT  and  Chapeh-Nuvian,  entered  Armenia  and  Georgia,  passed 
through  the  pass  of  Derbend  and  the  Gates  of  the  Alans,  and  there  was 
founded  in  southern  Russia  the  empire  of  Kiphtchak  (1223))  which  ruled 
over  the  former  Turkish  tribes  of  the  Comans  and  the  Petchenegs.(2)  The 
purely  Mongolian  armies  that  had  left  Central  Asia  had  long  ceased  to 
exist,  and  except  for  the  Mogul  court  the  Mongol  language  was  no  longer 
even  used.  The  name  of  Tartars  subsequently  came  to  include  both  con- 
querors and  subjects,  although  they  belonged  to  quite  different  races. 

The  first  time  ( 1 22 1 ) ,  the  whole 
basin  of  the  Kura  was  laid  waste 
despite  the  valiant  struggles  of  the 
Georgians  and  Armenians,  assisted 
by  the  Moslem  emirs  of  Azerbaid- 
jan.  In  1223  the  Tartars  were  al- 
ready in  the  middle  of  Russia. 
Then,  tired  of  looting  they  withdrew 
to  the  south  to  join  their  monarch 
Genghis-Khan  who  was  proceeding 
with  a  big  army  from  Khorasan 
towards  Armenia.  Dovin,  Ani,  and  Gaq,  all  the  region  as  far  as  Gandzak, 
fell  into  his  hands,  whilst  Djelal-ed-Din,  the  sultan  of  Kharesm,  who  had 
been  driven  from  his  realm  and  was  fleeing  from  the  Mongols,  invaded 
northern  Armenia  and  Georgia.  Pursued  by  the  Tartars,  this  ruler  was 
slain  (1231)  and  his  troops  absorbed  into  the  Mongol  army  which  camped 
in  every  valley.  The  Georgians  retreated  into  the  mountains  of  the 
Caucasus  and  the  Armenians  into  the  massifs  of  Gougarq  and  the  Gheut- 
tchai.    Mango-Khan,  Arghoun-Khan,  Ghazan-Khan,  and  the  other  Mogul 


COIN  OF  DJELAL-ED-DIN 

SULTAN  OF  KHARESM 


COIN   OF  DAVID  COIN  OF  ARGHOUN-KHAN  COIN  OF  GHAZAN-KHAN  and 
V   SOLSAN            AND   DEMETRIUS  II   OF  WAKHTANG    III 

(Georgia)  GEORGIA  (Georgia)    (1301-1307       . 

(1243.1269)  (1273-1289) 


(2)  In  1236  they  captured  Mpscow.  Vladimir,  and  Kief,  and  in  1240  they  were 
in  Poland  then  in  Hungary  (1241);  in  1242  they  were  defeated  by  Frederick  IT 
in  JUyThl  ... 


—  279 


chiefs  reigned  over  the  whole  country  until  in  1387  Timur  the  Lame 
(Leng)  captured  Greater  Armenia  and  founded  the  second  Tartar  empire. 

The  name  of  Tamerlane  remained  a  frightful  one  in  the  memory  of 
the  Armenians.  This  chief  overran  the  land  spreading  death  and  destruc- 
tion everywhere.  In  Siuniq,  Airarat,  Vaspurakan,  and  Turuberan,  blood 
flowed  in  rivers.  At  Van  all  the  inhabitants  were  thrown  from  the  cliffs, 
and  at  Sivas  the  whole  population  was  slaughtered  and  four  thousand 
soldiers  buried  alive,  while  the  victors'  horsemen  trampled  the  children 
to  death.  These  horrors  went  on  until  Tamerlane  died,  when  Armenia 
fell  a  prey  first  to  the  Turcoman  tribes  of  the  Black  Sheep,  and  then  to 
those  of  the  White  Sheep  whose  chief,  Ouzoun-Hassan,  proclaimed  him- 
self Sultan  of  Persia  in  1468. 

The  ambition  of  these  barbarian  princes  was  unbridled.  Not  satis- 
fied with  reigning  over  the  whole  Iranian  tableland  and  over  Transcau- 
casia and  Armenia,  Ouzoun-Hassan  sought  to  expand  his  possessions 
still  further  at  the  expense  of  Mahomet  II   (1440-1481),  the  conqueror 


COIN  OF  BAGRAT  V, 
KING  OF  GEORGIA 

(1360-1395) 


COIN  OF  GIORGI  VIII 
KING  OF  GEORGIA 

(1452-1469) 


of  Constantinople  and  Trebizond.  It  was  to  his  cost,  for  he  was  defeated, 
and  had  to  give  up  Armenia  (1473)  which  thus  fell  for  the  first  time  into 
Ottoman  hands. 

Just  as  in  ancient  times,  this  unhappy 
country  again  became  the  battlefield  of  rival 
empires.  Forty-one  years  later,  in  1514,  the 
founder  and  first  king  of  the  Sefevis  dynasty 
in  Persia,  Shah  Ismail  I  (1501-1523)  marched 
against  the  Turks,  but  he  was  defeated  on  the 
plain  of  Chaldiran  by  Sultan  Selim  I  (1512- 
1520),  the  latter  seizing  all  western  and  south- 
ern Armenia  as  far  as  Lake  Urumiah.  Sulei- 
man I  (1520-1566)  likewise  took  eastern  Armenia  from  the  Persians,  and 


GEORGIAN  COIN 
(UNCERTAIN) 
(14th  Century) 


—  280 


Muiad  III  (1573-1595)  obliged  Abbas  I  (1585-1628)  to  surrender  to 
him  by  treaty  not  only  the  whole  of  Armenia,  but  also  Georgia  and  a 
part  of  Azerbaidjan  including  its  capital,  Tabriz.   (1585)    (1) 

Turkish  government  inaugurated  for  Armenia  a  re- 

PERSIAN         gime  of  unbearable  oppression  and  extortion  for  the  in- 

RULE  habitants,  the  leaders  of  whom,  preferring  Persian  rule  to 

that  of  the  Osmanlis,  sent  a  deputation  to  Shah  Abbas  I 

begging  him  to  Intervene  and  resume  possession  of  the  Ararat  regions. 

Although  they  had  become  Mohammedans,  the  Persians  neverthe- 
less belonged  to  an  ancient  race  which  for  centuries  had  headed  Eastern 
civilization.  The  precepts  of  Zoroaster  had  softened  their  manners  and 
given  them  ideas  of  justice  that  were  unknown  to  Mongol,  Turcoman,  or 
Turk,  They  were  therefore  more  tolerant  to  the  Christians  than  the 
Ottomans. 

Shah  Abbas  seized  the  opportunity  offered  him  to  avenge  himself 
of  the  defeats  inflicted  on  Persia  by  the  Turks  since  the  days  of  Mahomet 
II.  He  invaded  Azerbaidjan  with  a  large  army,  seized  the  province  of 
Ararat,  and  was  pushing  on  his  conquests  when  Sultan  Ahmed  I  (1603- 
1617)  who  had  just  ascended  the  throne  sent  against  him  General  SInan 
Pasha  Djighale-Zade.  Abbas  did  not  feel  he  was  a  match  for  his  op- 
ponent, and  had  to  abandon  Armenia,  but  In  his  retreat  he  left  a  wilder- 
ness behind  him.  so  as  to  abandon  to  the  Turks  only  a  worthless  country 
and  took  away  colonies  of  industrious  people  to  settle  within  his  own 
dominions.  Towns,  villages,  churches,  monasteries,  all  were  burned  and 
reduced  to  ruins,  and  the  whole  population  deported  to  Persia.  These 
orders  were  carried  out  with  Inconceivable  cruelty.  Those  Inhabitants 
who  refused  to  leave  their  ancestral  homes  were  beaten  and  often  killed. 
Finally  endless  caravans  left  for  the  direction  of  the  Araxes,  where  the 
guards  forced  the  exiles  to  swim  across  the  river.  Many  of  the  unfor- 
tunates were  drowned  In  the  rapid  stream. 

The  deportees  then  proceeded  across  Azerbaidjan  and  Kurdistan 
to  Isfahan,  where  the  king  founded  (1605),  under  the  name  of  New  Julfa, 
a  suburb  of  his  capital  which  Is  still  inhabited  solely  by  Christian  Ar- 
menians. Shah  Abbas  showed  himself  well  disposed  towards  the  exiles, 
and  any  ill-treatment  the  poor  people  suffered  during  their  migration  was 


(J)   Cf.  KEVORK  ASLAN.  UArmenie  et  les  Armeniens,  1914,  chap.  VT  &  VII- 
K    J.  BASMIDJIAN,  Histoire  moderne  des  Armeniens,  p.  18  sq. 

—  281  — 


certainly  not  authorized  by  him,  for  as  soon  as  Julfa-Isfahan--  was 
founded,  he  proclaimed  freedom  of  religion  throughout  his  dominions. 
He  often  attended  religious  ceremonies  on  Christian  holidays,  and  always 
punished  severely  any  of  his  subjects  who  insulted  or  molestd  the  Chris- 
tians. Unfortunately  the  successors  of  this  generous  ruler  did  not  main- 
tain his  policy  of  tolerance,  and  under  the  influence  of  the  Moslem  clergy 
who  were  almost  all  Arabs,  they  emulated  the  Turks  in  their  cruelty  to 
the  Armenians, 

During  this  time  war  continued  between  the  Persians  and  the' Otto- 
mans for  the  possession  of  the  northern  provinces,  with  varying  results. 
Finally  (1620)  the  Turks  had  to  relinquish  all  eastern  Armenia  indiiding 
Etchmiadzin  to  the  Shah.  The  Sultan  had  his  hands  too  full  with  the.  wars 
in  Europe  to  be  able  to  maintain  his  claims  to  eastern  regions  where  it 
was  so  difficult  to  collect  the  taxes. 

Shah  Abbas  adopted  a  wise  and  far-sighted  policy  in  his  new  prov- 
inces, the  government  of  which  he  entrusted  to  Armenian  nobles  who 
under  the  title  of  Meliks  enjoyed  considerable  independence  and  as  His 
administrators  served  him  faithfully.  Under  Abbas'  successors,  however, 
oppression  and  violence  began  again,  and  the  Armenians  considered  the 
possibility  of  throwing  off  the  Moslem  tyranny. 

In   1678  the  Catholicos   Hakob   IV  secretly 

THE   ARMENIANS     called  together  at  Etchmiadzin  the  chief  Armenian 

APPEAL  TO  nobles,  a  dozen  at  most,  and  proposed  to  them 

EUROPE.  that  they  accept  the  supremacy  of  the  Pope  and 

ORI  appeal  to  the  western  Powers  to  obtain  autonomy 

for  Armenia.     They  would  in  fact  revert  to  the 

negotiations  undertaken  of  old  by  the  kings  of  New  Armenia. 

Following  this  secret  meeting,  a  delegation  set  out.  The  Catholicos 
was  to  go  first  to  Rome,  but  he  died  on  the  way  at  Constantinople,'  and 
the  discouraged  delegates  made  a  halt.  One  young  man  alone,  aged  19, 
named  Ori,  departed  hoping  to  succeed  by  himself  in  the  difficult  mis- 
sion. He  reached  France  by  way  of  Venice,  enrolled  in  the  army  of 
Louis  XIV,  and  was  captured  by  the  English.  On  his  liberation  he  went 
to  Germany  where  he  obtained  assistance  from  Prince  Johann-Wilhelm 
of  the  Palatinate  to  whom  he  promised  the  Armenian  crown. 

Ori  returned  to  his  country  (1699)  to  prepare  the  revolution  that  was 
to  win  independence.  The  new  Catholicos  Nahapet  I  (1696-1705),  how- 
ever, was  opposed  to  the  union  of  the  Armenian  church  with  that  of  Rome, 

—  282  — 


and:  so  was  the  Patriarch  of  the  Aghouans,  Simeon  IV  (1675-1701).  The 
nobles  chose  therefore  the  Superior  of  the  Monastery  of  St.  James,  Minas 
Tigranian,  who  left  together  with  Ori,  bearing  a  letter  addressed  to  Pope 
Innocent  XII  (1691-1700). 

After  visiting  the  Holy  Father,  Ori  and  Minas  went  to  see  Prince 
Johann-Wilhelm,  who  sent  them  to  Emperor  Leopold  I  (1658-1705).  The 
latter  realized,  however,  that  he  could  do  nothing  for  Armenia  without 
the  help  of  Russia,  and  advised  the  delegates  to  apply  to  Peter  the  Great. 
The  Czar  promised  them  his  assistance  and  at  the  same  time  sent  a  mis- 
sion to  Armenia.  The  Catholicos  Nahapet  I  had  died,  and  his  successor 
Essai  (1702-1728)  was  willing  to  accept  the  Pope.  All  that  was  neces- 
sary was  for  Russia  to  act,  but  time  dragged  on.  Ori  returned  to  Vienna, 
went  to  Dusseldorf,  and  then  in  1706  we  find  him  again  in  Russia  where 
Peter  the  Great  entrusted  him  with  a  mission  to  the  Shah.  The  Persians, 
finally  informed  of  what  was  going  on  in  Armenia,  treated  him  very  po- 
litely but  refused  to  listen  to  him,  and  he  withdrew  to  Astrakhan  where 
he  died  (1711). 

Peter  the  Great  in  1722  despatched  an  ex- 

PETER  THE  pedition  against  Persia,  and  seized  Derbend.    The 

GREAT  troops  also  besieged  Chemakhi.    The  Armenians 

AND  CATHERINE      were  convinced  that  their  hopes  were  about  to 

be  realized,  when  the  Czar  called  back  his  army, 

signed  a  peace  with  the  Persians,  and  the  following  year  gave  up  Georgia 

and  Qara-bagh  to  the  Turks,  advising  the  Armenians  to  emigrate  to  the 

territory  of  his  Empire. 

Abandoned  by  Russia,  the  Meliks  resorted  to  force.  The  whole  Qara- 
bagh  district  rose  up  under  David-Beg  who  had  for  several  years  already 
been  holding  out  in  the  mountains.  The  insurgents  met  with  some  suc- 
cess, but  upon  the  Turkish  army  intervening,  David  came  to  terms  with 
Shah  Thamaz  (1722-1732).  Qara-bagh  being  recently  restored  to  Persia, 
the  Shah  made  him  governor  of  that  province, 

David  died,  and  the  Armenians  quarreled  as  to  his  successor.  The 
Turks  seized  the  opportunity  to  reconquer  Qara-bagh.  Mekhithar,  Da- 
vid's lieutenant,  was  assassinated  by  his  fellow-countrymen  (1730),  put- 
ting an  end  to  the  Meliks'  endeavors  to  restore  independence  to  Armenia. 

This  odyssey  of  Ori  through  Europe  and  Persia,  these  religious  dis- 
putes, and  struggles  of  a  handful  of  men  against  armies  of  great  powers, 
also  Peter  the  Great's  forsaking  of  the  Armenians  after  his  splendid  prom- 

—  283  — 


jses,  all  remind  us  of  the  vain  hopes  of  Greater  Armenia  in  the  Middle 
Ages,  and  of  the  New  Armenia  of  the  Rupen  and  Lusignan  dynasties. 
The  names  are  no  longer  those  of  the  13th  century,  but  the  steps  taken 
and  the  resultant  events  are  no  different. 

Russia  took  no  further  interest  for  the  time  in  the  mountains  of  the 
Lesser  Caucasus,  and  the  Turks  therefore  seized  the  opportunity  to  declare 
war  on  the  Shah  of  Persia  for  their  possession.  Erivan  and  Nak- 
hitchevan  were  taken  by  the  Ottomans,  whose  army  marched  on  to  Ta- 
briz. The  rivalry  going  on  between  Prince  Ashraf  and  Thamaz  II  was 
helpful  to  the  enemy,  and  Ashraf  ratified  the  Sultan's  occupation  of  his 
newly  seized  territory.  The  prince  was,  however,  defeated  by  his  rival, 
and  captured  and  beheaded.  Thereupon  the  war  started  afresh,  but  the 
Shah  lost  the  battle  to  the  Turks  near  Hamadan  and  was  obliged  to  sign 
a  peace  treaty  giving  up  the  provinces  of  Tiflis,  Erivan,  and  Chemakhi, 
and  accepting  the  Araxes  river  as  his  boundry. 

This  grievous  treaty  resulted  in  the  overthrow  of  Thamaz  who  was 
dethroned  by  his  general.  Nadir,  (1732)  to  make  way  for  one  of  his 
children,  Abbas  III.  Nadir  was  thus  able  to  take  over  the  government, 
and  resume  the  fight  with  Turkey.  A  great  battle  took  place  on  the 
banks  of  the  Arpa-tchai,  and  the  victorious  general  recovered  the  Trans- 
caucasian  provinces  surrendered  by  Thamaz. 

The  Turcoman  Nadir  then  usurped  the  throne  outright  and  proclaimed 
himself  Shah  of  Persia  (1736-1747).  He  made  it  his  first  business  to 
grant  the  Armenians,  who  had  helped  him  into  power,  the  freedom  they 
had  formerly  enjoyed  under  Abbas  I.  War  with  the  Ottomans  still  went 
on  in  Armenia,  however,  and  in  1743  Nadir  Shah  invaded  Turkish  ter- 
ritory as  far  as  Kars.  There  he  had  to  retreat,  and  a  battle  with  the 
Sultan's  army  ensued  below  Erivan.  He  won  the  day,  but  it  was  Armenia 
again  that  was  the  unhappy  battlefield.  Ruins  were  heaped  on  ruins, 
the  countryside  became  a  wilderness,  and  the  people  weary  of  so  much 


COINS  OF  EREKLE  II,  KING  OF  GEORGIA 

—  284  — 


suflFering  and  ceaseless  danger  gradually  left  their  homeland  to  seek  in 
other  countries  the  liberty  denied  them  on  their  ancestral  soil. 

Notwithstanding  their  misfortunes,  the  yearning  for  freedom  was 
not  stamped  out  among  them;  demands  for  independence  went  up  from 
the  Armenian  colonies  abroad,  and  advances  were  made  to  Erekle  II, 
King  of  Georgia  (1737-1797)  with  a  view  to  forming  an  all-inclusive 
State  of  Transcaucasia.  To  further  this  end,  however  the  Meliks  needed 
the  support  of  Russia,  then  ruled  by  Catherine  the  Great. 

War  broke  out  between  Russia  and  Persia  in  1768,  and  it  suited  the 
policy  of  the  Empress  to  stir  up  a  revolt  of  the  Christians  in  the  Shah's 
northern  provinces.  Catherine  encouraged  the  idea  of  Armenian  inde- 
pendence, and  Grigoriy  Alexandrovitch  Potemkine,  an  ardent  friend  of 
that  country,  had  even  agreed  to  accept  the  crown  of  the  new  kingdom  to 
be.  Heartened  by  these  favorable  beginnings,  the  Armenians  under  the 
leadership  of  a  few  of  their  nobles  and  of  the  Catholici  of  Etchmiadzin 
and  the  Aghouans,  were  preparing  for  a  general  uprising  when  Ibrahim- 
Khan,  the  Persian  governor  of  the  Transcaucasian  regions,  had  the  con- 
spirators arrested.  The  Catholicos  of  Gandzassar,  Hovhannes  X,  died  of 
poison  in  prison  (1786)  while  the  other  Armenian  chiefs  were  kept  in 
chains. 

A  dispute  which  broke  out  between  the  two  Persian  governors  Ibra- 
him and  Djavad-Khan,  concerning  the  Armenians  under  the  latter's  pro- 
tection, brought  about  a  war  between  these  Tartar  chiefs,  causing  further 
bloodshed  in  Eastern  Armenia.  Ever  since  the  seizure  of  the  Persian 
crown  by  the  Turcoman  Khadjars,  unhappy  Iran  had  been  torn  by  rivalry 
and  anarchy,  and  was  rapidly  verging  on  ruin.    Throughout  the  provinces 

it  was  one  series  of  revolts,  and  the  eunuch 

CONQUEST  Agha  Mohammed-Khan  availed  himself  of 

OF  UPPER  ARMENIA       the  upheaval  to  seize  the  throne  for  himself 

BY  RUSSIA  (1794-1797).    Upon  Ibrahim-Khan's  refusal 

to  acknowledge  him  as  Shah,  the  new  mon- 
arch invaded  the  Qara-bagh  (1796),  captured  Choucha  where  he  put  the 
inhabitants  to  the  sword,  and  punished  with  terrible  severity  the  Ar- 
menians who  had  actively  taken  the  side  of  the  Tartars  against  him.  The 
Russians  intervened,  however,  and  within  a  few  weeks  drove  the  Persians 
beyond  the  Araxes.  Derbend,  Baku,  Couba,  Gandzak,  Chemakhi,  and 
Choucha  remained  in  their  hands  and  have  belonged  to  the  Czar's  em- 

—  285  — 


'Ns. 


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^    "  '  \  ^HouUis     1797 

°^^  ^t^o        i       1797.^ 


i^hirpou^ 


^M'^^f^h    <^? 


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Oii3rid/<ir 


':r>: 


'o 


\ 


'4^ 


TurhmcntCiji' 


^{/>7jra'tit 


oiVasso:// 


RUSSIA'S   ADVANCES   INTO    ARMENIA    (1797-1916) 


pire  ever  since.  (1797).  The  Qara-bagh  district  did  not  gain  independence, 
it  is  true,  but  it  was  thereafter  administered  by  Christian  governors  and 
forever  rescued  from  Moslem  persecution. 

By  the  treaty  of  Ghulistan,  signed  in  1813  between  Persia  and  Russia, 
the  Czar  was  given  all  Transcaucasia,  and  the  Shah  relinquished  all  claim 
to  the  Khanates  of  Qara-bagh,  Gandzak,  Shaki,  Shirvan,  Derbend,  and 
Baku,  likewise  to  Daghestan,  Talysh,  Georgia,  Imeritia,  Guria,  MIngrelia, 
and  Abkhasia  to  most  of  which  regions  Persia  had  no  right  anyhow. 
King  Erekle  of  Georgia  having  bestowed  on  the  Czar  his  sovereign  rights. 

Nevertheless  Abbas-Mirza,  the 
eldest  son  of  Shah  Fath-Ali,  secretly 
arranged  for  an  uprising  of  all  the 
Moslems  of  Transcaucasia,  and  in 
1826,  when  he  thought  the  time  was 
ripe,  he  invaded  with  a  large  army  the 
provinces  that  had  been  surrendered 
by  the  treaty  of  Ghulistan.  The  Rus- 
sians thereupon  despatched  a  number 
of  armed  forces  to  Caucasia,  and  cal- 


RUSSIAN   COIN    OF   GEORGIA 


286  — 


ling" on  the  Christians  received  the  help  of  the  Georgians  and  Armenians 
under'General  Madatoff,  an  Armenian  of  Qara-bagh, 

Abbas-Mirba's  army  was  easily  driven  off  and  the  city  of  Tabriz  in 
Azerbaidjan  surrendered  unconditionally  to  the  "mules  of  the  Russian 
army.^'  By  the  treaty  of  Turkmen-tchai  1828,  Persia  gave  up  the  Khan- 
ates of  Erivan  and  Nakhitchevan,  their  sole  remaining  possessions  on 
the  left  bank  of  the  Araxes.  This  resulted  in  delivering  from  Moslem  rule 
the  ''Rome  of  the  Armenians,"  Etchmiadzin,  the  residence  of  the  Catholicos 
Nerses  of  Ashharac  who  as  the  leader  of  his  Armenians  had  given  the 
Russians  his  support.  There  was  some  question  then  of  forming  an 
autonomous  "Russian  Armenian  province"  under  the  Czar's  suzerainty, 
but  this  plan  was  abandoned  by  Paskievitch,  the  viceroy  of  the  Caucasus. 

The  war  with  the  Persians  was  hardly  over  when  Russia  was  obliged 
to  take  the  field  against  the  Turks.  Fighting  took  place  mostly  in  Min- 
grelia  and  the  north-west  provinces  of  Armenia. 

Ever  since  the  Turks  occupied  the  southern  and  western  parts  of 
Armenia,  the  Ottoman  yoke  had  weighed  so  heavily  on  the  Christians  of 
those  regions  and  any  inclination  to  revolt  had  been  so  pitilessly  repressed, 
that  the  Armenians  bowed  their  necks  and  suffered  outrageous  persecution 
in  utter  helplessness.  With  their  lives  and  property  under  constant  threat 
from  their  terrible  neighbors,  the  Kurdish  tribesmen  hardly  acknow- 
ledging the  Sultan's  rule, — crushed  by  the  heavy  taxation  of  the  Ottoman 
officials,  and  watched  with  relentless  cruelty — these  unfortunate  people 
had  no  means  of  concerted  action  towards  relieving  their  woes.  The  Rus- 
sian' armies'  entry  into  battle  aroused  in  those  mountains  Indescribable 
enthusiasm,  of  which  the  Czar's  generals  skillfully  availed  themselves 
and  rallied  the  Christians  against  their  enemies.  Paskievitch  command- 
ing the  army  of  the  East  seized  Kars,  Akhalkalakll,  Akhaltslkhe,  Bayazld, 
Diadine,  Alashkert,  Hassan-Qal'a,  Erzerum,  Khinis,  and  Baiburt.  Al- 
most all  of  Armenia  was  conquered,  and  all  that  remained  to  the  Turks 
were  Van,  Bitlis,  Mouch,  and  Erzindjan,  that  Is,  the  south  and  west  of 
the  Erzerum  plateau.  In  Europe  also  the  Russian  ar- 
TREATY  OF  mles  were  equally  victorious  and  were  threatening  Con- 
ADRIANOPLE  stantlnople.  The  Western  Powers,  however,  opposed 
the  subordination  of  the  Ottoman  Empire,  and  by  the 
treaty  of  Adrlanople  (1829)  Russia  was  allowed  to  keep  only  the  prov- 
inces of  Anapa,  Potkl,  Akhalkalaki  and  Akhaltslkhe,  and  had  to  restore 
to  Turkey  the  greater  part  of  her  Eastern  conquests. 

—  287  — 


The  Armenians  were  cruelly  disappointed.  They  had  generously 
compromised  themselves  on  Russia's  behalf,  and  now  were  thrown  back 
again  into  their  former  servitude  to  masters  who  would  certainly  not 
forgive  their  devotion  to  the  Russians.  They  emigrated  in  a  body  to 
Alexandropol,  Akhalkalaki,  and  Akhaltsikhe.  Ninety  thousand  people 
forsook  the  villages  restored  to  the  Turks;  forty  thousand  had  left  the 
Persian  provinces  a  few  years  before.  Pitiful  indeed  was  the  lamentable 
exodus  of  destitute  families,  more  than  one  half  of  whom  died  on  the 
way  of  fatigue,  exhaustion,  and  hunger.  The  Russian  government,  more- 
over, did  not  manifest  much  charity  for  these  poor  people.  With  the 
civilization  they  inherited  from  the  Byzantines,  the  Russians  absorbed  the 
religious  aversions  of  their  teachers,  and  as  Orthodox  Christians  they 
despised  very  much  the  Gregorian  Armenians.  The  Greeks'  dislike  for 
all  who  did  not  believe  as  they  did  was  passed  on  with  its  violent  fanati- 
cism to  the  eastern  Slavs. 

War  did  not  start  again  with  Turkey  in  Armenia  until  1877,  for 
at  the  time  of  the  Crimean  struggle  all  the  fighting  took  place  in  Europe, 
and  Transcaucasia  remained  entirely  outside  of  that  conflict.  The  treaty 
of  San  Stefano  signed  in  1878  at  the  gates  of  Constantinople  gave  to 
Russia  Batum,  Adjara,  Artvin,  Olti,  Ardahan,  Kars,  Ani,  and  Kaghzian, 
but  the  Czar's  troops  once  again  handed  back  to  the  Sultan  the  cities  of 
Erzerum  and  Bayazid  to  the  despair  of  the  Armenian  generals.  Prince 
Madatoff,  Ter-GhoukassoflF,  and  H,  Alkhazoff,  who  had  been  hoping  to 
save  their  fellow-countrymen  at  last  from  the  Turkish  yoke. 

Realizing  that  they  were  condemned  to  remain  Ottoman  subjects, 
the  Armenians  of  Turkey  had  for  years  petitioned  the  Sublime  Porte 
for  reforms  in  their  behalf.  The  Sultan  did  not  refuse  point- 
blank,  but  he  nevertheless  saw  to  it  that  there  should  be  no  improvement 
in  the  lot  of  the  Christians  within  his  dominions.  In  1841  a  Council 
had  been  created,  composed  of  twenty-seven  members  chosen  from  modest 
Armenian  middle  classes.  This  Council  had  to  function  outside  of  the 
Patriarch's  jurisdiction,  which  had  been  over  the  affairs  of  the  commu- 
nity ever  since  the  nation  lost  its  independence.  Such  a  step  only  re- 
sulted in  confusion  for  the  Armenians.  In  1875  they  sought  to  induce 
the  Sultan  to  give  his  approval  to  a  national  Armenian  Constitution  "in 
contradiction  of  the  very  principles  of  the  Turkish  Government,"  but  "a 
State  cannot  exist  within  another  State,"  especially  in  Turkey.  In  1860 
a  new  attempt  was  made,  but  disagreement  occurred  among  the  Armen- 
ians  involved,    and    the    Ottoman   Government   took   advantage   of   the 

—  288  — 


dissensions  to  intervene  and  dissolve  the  commissions.  This  resulted  in 
1862  in  disturbances,  and  finally  in  1863  to  satisfy  the  Armenian  people 
the  Sultan  ratified  a  constitution  which  to  the  present  time  has  vested  the 
management  of  afi'airs  with  the  Patriarchate,  and  the  statutes  of  which 
are  incorporated  in  the  Compendium  of  Laws  (Destour)  of  the  Otto- 
man Empire.  It  was  a  first  step  in  the  right  direction,  but  the  Porte 
continued  none  the  less  to  treat  the  Armenians  as  slaves;  to  have  granted 
them  bona  fide  freedom  would  have  incited  all  the  other  Christians  to 
set  forth  their  claims,  and  would  have  deprived  the  Moslems  of  their 
supremacy,  the  very  basis  of  the  Sultan's  Empire. 

"Mahometan  rulers  from  the  very  beginning  have  always  avoided 
"any  footing  of  equality  with  Christianity.  Their  appeal  is  to  the  sword, 
"not  to  reason.  Fearful  of  equality,  they  have  always  disarmed  the 
"Christians,  and  denied  them  equal  rights,  any  right  whatever,  one  might 
"say,  before  the  law.  Every  time  that  the  Christians,  even  helpless  as 
"they  were,  showed  any  disproportionate  excess  of  population  above 
"that  of  the  Moslems,  or  any  undue  superiority  in  education  or  well-being, 
"the  Moslem  rulers  repeated  the  policy  of  the  Pharaohs  with  the  enslaved 
"Israelites  and  cut  down  their  numbers  by  the  methods  they  employed 
"in  Bulgaria  in  1876  and  at  Sassoun  in  Armenia  in  1894,  followed  by 
"crushing  and  crippling  taxation  levied  on  the  survivors.  (1)" 

"After  the  massacres  of  the  Greeks  in  Constantinople  in  1821  and 
"on  the  island  of  Chios  in  1822,  Europe  demanded  from  Mahmoud  II 
"[1808-1839]  a  formal  promise  of  reforms  in  Turkey.  To  avoid  European 
"intervention,  Abdul-Medjid  [1839-1861],  Mahmoud's  son,  proclaimed 
"on  his  accession,  by  a  decree  known  in  history  as  Hatti-Sherif  of  Gulhane, 
"the  required  reformatory  measures  (Tanzimat).  But  their  'solemn 
"proclamation  remained  a  dead  letter!  In  1843  a  Christian  of  Constan- 
"tinople,  named  Hovakim,  who  had  four  years  previously  become  a  Mos- 
"lem,  sought  to  return  to  the  religion  of  his  birth.  The  unfortunate  man 
"was  hanged  notwithstanding  the  intervention  and  protests  of  Lord  Can- 
"ning,  the  British  Ambassador. 

"In  1845  the  first  massacres  began  in  Lebanon.  Europe  managed 
"to  extract  from  the  Sultan  a  fresh  promise  of  reforms,  and  the  Hatti- 
"Humayoun  was  promulgated  in  1856  confirming  the  previous  ones  of 
"1839.  Events  only  showed  the  Porte's  insincerity  about  applying  any 
"reforms,  for  in  1858  there  were  new  massacres  at  Jeddah  and  also  in 


(1)   COLL.  MALCOLM,  VArmenie  devant  TEurope,  p.  44,  Paris  1897. 

—  289  — 


"Syria  and  the  Lebanon.    In  1860  during  the  reign  of  Abdul- Aziz  (1861- 
"1876)  there  occurred  the  events  of  Zeitoun.  (2)" 

"The  Armenians  of  Zeitoun  (3)  form  a  confederation 
ZEITOUN  "very  much  in  the  same  position  to  the  Turks  as  the  Mon- 
'tenegrins.  Sheltered  among  inaccessible  mountains,  they 
"have  always  lived  beyond  the  Sultan's  authority.  They  have  never  been 
"conquered  and  ask  only  that  the  Ottoman  Government  respect  their 
"independence,  even  if  only  on  the  grounds  of  their  political  ownership  of 
"their  lands.  (4)" 

At  that  time  the  Turks  had  still  utter  contempt  for  their  Armenian 
rayahs,  and  had  no  notion  that  one  day  the  nation  might  become  a 
nuisance  to  the  Government.  They  considered  moreover  that  a  con- 
stitution without  any  teeth  to  it  would  never  be  anything  more  than  a 
harmless  toy,  "a  square  wheel"  as  one  of  the  Porte's  statesmen  called  it 
at  the  time.  But  to  the  Armenian  people,  clinging  to  this  figment  of  liberty 
it  was  a  means  of  advancement,  a  basis  for  national  recovery.  One  of 
the  most  active  promoters  of  this  movement  was  Kricor  Odian,  a  coun- 
sellor of  Midhat  Pasha,  who  tried  to  induce  his  chief  to  give  constitu- 
tional government  to  the  whole  Ottoman  Empire.  It  was  a  vain  dream 
on  Odian's  part  to  believe  Turkey  capable  of  any  sincere  movement  for 
reform.  Midhat  followed  his  counsellor's  advice,  however,  at  least  on 
paper,  so  as  to  prevent  European  intervention  in  the  crisis  of  1877.  Mean- 
while the  Armenian  colonies  throughout  Turkey  spread  rapidly;  schools 
were  opened  in  every  city,  and  the  French  and  Americans  were  helping 
them  forward  in  the  various  large  centers  of  the  empire,  so  that  the  Ar- 
menian question  was  assuming  more  importance  every  day. 

"In  some  mountain  regions  forming  natural  strongholds,  such  as 
"Eastern  Armenia,  Qara-bagh,  or  Sunik,  and  in  western  Armenia,  the 
"Sassoun,  Hadjin,  and  especially  the  Zeitoun  districts,  the  Armenians  had 
"continued  to  carry  arms  and  constituted  semi-autonomous  clusters  of 
"population.  The  long  and  glorious  epic  of  Zeitoun  is  well  known.  This 
"little  Armenian  Montenegro,  perched  on  the  heights  of  the  Cilician  Tau- 
"rus,  rose  up  in  arms  under  its  four  barons  more  than  thirty  times  in 
"its  history,  and  always  successfully  resisted  the  Turkish  troops  sent  to 


(2)  K.  J    BASMADJIAN.  op.  laud.,  p  93  sq. 

(3)Cf.  ANATOLIO  LATINO,  Gli  Armeni  e  Zeitun  (2  vol.)  AGASSI,  ZEITOUN 
Transl.  TCHOBANIAN. 

(4)  Victor  LANGLOIS,  Les  Armeniens  de  la  Turquie  et  les  massacres  du  Taurus, 
p.  4,  Paris,  1863. 

—  290  — 


"besiege  it.  In  1867  Sultan  Abdul-Aziz  decided  to  send  an  army  of 
"150,000  men  to  destroy  Zeitoun  with  its  mere  20,000  inhabitants. (1)'' 
Abdul-Aziz  was  then  a  guest  at  the  Tuileries,  and  Napoleon  III  per- 
suaded the  Sultan  to  countermand  the  expedition.  Fear  of  the  Armenians, 
added  to  their  hatred  for  the  Christians,  was  gaining  ground  continually 
in  the  minds  of  the  Turks,  and  even  the  friendly  intervention  of  a  ruler 
who  had  saved  the  Ottoman  Empire  in  1854-55,  was  a  deep  humiliation 
for  the  Court  on  the  Bosphorus.  The  interference  with  Turkey's  internal 
affairs,  and  the  interest  of  Napoleon  III  in  the  fate  of  contemptible  rayahs, 
caused  the  Sublime  Porte  to  apprehend  the  day  when  the  western  world 
might  say  to  Mahomet  II's  successor:  "In  humanity's  name,  you  are  no 
"longer  master  in  your  own  house."  Was  not  the  French  Syrian  expe- 
dition of  1864  a  warning? 

Europe  was  stirred  by  the  Christians'  forthcoming  lot  under  the 
Turks,  and  far  from  succeeding  in  appeasing  Constantinople's  anger  by 
its  remonstrances,  it  only  added  to  it.  The  Turks  were  not  only  afraid  of 
their  serfs  escaping  out  of  their  hands,  but  they  feared  also  the  inter- 
vention of  the  Powers.  Throughout  the  Empire  harsher  treatment  than 
ever  was  inflicted  on  the  unbelievers.  Two  provinces,  Bosnia  and  Herze- 
govina, revolted  in  1875  and  1876,  and  in  December  of  the  latter  year 
Lord  Salisbury  presented  the  Imperial  Government  with  a  Memorandum 
relating  to  Armenia  which  subsequently  became  the  basis  of  The  Armenian 
Question.  The  Russo-Turklsh  war  was  about  to  break  out,  and  as  a 
precaution  against  events  that  threatened  to  turn  out  ill  for  the  Ottomans 
and  in  order  to  draw  to  his  side  the  Christians  on  his  Asiatic  frontiers 
with  Russia,  the  Sultan  encouraged  the  Armenians  to  ask  for  a  measure 
of  home-rule  in  the  provinces  they  lived  in,  retaining  his  suzerainty  of 
those  vilayets,  (November  1877).  The  Porte  seemed  agreeable  to  this 
concession  but  the  arrival  of  the  British  fleet  removed  the  fears  of  the 
Turkish  court  and  the  Sultan  reconsidered  the  proposition  which  after 
all  had  been  only  dictated  by  fear. 

TREATY  At  the  time  of  the  treaty  of  San  Stefano 

OF  SAN  STEFANO        (July  10th,  1878),  the  Russian  plenipotentiaries 

presented  a  Note  concerning  Armenia  which  had 
been  drawn  up  at  the  request  of  the  Armenians  themselves.    The  Turkish 


(DA.  TCHOBANIAN,  op.  laud.,  p.  23. 

—  291  — 


representatives  rejected  this  request  and  in  the  final  draft  of  Art.  16  (1)  of 
the  Treaty,  the  formula  "administrative  autonomy"  was  replaced  by  the 
words  "reforms  and  improvements".  Armenia  was  to  be  occupied  by 
Russian  troops  to  guarantee  the  latter,  but  at  the  Berlin  Congress  the 
Sultan  succeeded  in  having  this  guarantee  clause  omitted.  (2)  The  Ar- 
menians then,  at  the  Ottoman  Government's  instigation,  asked  the  Con- 
gress for  Administrative  Autonomy,  whereupon  the  German  diplomats 
in  connivance  with  the  Sultan  arranged  for  the  non-consideration  of  the 
request.  Not  only  was  all  hope  lost  for  the  Armenians,  but  their  desires 
they  had  expressed  so  frankly  and  openly,  at  the  suggestion  of  the  Porte 
itself,  created  deep  resentment  among  the  Turks. 

In  the  treaty  of  San  Stefano,  Russia  was  of  course 
CONGRESS  serving  her  own  interests,  but  those  interests  did  conform 
OF  BERLIN  to  justice  and  humanity  and  to  the  aspirations  of  the 
Christian  peoples  under  Turkish  rule.  The  Czar's  dele- 
gates signed  a  notably  fine  historical  document,  a  step  towards  the  dis- 
memberment of  the  Moslem  empire  which  had  shamed  the  face  of  Europe 
for  so  many  hundred  years.  It  settled  the  Eastern  question  to  the  Czar*s 
advantage.  But  Great  Britain,  following  a  Turcophile  policy,  and  the 
Dual  Monarchy  (Austria-Hungary)  which  since  its  defeat  at  Sadowa 
had  adopted  a  new  Eastern  policy,  were  both  displeased  at  the  idea  of 
the  Czar's  supremacy  in  the  Balkans,  and  imposed  on  Russia  the  Congress 
of  Berlin,  where  Prince  Bismarck,  the  dominant  figure,  who  had  little 
use  for  the  Eastern  question,  made  his  own  general  political  views  para- 
mount. As  a  consequence  of  the  Treaty  of  Berlin,  Russia  lost  the  fruits 
of  her  victory,  and  paved  the  way  for  the  Franco-Russian  alliance,  while 
throwing  Austria  into  the  arms  of  Germany  and  removing  the  barrier 
just  put  up  by  the  Czar  in  the  Balkans. 


(1)  Art.  16  of  the  Treaty  of  San  Stefano  proposed  by  Russia: 

Inasmuch  as  the  evacuation  by  the  Russian  troops  of  the  territories  they  occupy 
in  Armenia  that  are  to  be  restored  to  Turkey  might  give  rise  to  conflicts  and  com- 
plications harmful  to  the  good  relations  of  the  two  countries,  the  Sublime  Porte 
undertakes  to  carry  out  with  further  delay,  the  administrative  autonomy  required 
by  local  needs  in  the  provinces  inhabited  by  Armenians  and  to  guarantee  their 
safety  from  the  Kurds  and  Circassians. 

(2)  Passage  from  the  decisions  of  the  Berlin  Congress  substituted  for  the  text 
proposed  by  Russia: 

The  Sublime  Porte  undertakes  to  carry  out  without  further  delay  the  improve- 
ments and  reforms  required  by  local  needs  in  the  provinces  inhabited  by  the 
Armenians,  and  to  guarantee  their  safety  from  the  Kurds  and  Circassians.  The 
Sublime  Porte  will  periodically  acquaint  the  supervising  Powers  with  the  steps 
taken  to  this  end. 

—  292  — 


All  the  powers  undertook  to  control  the  reforms  that  were  to  be 
made  in  the  Turkish  Empire  in  connection  with  the  Christian  inhabitants, 
and  in  this  manner  the  Armenian  question  ceased  to  be  an  internal  matter, 
and  became  international.  This  internationalism  could  only  make  the 
control  illusive,  and  that  is  just  what  happened. 

On  June  4th,  1878,  a  secret  pact,  called  the  Cyprus 
CYPRUS  Agreement    (1)    because   thereby    Great   Britain   was 

AGREEMENT  given  this  island  by  the  Sultan,  enabled  England  to 
make  use  of  her  right  of  supervising  the  reforms  to 
check  Russian  influence  in  Western  Asia.  At  that  time  the  two  powers, 
the  Lion  and  the  Two-headed  Eagle,  were  watching  each  other  jealously 
on  all  the  frontiers  of  Turkey,  Persia,  and  Afghanistan,  from  the  Black 
Sea  shores  to  the  Pamir  Mountains. 

This  plan  included  not  only  the  Armenians  but  also  all  other  Chris- 
tians in  the  Empire.  Germany  and  Austria,  concealing  their  false  play 
beneath  a  mask  of  generosity,  brought  about  its  failure  by  proposing  in 
its  stead  to  divide  the  six  Armenian  vilayets  and  that  of  Trebizond  into 
two  sectors  each  headed  by  a  European  inspector  appointed  by  the  Otto- 
man government  from  a  list  of  five  candidates  submitted  by  the  Powers. 
Six  months  before  the  beginning  of  the  Great  War,  on  February  8th,  1914, 
the  Sublime  Porte  finally  signed  an  undertaking  along  these  lines,  at  the 
very  same  time  that  Germany,  Austria,  Bulgaria,  and  the  Turks  were 
preparing  to  mobilize,  and  that  Kaiser  Wllhelm  urgently  needed  Turkey's 
help.  A  diplomatic  farce  Indeed,  unfortunately  one  to  be  followed  by 
dramas  still  more  frightful  than  those  preceding  it. 


(1)   The  single  article  of  this  agreement  is  as  follows: 

In  the  event  of  Batum,  Ardahan,  and  Kars,  or  any  one  of  those  places  being 
retained  by  Russia  and  if  any  attempt  should  be  made  at  any  time  by  Russia  to 
seize  any  other  portion  of  the  territories  of  H.I.M.  the  Sultan  in  Asia  as  determined 
by  the  final  peace  treaty,  Gt.  Britain  undertakes  to  join  His  Imperial  Majesty  in 
defending  such  territories  by  force  of  arms; 

In  consideration  of  which,  H.I.M  the  Sultan  promises  Great  Britain  to  intro- 
duce the  necessary  reforms  (to  be  determined  later  by  the  two  powers)  relating 
to  the  proper  administration  and  the  protection  of  the  Christian  and  other  subjects 
of  the  Sublime  Porte  inhabiting  the  territories  in  question;  and  in  order  to  enable 
Britain  to  fulfill  this  undertaking  H.I.M.  the  Sultan  further  consents  to  the  occupation 
and  administration  of  the  island  of  Cyprus  by  Great  Britain. 

—  293  — 


M.  Emile  Doumergue,  in  Foi  et  Vie  (1),  gives  a  very  clear  idea  of 
what  Turkey's  notions  of  reform  were  at  the  beginning  of  the  19th  century. 
He  writes:  "Under  Sultan  Mahmoud  II  (1809-1839)  Turkey  seemed 
"about  to  enter  on  an  era  of  reform.  Abdul-Hamid  I  (1774-1789)  —  not 
"to  be  confused  with  Abdul-Hamid  II,  The  Great  Assassin  —  had  re- 
"ceived  from  Algiers  a  very  beautiful  and  intelligent  slave  whom  he 
"raised  to  the  rank  of  favorite.  She  was  reported  to  be  a  Frenchwoman, 
"Aimee  Dubac  de  Rivery,  who  had  been  captured  by  the  pirates.  Her 
son,  Mahmoud  II,  was  the  first  reformer.  On  June  17th,  1826,  he  de- 
"stroyed  the  Janizaries,  and  on  November  3rd,  1839,  his  son  Abdul-Med- 
"jid  (1839-1861)  promulgated  the  ScherifF-Hati  of  Gulhane,  promising 
"all  his  subjects,  of  whatever  religion,  their  lives  and  honor,  security  of 
"property,  just  taxes,  and  reformatory  laws.  But  the  French  blood  in 
"their  veins  was  not  sufficient  to  carry  these  Sultans  beyond  mere  prom- 
"ises."  Their  undertakings  remained  a  dead  letter,  and  equally  so,  later, 
was  the  Hatti-Medjid  Humayoun  of  February  18th,  1856,  in  which  Sultan 
Medjid  again  promised  his  subject  peoples  every  blessing.  We  merely 
quote  for  the  record  these  sallies  of  benevolent  hypocrisy. 

The  stipulations  of  the  Cyprus  Agreement  and  the  Treaty  of  Berlin 
Itself  regarding  the  protection  of  Christians  In  Turkey  were  not  fulfilled 
in  the  least,  and  the  position  of  the  rayahs,  the  Armenians  especially,  de- 
teriorated further  to  such  an  extent  that  the  situation  in  the  Armenian 
provinces  became  most  alarming.  In  1880  the  six  Powers  delivered  a 
collective  Note  to  the  Sublime  Porte  demanding  the  fulfillment  of  the 
promised  reforms.  The  Note  recapitulated  the  latter,  but  the  Porte  did 
not  even  answer  It,  and  owing  to  European  indifference  the  persecution 
of  the  Armenians  continued.  Everywhere  in  Armenia  they  were  deprived 
of  their  land  and  In  their  despair  they  attempted  several  uprisings.  Then 
there  occurred  the  events  at  Sassoun  (1894)  which  the  Sublime  Porte 
repressed  by  massacres.  These  atrocities  aroused  indignation  in  Europe, 
and  Great  Britain,  France,  and  Russia  called  on  Turkey  to  carry  out  the 
reforms  in  the  Armenian  provinces  which  she  had  undertaken  under  Art. 
61  of  the  Treaty  of  Berlin.  The  three  Powers  even  drew  up  In  1895 
a  Memorandum  and  Draft  of  these  reforms.  The  Porte  accepted  the 
latter  with  a  few  alterations,  but  instead  of  carrying  them  out  ordered 


(1)  lesne  of  April  1-16,  1916. 

—  294  — 


the  general  massacres  that  drenched  all  Armenia  in  blood  (1895-1896)  and 
which  for  horror  surpassed  anything  history  had  yet  recorded.(l) 

At  the  time  of  the  Balkan  war  of  1912,  the  Catholicos  George  V 
appointed  a  delegation  headed  by  Boghos  Pasha  Nubar,  the  son  of  Nu- 
bar  Pasha,  Egypt's  eminent  minister,  to  present  the  Armenian  claims  to 
the  London  Conference.  The  Armenians  asked  to  remain  Turkish,  but 
called  for  the  performance  of  the  administrative  reforms  so  often  promised. 
So  many  other  international  matters,  however,  crowded  the  agenda  that 
the  Armenians  could  not  get  a  hearing  at  that  Conference.  The  efforts 
of  the  Catholicos,  of  the  Patriarch  of  Constantinople,  and  of  the  national 
delegation  under  Boghos  Pasha  Nubar  had,  nevertheless,  at  least  one 
theoretical  result:  Russia  took  the  initiative  of  suggesting  to  the  Powers 
a  plan  of  reform  by  which  the  six  Armenian  vilayets  should  be  united  into 
one  Ottoman  province  administered  by  a  Christian,  and  if  possible,  Euro- 
pean governor,  under  the  supervision  of  the  protecting  Powers. 

Such,  in  its  main  lines,  is  the  diplomatic  history  of  these  famous  re- 
forms which  were  supposed  to  protect  the  lives  of  the  unfortunate  Chris- 
tians of  the  Turkish  Empire.  The  Powers  could  never  agree,  especially 
in  the  more  recent  period,  because  they  were  divided  in  purpose,  and  both 
^bdul-Hamid  II  and  the  Young  Turks  after  him  knew  how  to  turn  Euro- 
pean divisions  to  their  advantage.  The  Central  Powers  stood  by,  more- 
over, practically  telling  Turkey:  "Do  nothing  for  people  who  are  not  our 
"clients,"  the  word  'client'  taking  on  its  ancient  Roman  meaning. 

In  their  hearts  the  Turks  believed  neither  what  they  said  nor  what 
they  wrote;  they  were  determined  to  make  no  concessions,  except  on  paper 
which  they  treated  as  bits  of  rag  long  before  Herr  von  Bethmann-HoUweg 
adopted  that  cynical  expression.  As  good  Moslems  they  were  apprehen- 
sive when  they  saw  any  sense  of  right  coming  to  the  fore  among  their 
rayahs,  or  the  European  Powers  showing  interest  in  the  despicable  Chris- 
tians whose  lives  they  had  been  weak  enough  to  spare.  Ah!  had  Mahom- 
et II  followed  the  example  of  Philip  II  of  Spain  and  organized  a  Mos- 
lem inquisition  for  three  centuries  in  his  dominions,  then  there  would 
have  been  no  unbelievers  in  the  realm  of  the  Grand  Seignior,  and  the 
Turk  would  really  have  his  house  to  himself,  and  the  European  Powers 
would  have  no  reason  to  interfere  with  his  private  business. 

But  could  not  the  oversight,  the  great  mistake  of  the  Conqueror  of 
Constantinople,  be  repaired?    Methodical  massacres  of  the  nuisances  were 


(1)   Marcel  LEART,  La  Question  armenienne  a  la  lumiere  des  documents. 

—  295  — 


all  that  was  necessary,  and  one  had  only  to  say  the  word,  as  every  good 
Turkish  Moslem  was  always  ready  to  exterminate  the  unbelievers. 

Such  were  Sutan  Abdul-Hamid  II's  conclusions  when  he  saw  the 
Armenians  and  the  Syrians  asking  for  reforms  and  the  ambassadors  of 
the  Great  Powers  audaciously  meddling  with  the  lot  of  his  slaves.  Had 
he  handled  the  Christian  problem  in  cavalier  fashion,  however,  Abdul- 
Hamid  might  have  provoked  England,  France,  Italy,  and  Russia  beyond 
mere  diplomatic  protests;  he  needed  effective  support  and  he  found  it 
In  the  German  Emperor,  his  self-seeking  friend  who  for  the  last  few  years 
was  turning  Turkey  into  a  German  colony.  A  European  war  might  re- 
sult, but  what  of  that!  The  military  strength  of  the  Triple  Alliance  was 
surely  invincible!  Besides,  the  treaty  of  San  Stefano  clearly  set  forth 
Russia's  ideas,  and  if  Turkey  did  not  act  with  energy,  it  would  see  the 
six  vilayets  of  Armenians  proclaiming  their  independence  and  Lebanon 
following  suit,  with  the  Arabs  perhaps  refusing  to  pay  taxes  any  longer. 
Greece,  Serbia,  and  Bulgaria  had  already  escaped,  and  their  example  was 
pernicious,  for  freedom  of  one  people  encourages  it  in  the  neighbor,  and 
the  Empire  of  Mahomet  H  was  in  danger  of  dismemberment. 

It  could  never  occur  to  the  Turk  that  the 

THE  CAUSES  Empire  of  true  believers  might  be  transformed 

OF  THE  MASSACRES    into  a  Federal  State.    The  suggestion  of  any 

such  political  organization  would  be  humiliat- 
ing and  against  the  commandments  of  the  Prophet,  unworthy  indeed  of 
servants  of  Allah,  whereas  extermination  was  recommended  by  the  chap- 
ters Sword  and  War  in  the  Koran,  and  took  on  the  aspect  of  a  holy  task. 
Encouraged  by  Wllhelm  IPs  attitude  and  by  the  great  Kaiser's  official 
expressions  of  goodwill  towards  all  Mohammedans,  Abdul-Hamid  decided 
on  massacres. 

According  to  a  high  Turkish  official,  "the  Government's  premedlt- 
"ated  plan  was  to  punish  the  Armenians.  The  Sultan  was  infuriated 
"because  of  having  been  forced  to  grant  them  better  treatment,  and  so, 
"after  signing  the  reform  plan,  he  gave  orders  to  destroy  the  x\rmenians 
"in  order  to  show  his  power."  At  the  very  same  time  Abdul-Hamid  wrote 
(September  30th,  1895)  to  Lord  Salisbury:  "When  I  enforce  these 
"reforms,  I  will  take  the  document  containing  them  and  see  to  it  per- 
"sonally  that  each  article  is  carried  out.  This  is  my  firm  decision,  to 
"which  I  pledge  my  word  of  honor."    This  future  tense  in  its  vagueness 

—  296  — 


epitomizes  the  whole  Turkish  diplomacy,  which  M.  Rolin-Jacquemynes, 
the  eminent  Belgian  jurist,  definies  as  follows:  "The  fine  art  of  hiding 
"the  actual  barbarity  of  the  facts  and  of  the  intended  crime  by  specious 
"externals;  a  bland  audacity  in  making  promises  that  the  promiser  has 
"no  wish  whatever  or  even  the  ability  to  keep;  in  short  a  pseudo-fatherly 
"and  unctuous  tone  of  voice  calculated  to  create  the  belief  that  unjust 
"prejudice  or  wicked  slander  are  behind  the  accusations."  What  could 
Christians  possibly  expect  from  such  masters?  What  could  they  hope 
for  from  a  divided  Europe,  a  Europe  paralyzed  by  the  tremendous  arma- 
ments of  the  Central  Powers  and  under  the  constant  threat  of  a  war  that 
would  set  the  whole  eastern  hemisphere  ablaze? 

In  1914  the  majority  of  the  Armenian  nation  were  under  the  heel 
of  the  Turks  and  had  to  endure  the  extortions  of  the  officials  from  Con- 
stantinople. Those  were  not  the  only  dangers,  however,  that  the  Chris- 
tians were  exposed  to.  Their  neighbors  were  the  Kurds  and  the  Lazis, 
cruel  and  greedy  robber  tribes  who  constantly  threatened  to  raid  them. 
Deprived  of  all  arms,  they  could  offer  no  real  resistance,  but  they 
managed  to  come  to  terms  with  the  Kurds  and  paid  the  most  unruly 
tribes  regular  sums.  Until  the  Sublime  Porte  gave  the  signal  for  mas- 
sacres, the  Kurds  were  satisfied  to  receive  the  money  and  the  Armenians 
to  save  their  lives  in  this  manner.  Of  late,  moreover,  the  Christians  had 
received  arms  secretly  from  the  Caucasian  revolutionaries  who  urged 
them  to  resist,  and  the  Kurds  did  not  always  return  from  their  raids  with- 
out sometimes  heavy  losses. 

What  was  the  attitude  of  the  Armenians  during  all  their  centuries 
of  suffering?  It  was  one  of  dignity  and  heroism.  Of  dignity,  because 
the  people  in  spite  of  their  overwhelming  misfortunes,  clung  steadfastly 
to  their  faith,  their  language,  their  customs,  and  their  national  traditions; 
of  heroism,  because  Armenia  did  not  stop  at  just  shedding  tears,  but  on 
many  occasions,  when  their  deepest  feelings  were  hurt,  her  people  took  to 
arms  and  poured  out  their  blood,  in  the  revolt  of  their  very  spirit. 

During  the  centuries  that  followed  Armenia's  loss  of  Independence, 
her  sons  and  daughters,  though  stripped  of  all  political  entity,  preserved 
thqir  patriotism,  their  traditions,  and  their  national  life  under  the  guidance 
of  outstanding  fellow-countrymen  and  of  their  religious  leaders, 
who  managed  their  public  aflfalrs  and  maintained  and  developed  their 
institutions. 

—  297  — 


Most  of  the  nobility  emigrated  to  the  western 
ARMENIAN        world  after  the  fall  of  Ani,  and  this   emigration  was 

NOBILITY  repeated  following  the  destruction  of  the  kingdom  of 

IN   THE   20TH      Cilicia,  but  there  still  remained  in  the  country  some 

CENTURY  families   descended    from    royal    and   princely    houses. 

There  are  even  to  the  present  day  some  with  the  names 
of  Artzruni,  Alamikonian,  Servantzdiantz,  Camsaracan,  etc.  The  heads 
of  these  families  were  conspicuous  for  their  solicitude  in  safeguarding 
the  people,  helping  them  in  their  endeavors  to  rise  both  intellectually 
and  economically,  and  in  keeping  alive  both  their  patriotism  and  their 
fidelity  to  religious  and  national  tradition.  There  were  also  leading 
families  of  more  recent  origin,  who  have  honorably  played  the  same 
part  in  modern  times,  families  founded  by  brave  men  who  in  the  17th  and 
18th  centuries  took  up  again  the  struggle  against  the  Moslem  oppressors 
and  formed  the  honor  roll  of  valiant  leaders  in  the  Qara-bagh  region, 
men  who  bequeathed  to  their  descendants,  along  with  their  title  of  melik 
still  used  by  these  families,  traditions  of  patriotism  and  devotion  to  their 
people's  welfare.  Some  of  these  meliks,  moreover,  were  descended  them- 
selves from  princely  families  of  renown.  There  were  also  families  of 
note,  dating  back  to  the  centuries  of  servitude,  founded  by  men  of  initia- 
tive and  talent,  including  diplomats,  architects,  merchants,  and  soldiers, 
who  acquired  positions  of  authority  in  Turkey,  Persia,  or  in  Russia  by 
their  own  merits  and  industry,  and  who  used  their  influence  and  wealth 
in  their  country's  behalf.  Their  posterity  have  inherited  names  to  be 
proud  of,  and  their  present  representatives  glory  in  maintaining  the 
luster  of  such  names  by  works  of  beneficence  and  generous  patriotism. 

These  chiefs,  or  notables,  called  "meliks"  in  Caucasia,  and  "amiras" 
or  "tchelebis"  in  Turkey — even  though  gaining  high  and  merited  recog- 
nition in  service  abroad,  whether  Mogul,  Persian,  Turkish,  or  Russian, 
and  no  matter  what  their  foreign  status — never  forgot  their  duty  to  their 
people,  and  devoted  their  position  and  fortune  to  alleviating  the  wretched- 
ness of  the  Armenians,  and  mitigating  their  threatened  persecutions, 
besides  establishing  for  them  various  religious,  educational,  and  chari- 
table institutions. 

Among  the  ancient  aristocratic  families  still  existing  may  be  men- 
tioned that  of  the  Arghoutian-Erkainabazouks  (Argoutinsky-DolgoroukoflF) 
who  are  descended  from  the  "braves"  of  the  time  of  the  Armeno-Georgian 
rulers  of  Ani,  under  Queen  Tamara;  this  family  has  had  numerous  eminent 
men,  such  as  Bishop  Arghoutian  of  the  18th  century,  one  of  the  noblest 

—  298  — 


patriots  of  modern  times.  Also  the  Abro  family,  whose  ancestors  were 
Pagratids  and  who,  emigrating  to  Erzerum  on  the  fall  of  Ani,  and  settling 
in  various  parts  of  Turkey,  have  given  their  nation  several  public  edu- 
cational leaders,  have  built  churches  and  endowed  many  national  insti- 
tutions. To  this  family  belonged  Abro-Tchelebi,  the  favorite  of  the  famous 
Vizier  Keuprulu,  who  was  the  leading  Armenian  of  note  and  one  of  their 
chief  benefactors  about  the  middle  of  the   17th  century. 

A  family  of  more  recent  ancestry,  but  one  that  has  played  an  eminent 
role  and  become  a  much-respected  name  is  that  of  the  Dadians,  who  were 
for  a  long  time  in  charge  of  the  Imperial  Ottoman  Powder-factory.  They 
were  illustrious  patrons  of  arts  and  letters,  the  best  known  of  them  being 
Ohannes  bey  Dadian.  Another  family  is  that  of  the  Balians,  who  became 
a  dynasty  of  talented  architects  whom  the  Sultans  entrusted  with  the 
building  of  their  palaces  and  mosques  during  the  18th  and  19th  centuries. 
The  most  renowned  of  them  was  Nicohos  bey  Balian,  who  built  the 
Palace  of  Tcheraghan  and  that  of  Dolmabahtche.  Then  again,  the  Duz 
family,  the  heads  of  the  Imperial  Ottoman  Mint,  who  greatly  promoted 
literature  and  art  among  the  Armenians.  Also  in  Russia,  the  Lazareflfs 
who  founded  the  Armenian  Institute  that  bears  their  name  in  Moscow, 
and  which  has  subsequently  become  a  School  of  Oriental  languages,  etc. 

We  need  to  mention  likewise  the  many  successful  self-made  men 
who,  even  if  they  do  not  head  family-trees,  have  left  names  that  are 
revered  today  for  their  generosity  and  innumerable  services  to  their 
fellow-countrymen:  e.g.  Artin  amira  Kazaz,  the  favorite  of  Sultan  Mah- 
moud  II,  who  built  the  Yedi-Coule  Hospital,  the  Patriarchal  edifice,  and 
the  Armenian  School  at  Koumpakou;  Raphael  and  Moorat,  Armenians 
of  India,  who  bequeathed  to  the  Mekhitarist  Congregation  large  sums 
of  money  to  found  an  Armenian  college  in  Venice;  Sanassarlan,  an  Ar- 
menian of  Russia,  who  founded  a  college  bearing  his  name  at  Erzerum; 
I'/.mlrllan  who  created  a  prize  for  the  publication  of  philological  works; 
and  others.(l)  Some  of  these  eminent  men  were  themselves  active  in 
the  intellectual  life  of  their  nation  and  became  well-known  writers  or 
scholars,  such  as  Yeremia  Tchelebi  Keumurdjian  who  in  the  I7th  cen- 
tury brought  out  at  Constantinople  a  large  series  of  historical  works, 
poems,  essays,  and  translations;  Kakaria  Markar  Khodjentz  Amira,  a 
native  of  Erivan,   who  published   at   Constantinople,  at  the  end   of   the 


(1)    Cf.   Treatise   on    Distinguished   Armenians,  from    1400   to    1900,    by    H.    K. 
MRMRJAN    (in   Armenian).   Constantinople,   1910. 

—  299  — 


18th  century,  a  number  of  translations  and  edited  works  of  ancient  authors, 
besides  composing  "The  Romance  of  the  Rose  and  the  Nightingale;"  and 
Yakoub  Pasha  Artin,  Egyptian  Minister  and  Member  of  the  Institute  of 
France. 

All  these  distinguished  Armenians,  in  short,  carried  on  the  task  of 
the  former  "Nakharars"  or  "Ichkhans";  they  protected  and  guided  the 
people  during  the  centuries  of  servitude.  "Ichkhans"  moreover  was 
the  name  the  people  actually  gave  to  them,  meaning  "prince"  or  "director". 
Since  the  adoption  of  a  constitutional  regime  by  the  Armenians  in  1860, 
the  title  of  "ichkhan"  was  dropped,  however,  because  the  chiefs  or  leaders 
of  the  people  are  no  longer  from  any  caste  of  rich  or  influential  men  nor 
persons  of  noble  descent,  but  individuals  of  personal  merit  chosen  by 
the  people. 

The  clergy  has  stood  in  the  same  position  to  the  people  as  have  these 
men  of  distinction,  and  even  more  so.  The  Catholici  of  Etchmiad- 
zin,  the  Patriarchs  of  Constantinople,  Akhtamar,  Sis,  and  Jerusalem, 
the  "aratchnort"  or  Metropolitans,  have  been  the  real  leaders  of  the  Ar- 
menians. The  Catholicos  of  Etchmiadzin  who  by  the  will  of  the  people 
occupies  the  throne  founded  by  St.  Gregory  the  Illuminator,  and  who 
embodies  not  only  their  religious  feelings  but  also  their  sentiment  of 
patriotism,  had  precedence  over  the  Patriarchs  with  their  sees  in  Cilicia, 
Akhtamar,  the  land  of  the  Aghouans,  Jerusalem,  and  Constantinople. 
These  six  prelates,  all  of  them  distinguished  men,  have  been  at  the  head 
of  Armenian  affairs  ever  since  the  nation  lost  its  Independence. 

The  roll  of  Catholici  of  Etchmiadzin, 
THE  PATRIARCHS       inaugurated    in    A.D.     302    by    Grigor    I    the 

Illuminator  has  been  maintained  without  a  break 
to  the  present  day.  Geuvorg  V,  the  present  Patriarch,  was  elected  In  1912, 
the  one  hundred  and  fifty-ninth  in  succession.  The  Patriarchate  of  the 
Aghouans  began  In  the  same  year  A.D.  302  with  a  patriarch  whose  name 
Is  not  known  but  who  was  consecrated  by  GrIgor  I,  and  that  roll  terminated 
with  Sarkis  II  (1794-1  SIS)  after  a  series,  with  a  few  interruptions,  of 
ninety-five  archbishops. 

The  patriarchate  of  Akhtamar,  founded  In  1113  by  David  I,  has 
only  48  names  and  has  been  vacant  since  1895;  whilst  that  of  Jerusalem 
commencing  In  637  with  Abraham  I  went  on  until  Harouthloun  Vehapetlan 
(1885-1910). 

Although  the  Armenians  were  very  numerous  in  Constantinople  In 
Byzantine  times,  they  had  no  patriarchate  in  that  city,  nor  anywhere 

—  300  — 


else  in  the  Greek  provinces;  the  Orthodox  Greeks  would  not  have  tolerated 
it.  This  accounts  for  the  fact  that  the  Patriarchate  of  Jerusalem  dates 
from  the  time  of  the  Arab  conquest  of  Syria,  and  that  of  Constantinople 
only  from  1461.  In  that  year  Hovakim  of  Brusa  (1461-1478)  became  the 
first  patriarch,  eight  years  after  the  fall  of  Byzantium  to  Mahomet  II. 
The  roll  of  his  successors  has  been  maintained  until  the  present  day,  and 
the  seventy-eighth  prelate  to  occupy  this  important  See  is  the  present 
Zavene  Eghiaian,  elected  in  1913. 

Cilicia's  patriarchs  also  started  quite  late.  Karapet  I  (1446-1477) 
was  the  first  Cilician  Catholicos,  and  today  his  forty-third  Successor, 
Sahak  II  (1902),  holds  the  office.  Consequently  there  should  be  at 
present  five  Armenian  patriarchates  instead  of  six,  that  of  the  Aghouans 
having  become  extinct.  But  recent  events  have  upset  the  organization  of 
the  Church.  Sahak  who  became  Catholicos  of  Jerusalem  in  1916  resides 
at  Damascus,  and  the  patriarchate  of  Constantinople  has  been  abolished 
by  the  Ottoman  government. 

Although  the  Catholicos  of  Etchmiadzin  has  the  traditional  pre- 
eminence as  the  successor  of  Gregory  the  Illuminator,  the  most  Important 
of  the  above  prelates  has  been  indisputably  the  Patriarch  of  Constan- 
tinople, representing  as  he  has  done  the  interests  of  the  largest  number 
of  Armenians  and  being  able,  from  his  contacts  with  the  Turkish  gov- 
ernment and  the  ambassadors  of  the  Powers,  to  uphold  more  energetically 
than  any  of  the  others  the  cause  of  his  fellow-countrymen.  The  part 
played  politically  by  Hovakim  and  his  successors  has  weighed  much  in  the 
fortunes  of  the  Armenian  people,  whereas  that  of  the  Catholicos  of  Etch- 
miadzin, a  willing  exile  in  the  Armenian  mountains  where  he  is  isolated 
from  all  centers  of  important  diplomatic  deliberations,  has  been,  ever 
since  the  fall  of  Ani,  religious  rather  than  political.  Nevertheless,  at  the 
end  of  the  18th  century  and  the  beginning  of  the  19th,  some  of  the  patri- 
archs there,  among  them  Nerses  of  Aschharac,  rendered  great  services 
to  their  people  by  the  help  they  gave  to  Russia  then  at  war  with  the 
Moslems.  Since  the  Balkan  war  the  patriarch  of  Etchmiadzin  has  taken 
over  the  interests  of  Armenia,  and  it  is  he  who  appointed  the  Armenian 
national  delegation  representing  him  today  in  Europe. 

Furthermore,  the  Armenian  people  have  not  remained  entirely  homo- 
geneous in  their  religious  beliefs,  and  although  the  great  majority  are 
Gregorians  (1),  there  are  among  them  a  number  of  Catholic  communities, 


(1)    The  Armenians  say:   "Armenian   rite",   the   term   "Gregorian"   being   used 
only  by  Europeans. 

—  301  — 


and  also  Protestant,  due  to  American  missionary  work.  Moreover,  under 
the  pressure  of  Mohammedan  masters  and  unspeakable  persecution,  many 
Armenians  have  been  converted  to  Islam,  thereby  forfeiting  both  their  faith 
and  their  nationality.  Some  of  these  newly-made  Moslems  or  their 
children  have  sometimes  played  an  important  part  in  Mohammedan 
countries.  We  need  only  mention  the  Grand  V^izier  of  Shah  Nassr-ednDin, 
Emin-es-Sultan,  later  Sadr-Azam,  who  was  the  most  noted  statesman  of 
modern  Persia. 

In  any  case,  apart  from  the  Armenian  Moslems  who  no  longer 
belong  to  the  nation,  those  of  Armenian  speech  who  have  been  faithful 
to  their  respective  creeds  have  maintained  unadulterated  their  nation- 
ality and  traditions.  They  all  recognize  the  Catholicos  as  the  shepherd 
of  their  flock,  as  the  standard-bearer  of  the  entire  nation.  The  Patriarch's 
authority,  however,  and  his  influence  abroad,  were  inadequate  to  regain 
for  the  Armenians  their  lost  motherland;  the  most  they  could  do  was 
to  obtain  from  time  to  time  a  few  improvements  in  the  lot  of  the  unhappy 
inhabitants. 

As  a  matter  of  fact,  the  Armenians  did  not  base  any  expectation  of 
deliverance  solely  on  divine  intervention  or  on  that  coming  from  abroad; 
they  knew  that  to  obtain  their  freedom  they  must  merit  it  by  striving 
for  it;  hence  their  ceaseless  uprisings  both  in  Greater  Armenia  and  in 
Cilicia.  These  were  unfortunately  only  local  movements,  and  ended 
always  in  the  crushing  of  the  insurgents  and  the  laying  waste  of  their 
country. 

After  the  Crimean  War,  Turkey  owed  so  much  to  the  Allies  that 
she  was  unable  to  refuse  to  accede  to  their  wishes;  accordingly,  on  the 
representations  of  Britain  and  France,  the  position  of  the  Christians  was 
improved,  especially  in  the  cities  where  the  Consuls  could  see  what  went 
on.  Distant  provinces,  however,  were  hardly  reached  at  all  by  these 
momentary   benefits. 

At  Constantinople  and  Smyrna,  both  of  which  were  watched  by 
Europe,  there  developed  from  then  on,  under  the  indifferent  eyes  of 
the  Turks,  a  great  Armenian  intellectual  movement.  Springing  up  under 
the  influence  of  Italian,  English,  and  especially  French  writers,  Armenian 
literature  produced  some  remarkable  works.  Its  pages  were,  however, 
vibrant  with  the  most  passionate  love  of  freedom  and  exalted  patriotism, 
and  called  on  the  Armenian  people  to  remember  their  past  and  prepare 
for  the  struggle  to  free  their  homeland  from  the  barbarian  yoke. 

—  302  — 


"From  the  warm  ashes  of  our  ancient  heroes 
May  there  arise  heirs  worthy  of  them, 
To  give  a  nezv  life  to  our  people," 

sang  the  poet  Bechlktachelian  in  his  "Nocturne." 

The  Turk  opened  his  eyes  and  began  to  look  less  disdainfully  on 
the  Armenian  upsurge.  He  awoke  from  the  sluggishness  produced  by  his 
conception  of  himself  as  an  undisputed  and  indisputable  master,  to  realize 
that  the  Armenians  were  playing  a  large  part  in  his  government  and 
finances.  He  was  indignant  at  hearing  his  rayahs  speak  of  emancipation, 
and  felt  humiliated  that  he  had  need  of  their  services. 

During  the  twenty-five  years  that  followed  the  war  of  1870,  Turkey 
seemed  to  ponder  the  Armenian  question  and  listened,  but  without  giving 
any  heed,  to  the  remonstrances  of  the  European  powers.  Abdul-Hamid 
who  ascended  the  throne  in  1876  had  seen  the  beginning  of  his  reign 
disturbed  by  the  war  with  Russia,  and  the  Young  Turk  party  caused  him 
keen  anxiety. 

This  Young  Turk  party  was  nothing  new,  for  it 
THE  YOUNG       had  come  Into  being  In  1840  with  the  avowed  purpose 
TURKS  of    reforming    decrepit   Turkey    by    adopting    western 

methods  of  government.  Such  a  program  could  not 
fail  to  find  a  sympathetic  ear  in  France,  the  nursery  of  the  Young  Turks 
as  also  of  all  the  Christian  nations  under  the  Sultan's  rule.  The 
Armenians  espoused  at  once  with  fervor,  and  even  supplemented  with 
their  counsel,  the  new  ideas  of  these  liberally  minded  Moslem  patriots  who 
sought  to  deliver  their  country  from  the  hands  of  Abdul-Hamid;  but 
little  known  were  the  changes  that  had  taken  place  in  these  revolutionaries 
when  in  1876  they  replaced  Abdul-Aziz,  too  submissive  to  the  Russians, 
by  Murad  V,  and  then  the  incompetent  Murad  by  Abdul-Hamid. 

The  new  Sultan  who  was  quite  aware  of  the  Ideas  of  those  who  put 
him  In  power,  and  knew  them  to  be  Moslem  nationalists,  proved  more 
Pan-Islamic  than  the  Young  Turks  themselves.  Nevertheless,  throughout 
his  reign,  he  fought  them  continually,  at  first  by  indirect  methods  and 
later  openly,  nor  did  he  forgive  the  Armenians  for  making  common  cause 
with  those  who  were  one  day  to  drive  him  from  his  throne.  He  reckoned 
that  not  only  would  violence  tow^ards  the  Armenians  put  an  end  to  all  Eur- 
opean proneness  to  meddle  with  the  affiairs  of  his  Empire,  but  also  that 
exterminating  the  Christians  would  bring  his  subjects  back  to  the  ancient 

—  303  — 


traditions  of  their  race  and  make  them  drop  the  liberal  notions  that  the 
Young  Turk  party  was  spreading  around  to  hide  its  real  purposes.  This 
throned  assassin  was  an  astute  politician,  a  great  Statesman  according 
to  Oriental  fashions,  and  having  made  his  decision,  he  had  the  orders  given 
out  for  the  massacres. 

This  was  the  end  of  the  year  1895.    Officers  were 

THE  sent  out  from  Yildiz-Kiosk,  and  executions  in  the  prov- 

MASSACRES  inces  marked  the  passage  of  the  Imperial  messengers. 
To  describe  the  atrocities  then  committed  would 
require  the  publication  of  a  large  volume.  A  passage  from  the  work  of 
Pastor  Lepsius  (1)  is  sufficient  to  give  an  idea  of  the  unexpected  woes  that 
suddenly  fell  on  the  Armenians: 

"In  the  village  of  Hoh,  in  the  Kharput  district,  the  Christians  were 
"gathered  together  inside  a  mosque.  Eighty  young  men  were  chosen 
"from  among  them  and  led  outside  the  village  to  be  slaughtered.  Hundreds 
"of  Armenians  were  tortured  because  they  refused  to  sign  addresses  to 
"the  Sultan  accusing  their  relatives  and  neighbors  of  high  treason.  One 
"of  them  refusing  to  swear  to  a  statement  which  would  have  delivered 
"the  honest  people  of  his  village  to  the  executioner,  was  ordered  by  the 
"judges  to  be  tortured.  All  night  long  this  lasted;  first  he  was  bastinadoed 
"on  the  soles  of  his  feet  in  a  room  adjoining  which  were  the  womenfolk 
"of  his  family.  They  tied  him  up,  flogged  Ihim,  tore  out  his  beard  hair 
"by  hair,  burned  his  flesh  with  red-hot  iron,  and  still  he  refused  to  swear 
"as  was  demanded  of  him. 

"I  am  a  Christian,  he  said,  I  cannot  stain  my  soul  with  innocent 
"blood  ...  In  the  name  of  divine  mercy,  finish  me." 

It  was  important  for  Abdul-Hamid  to  have  documents  in  hand  to 
show  that  the  Armenians  were  revolutionaries,  so  as  to  justify  his  acts 
to  the  representatives  of  France,  Britain,  and  the  United  States,  and  to 
legitimize  these  heinous  crimes  by  passing  them  off  as  acts  of  justice 
dictated  by  reasons  of  State. 

In  1890  the  Sultan,  already  preparing  to  exterminate  the 
Armenians,  had  the  genial  idea  to  arm  the  Kurds  on  the  borders  of  Ar- 
menia and  give  them  the  name  of  Hamidian  Cavalry.  He  let  loose,  as 
can  be  well  imagined,  these  bandits  against  the  Christians,  and  then  en- 
couraged by  the  hesitant  attitude  of  the  ambassadors,  in  1894  he  ordered 


(1)   L'Armenie  et  I'Europe,   (French  transl.)   p.  58,  Lausanne,  1896. 

—  304  — 


a   trial  massacre  at  Sassoun,   an  experiment  which   lasted   three   weeks. 
The  regular  army  itself  was  ordered  to  do  the  killing. 

"In  one  place,  three  to  four  hundred  women,  and  in  another  two 
"hundred,  after  being  delivered  up  to  the  soldiers,  were  despatched  by 
"the  sword  or  the  bayonet. 

"In  another  place,  about  sixty  women  and  girls  were  shut  up  for 
"several  days  in  a  small  church,  delivered  to  the  soldiers,  and  then  finally 
"slaughtered;  a  river  of  blood  flowed  from  the  church  door.  Elsewhere, 
"on  a  mountain,  some  thousands  of  fugitives  held  out  for  ten  days  or  so, 
"but  in  vain.  A  woman  ran  out  on  a  high  rock  and  cried:  "Sisters,  you 
"must  choose:  either  fall  into  the  hands  of  these  Turks  or  else  follow 
"me",  and  holding  in  her  arms  her  one-year  old  child,  she  cast  herself 
"down.  Her  companions  followed  her,  and  the  Sultan  decorated  the  offi- 
"cer  in  command  of  the  murderers,  and  sent  a  silver  banner  to  the  Kurdish 
"chieftains.  (1)" 

From  1894  to  1896  more  than  200,000  Armenians  were  put  to  death, 
100,000  were  made  Moslems  by  force,  and  more  than  100,000  women 
and  girls  were  ravished  and  sent  into  harems.  Armenia  being  devastated, 
there  was  no  harvest,  and  the  remainder  of  the  inhabitants  suffered  a 
terrible  famine.  Fleeing  to  the  mountains  and  hiding  in  inaccessible  spots, 
the  peasants  watched  their  homes  sacked  and  burned,  thousands  of  their 
villages  being  reduced  to  ashes. 

From  Europe  there  went  up  a  tremendous  cry  of  indignation  as 
the  groanings  of  the  victims  reached  the  ears  of  the  western  world,  but 
no  power  dared  to  intervene  with  the  energy  that  was  called  for;  to  have 
despatched  an  expeditionary  force  to  the  Turkish  coasts  would  have 
brought  about  a  European  war,  and  so  they  all  held  off. 

There  was  a  paroxysm  of  indignation  among  Armenians  abroad, 
who  sent  up  their  protests  in  Paris,  London,  Rome,  Geneva,  and  Washing- 
ton. Some  Armenians  inside  Turkey  joined  up  with  some  young  men  from 
the  United  States,  and  in  their  desperation  decided  to  give  vent  to  their 
anger  and  help  their  fellow-countrymen  by  a  feat  of  arms  likely  to  en- 
tail Europe's  intervention.  In  the  summer  of  1896  they  seized  the  Otto- 
man Bank  at  Galata  and  held  out  against  the  Turkish  police  and  soldiers. 

Alas!  this  attempt  to  reach  Europe's  ears  by  overt  act  failed,  and  in 
his  anger  the  Sultan  ordered  the  massacres  to  go  on  with  even  greater 


(1)   Foi  et  Vie,  April  1-16,  1916,  p.  Ill,  according  to  Pastor  Lepsias. 

—  305  — 


cruelty.     In  the  very  city  of  Constantinople  under  the  eyes  of  the  am- 
bassadors, ten   thousand  Armenians  were   vilely  slaughtered. 

In  1909,  however,  the  horizon  seemed  to  brighten  for  the  unhappy 
people.  The  Ottoman  army  was  won  over  to  the  cause  of  the  Young 
Turks  and  besieged  the  Sultan  in  his  palace,  although  nine  months  pre- 
viously he  had  accepted  the  Constitution.  Abdul-Hamid  was  forcibly 
removed  from  Yildiz-KIosk  and  imprisoned  at  Salonica.  All  Europe  re- 
joiced, even  though  the  punishment  was  far  too  mild  for  the  murderous 
Sultan,  and  the  Armenians  looked  forward  to  an  end  to  all  their  woes, 
for  had  they  not  collaborated  with  the  Young  Turks  and  given  ample 
proof  of  their  loyalty  to  the  Turkish  liberal  party?  The  Armenian  section 
of  the  population,  that  had  so  largely  contributed  to  the  success  of  this 
revolution,  had  every  right  to  reap  the  reward  of  its  sacrifices. 

What  was  thought  to  be  the  dawn  of  liberty  caused  a  frenzy  of  joy 
throughout  Turkey;  Moslems,  Christians,  and  Jews  gave  way  to  the  most 
sincere  expressions  of  mutual  friendship.  Priests  and  Ulemas  embraced 
one  another  in  the  streets  to  the  enthusiastic  cries  of  the  crowd.  Europe 
gave  its  support  to  the  liberal  movement,  and  sent  able  men  to  guide  the 
steps  of  the  newly  formed  Committee  of  "Union  and  Progress"  that  was 
now  in  the  saddle.  Funds  from  Europe  also  poured  in  to  help  the  Com- 
mittee carry  out  its  plans  for  a  modernized  Turkey. 

Alas,  once  more!  The  Young  Turks  answered  the  loyal  declarations 
of  the  Armenians,  even  before  Abdul-Hamid  was  oflF  his  throne,  by  the 
Adana  massacres  which  opened  a  series  of  the  most  frightful  crimes  ever 
recorded  by  history. 

The  Armenians  had  been  only  tools  in  the  hands  of  power-seeking 
bandits,  who  as  soon  as  they  had  seized  the  reins  and  felt  themselves 
strong,  had  no  further  reason  to  conceal  their  hatred  of  aliens,  and  their 
PanTslamism.  Possessing  none  of  the  slyness  and  diplomacy  of  the 
Sultan  they  had  just  overthrown,  these  imperious  revolutionaries  were 
determined  to  continue  the  bloody  work  of  Abdul-Hamid  and  exterminate 
all  the  non-Moslems  of  the  Empire,  and  If  they  had  any  reform  in  mind, 
it  was  that  of  abolishing  all  European  Interference  in  their  affairs  and 
calling  an  end  to  the  Capitulations.  "We  are  Moslems",  said  one  high 
Young  Turk  official,  "and  we  can  have  nothing  in  common  with  unbe- 
lievers. The  Empire  of  Islam  is  our  heritage,  it  will  be  vast  enough  to 
enable  us  to  break  off  all  contact  with  Christians."  And  he  added:  "We 
shall  live  In  peace  with  every  one  on  our  side." 

—  306  — 


It  was  not,  however,  Pan-lslamism  properly  speaking  that  was  at 
the  back  of  the  heads  of  the  Young  Turks,  but  Pan-Turkism,  a  sort  of 
Moslem  nationalism  even  more  exclusive  than  Abdul-Hamid's  doctrine, 
for  it  considered  the  Turkish  race  alone  capable  of  any  progress,  and 
superior  therefore  to  Arabs,  Persians,  Egyptians,  and  Indians.  These  latter 
people  it  deemed  incapable  of  advancement,  they  were  mere  subjects 
of  infidels.  The  supreme  power  for  the  300  millions  of  Mahometans  in 
the  world  it  vested  in  the  Committee  of  "Union  and  Progress",  and  pur- 
posed driving  from  their  country  or  exterminating  every  unbeliever  living 
in  the  immense  Moslem  territories.  In  short,  a  new  edition  of  Mahomet's 
system  for  the  benefit  of  a  gang  mad  with  lust  for  power,  for  self-indul- 
gence, and  pelf, — Imperialism  in  its  most  degraded  form. 

Naturally  the  Armenians  when  they  were  allied  with  the  Young 
Turks  during  the  days  they  kept  up  'a  common  struggle'  had  a  totally 
different  idea  of  Turkey's  regeneration,  and  their  straightforward  and 
loyal  liberalism  was  quite  the  opposite  of  the  Pan-Turks'  plan  once  they 
had  seized  the  government.  These  opposite  views  of  the  Armenians  were 
Armenia's  death-warrant,  and  to  be  consistent  the  Y'oung  Turks  included 
all  the  unbelievers  of  the  Empire  in  their  planned  purge. 

The  two  masters  of  Turkey  after  1913  were  Talaat  bey  and  Enver 
Pasha,  two  adventurers  of  obscure  birth,  for  Talaat  bey  in  1908  was 
merely  a  copy-clerk  in  the  Constantinople  Post-Office,  and  Enver  bey 
was  a  captain-adjutant  at  Salonica.  The  former  outlined  the  acts  of 
terrorism  to  be  applied  in  the  pursuance  of  their  internal  policy;  the 
latter  represented  the  party's  armed  strength.  Talaat  bey  relied  on  the 
Turks,  and  Enver  bey  on  the  Germans.  Talaat  bey  ordered  the  massacres, 
Enver  bey  carried  them  out.  As  for  the  new  Sultan,  Abdul-Hamid's 
successor,  his  name  must  not  even  be  mentioned,  for  he  does  not  reign. 
The  Young  Turks  created  an  imaginary  documentary  file,  and  announced 
its  existence  without  ever  showing  it, — relative  to  the  crimes  of  which 
they  accused  the  Armenians,  who  they  said  were  guilty  of  sedition  and 
treason.  Then,  on  the  strength  of  this  suppositional  indictment,  they 
began  to  carry  out  the  death  sentence  uttered  by  Talaat  bey. 

With  the  exception  of  those  at  Constantinople,  the  massacres  under 
Abdul-Hamid  had  been  carried  out  unsystematically.  The  Sultan  left 
details  to  be  looked  after  by  his  delegates.  Talaat  bey  went  one  better, 
however;  under  the  guidance  of  Enver  who  had  lived  a  long  time  in 
Berlin,  and  perhaps  also  of  advisers  even  more  versed  in  European  ad- 
ministrative ways,  he  turned  the  massacres  into  a  State  service. 

—  307  — 


On  account  of  the  war  that  had  just  been  declared  on  the  Entente 
Powers,  all  the  young  Christians  of  the  Empire  were  called  to  the  colors, 
but  they  were  not  sent  to  the  front.  They  were  divided  into  sections 
of  several  hundreds  each,  and  used  for  the  building  and  upkeep  of  roads; 
then,  when  they  had  finished  this  work,  a  large  number  were  executed. 

The  towns  and  villages  with  only  old  people,  women,  and  children 
left  in  them,  and  incapable  of  any  defense,  were  occupied  by  the  troops. 
Most  of  the  men  and  male  children  were  slain,  and  the  remainder  were 
ordered  to  gather  into  columns  of  1,000  to  2,000  each,  to  go  off  into  exile. 
These  formalities  were  accompanied  by  summonses  to  adopt  the  Moslem 
religion,  also  by  every  kind  of  violence  on  the  part  of  the  soldiers.  The 
property  of  the  evicted  inhabitants  was  distributed  or  sold  to  Moslems 
for  next  to  nothing. 

The  columns  started  out,  accompanied  by  soldiers  and  by  Kurdish 
horsemen  who,  on  the  way,  indulged  in  every  conceivable  brutality, 
killing  as  fancy  took  them,  and  selling  the  women  as  slaves  in  the  small 
towns  and  villages  they  passed  through. 

Even  these  sales  were  conducted  methodically.  In  each  town  the 
women  and  young  girls  were  lined  up  in  front  of  the  Konak  (government 
building)  and  offered  to  purchasers;  on  the  following  day  the  remainder 
of  the  column  resumed  the  march.  Many  of  the  unfortunates  exhausted 
by  fatigue  and  hunger  fell  by  the  wayside;  most  of  these  rose  no  more, 
a  spear  or  bayonet-thrust  put  an  end  to  their  sufferings. 

Many  of  these  columns  were  entirely  massacred,  especially  at  a 
place  called  Kemagh-Boghaz  on  the  Euphrates  below  Erzindjan.  Others, 
their  ranks  greatly  thinned,  reached  Mesopotamia,  where  most  of  them 
gradually  died  off  in  the  bleak  desert  climate,  homeless  and  starving.  (1) 

A  German  woman-traveler  relates  that  in  one  of  these  camps  of 
suffering,  composed  of  people  from  Zeitoun,  one  woman  said  to  her: 
"Why  don't  they  kill  us  outright?  In  the  daytime  we  have  no  water, 
"our  children  are  howling  from  thirst;  in  the  night  there  come  the  Arabs, 
"stealing  our  bedding  and  clothes;  they  have  carried  off  our  young  girls, 
"and  raped  our  women.  If  we  are  unable  to  walk,  the  gendarmes  beat 
"us.  A  number  of  women  have  drowned  themselves  in  the  river  to 
"escape  being  outraged,  some  of  them  even  with  their  infants." 

Talaat  bey  reckoned  on  these  sufferings  to  finish  off  the  remnants  of 
the  columns  of  deportees. 

To  give  a  better  realization,  however,  of  all  the  horror  of  these  mass 


(1)  Foi  et  Vie,  op.  cit  p.  150. 

—  308 


executions  and  pillaging,  allow  me  to  add  to  the  above  report  a  few 
authentic  documents  covering  each  phase  of  these  frightful  dramas. 
They  may  all  be  summed  up  in  four  acts,  viz:  the  execution  of  the  young 
men,  the  massacres,  the  caravan,  the  desert. 

A  witness  stated:  "One  day  we  met  a  number  of  workmen.  'They 
"are  going  to  kill  them  all  off'  our  traveling  companion  (a  gendarme) 
"said  to  me.  From  the  top  of  a  hill  our  driver  pointed  out  to  me  with 
"his  whip  about  four  hundred  workmen  whom  they  had  lined  up  on  the 
"edge  of  a  sloping  piece  of  ground.  We  know  what  happened.  In  another 
"place,  while  the  gendarmes  shot,  Turkish  workmen  finished  off  the 
"victims  with  knives  and  stones.   (2)" 

These  were  the  Armenian  conscripts  which  Talaat  was  having  ex- 
terminated, while  the  towns  and  villages  were  being  sacked. 

"The  thousand  or  so  Armenian  houses  in  a  populous  town  are 
"emptied  of  their  furniture  and  all  they  contained,  one  after  another, 
"by  the  police  who  are  followed  by  a  crowd  of  Turkish  women  and  children 
"like  a  flock  of  vultures.  This  mob  snatch  everything  they  can  lay  their 
"hands  on  and  take  away,  and  when  the  police  bring  anything  valuable 
"out  of  a  house  there  is  a  terrific  struggle  for  it.  That  sort  of  thing  I 
"see  every  day  with  my  own  eyes.  It  will  surely  take  several  weeks 
"to  empty  all  the  houses  and  stores  of  the  Armenians.  (1)" 

But  the  Turks  were  not  satisfied  with  taking  property.  Reverting 
to  their  old  ancestral  customs,  they  treated  the  unhappy  Christians  as 
slaves.  "The  children  and  young  girls  were  carried  away  and  sold;  two 
"young  girls  at  four  francs  apiece.  At  Constantinople,  the  market  is 
"glutted,  young  girls  are  going  at  a  few  francs  apiece." 

"One  Turk  with  his  friends  sets  up  as  a  brothel-owner.  The  officers 
"took  the  women  and  then  passed  them  on  to  their  soldiers.  In  the 
"places  where  the  caravan  camped  overnight,  the  soldiers  and  inhabitants 
"of  the  neighboring  villages  were  let  loose  on  them  in  the  evening;  women 
"were  rented  out  to  them  for  the  night.  (2)" 

In  one  town  in  Armenia,  a  Danish  hospital-nurse  was  one  night 
awakened  by  shooting,  and  realizing  that  numbers  were  being  shot  down 
before  the  departure  of  the  caravan,  she  wrote:  "I  felt  really  relieved 
"to  think  that  those  victims  were  at  last  beyond  human  cruelty.  Fortunate 
"are  those  who  are  killed!  (3)" 


(2)  Quelques  Documents    (Geneva),  narrative  of  the  Danish  nurses. 

(1)  A.  J.  TOYNBEE,  The  Murder  of  a  Nation,  London,  1915,  p.  34. 

(2)  Foi  et  Vie,  op.  cit.,  p.  116. 

(3)  Ibid. 

—  309  — 


Fortunate  victims,  indeed!  for  the  lot  of  the  survivors,  those  whom 
death  did  not  take,  was  frightful.  The  caravan  decimated  by  hunger, 
exhaustion,  and  the  cruelty  of  their  guards,  had  to  go  on  and  on.  Some- 
times the  cries  of  women  and  children  fill  the  air.  Strength  fails,  hideous 
hunger  adds  its  scourge.  The  unfortunates  devour  straw,  grass,  when- 
ever they  can.  "I  looked  at  them,"  said  one  witness,  "and  wild  animals 
"could  not  have  been  worse;  they  rushed  on  the  guards  carrying  food, 
"and  the  guards  struck  them  with  clubs,  hard  enough  sometimes  to  kill 
"them.    It  was  difficult  to  realize  that  these  were  human  beings." 

While  the  caravan  plods  along  a  road  strewn  with  the  corpses  from 
the  preceding  convoy,  sometimes  through  reeking  air,  the  local  mob,  con- 
scious that  here  they  can  prey  at  will,  follow  along  like  a  pack  of  wolves, 
biting  and  tearing.    The  mob  kill  and  steal. 

When  they  pass  near  the  river,  mothers  throw  their  children  in 
the  water  and  themselves  after  them.  Or  else  the  gendarmes  throw  in 
all  the  children  under  twelve  or  fifteen,  and  any  who  can  swim,  they  shoot 
in  the  water. 

Even  at  the  end  of  the  seemingly  interminable  march,  their  martyr- 
dom is  not  over  for  the  unhappy  survivors,  for  the  desert  climate  is  ter- 
rible for  these  people  accustomed  to  mountain  air.  Among  them  are  to 
be  seen  some  who  from  what  remains  of  their  clothing  appear  to  have 
been  men  of  position,  educated  women  speaking  European  languages, 
chiefly  English  and  French,  people  who  have  known  the  intellectual  and 
material  well-being  of  civilization! 

"Most  of  the  time,  the  caravans  do  not  go  far;  shooting,  bayonet 
"thrusts,  hunger,  and  fatigue  thin  out  the  ranks  as  they  proceed.  All 
"the  most  hideous  passions  of  the  human  beast  are  vented  on  the  wretched 
"herd,  which  melts  and  disappears.  If  a  few  debris  do  reach  Mesopotamia, 
"they  are  left  there  without  shelter  or  food,  in  desert  or  marshy  lands; 
"the  heat  and  dampness  make  short  work  of  the  poor  creatures  accustomed 
"to  keen  and  wholesome  mountain  air.  Any  attempt  at  forming  a  colony 
"is  out  of  the  question  without  supplies,  resources,  tools,  assistance,  or 
"able  men.  The  remnants  of  the  Armenian  caravans  die  away  from 
"fever  and  misery.  (1)" 

"Of  the  between  2,000  and  3,000  peasants  of  Upper  Armenia  brought 
'"to  Aleppo,"  said  a  German  professor  in  the  school  of  that  city,  "there 
"remain  forty  or  fifty  skeletons.    With  distorted  features,  they  succumb  to 


(1)    Rene  PINON.  La  Suppression  des  Armeniens.  p.  29-30,  Paris,   1916. 

—  310  — 


"blows,  to  hunger,  and  thirst.  Europeans  are  forbidden  to  give  bread 
"to  the  starving  creatures.  Forty  or  fifty  phantoms  are  heaped  together 
"in  one  court;  they  are  the  demented  ones,  they  no  longer  know  how  to 
"eat.  When  offered  bread  they  refused  it  unconcernedly.  They  merely 
"groan  as  they  await  death.  Every  day  over  a  hundred  corpses  are  taken 
"out  of  Aleppo.  Young  girls,  women,  children,  almost  naked  on  the 
"ground,  lie  between  the  dying  and  coffins  already  prepared,  and  breathe 
"their  last  feeble  sighs." 

In  every  province  of  Armenia  the  massacres  were  terrible,  but 
those  that  took  place  at  Mouch  surpassed  in  barbarity  the  atrocities  in 
any  other  town.  A  witness  of  this  awful  drama  stated:  "Day  broke,  it 
"was  the  2nd  of  July,  1915,  a  day  of  sufTering  and  calamity  a  day  of  terror 
"for  the  unhappy  Armenians.  Early  in  the  morning,  Kurds  and  regular 
"soldiers  overran  the  town  shouting,  and  entered  the  x\rmenian  quarters. 
"They  began  by  killing  those  who  were  still  there  since  the  departure 
"of  thirteen  hundred  people  who  had  gone  off"  in  caravan  the  day  before 
"and  been  wiped  out.  Most  of  the  inhabitants,  no  longer  doubting  the 
"fate  that  awaited  them,  had  gathered  in  the  houses  in  the  center  of 
"the  town,  where  they  seemed  a  little  safer.  There,  families  were  grouped 
"together  forty,  fifty,  even  a  hundred  persons  huddled  together  in  nar- 
"row  rooms,  with  doors  and  windows  and  all  entrances  barricaded. 

"Soon  howls  of  approaching  men  drew  nearer;  the  band  of  madmen 
"invaded  the  streets,  shooting  as  they  came,  and  armed  with  hatchets 
"they  attacked  the  doors  which  flew  in  splinters.  Then  followed  an  in- 
"describable  slaughter.  Cries  of  terror  and  agony  were  mingled  with 
"the  noise  of  hatchet-blows  and  with  the  calls  urging  on  the  murderers. 
"The  streets  ran  with  blood,  and  bodies  were  piling  up  in  front  of  the 
"houses,  while  the  Turks  continued  to  shout:  'Vour!  Vour!  (strike! 
"strike!)  The  Kurds  yelled  and  howled  for  blood,  as  these  wild  beasts 
"went  from  house  to  house  swinging  their  blood-covered  hatchets. 

"The  unhappy  Armenians,  crazed  with  fear,  pressed  against  one 
"another,  were  crushed  and  suffocated.  The  cries  and  shrieks  of  the 
"women  were  heard,  as  children  were  trampled  to  death  by  those  who 
"strove  to  save  them. 

"A  young  woman  handed  one  of  the  executioners  her  child  she  was 
"holding  in  her  arms.  'Take  him,'  she  begged,  'I  give  him  to  you,  only 
"do  not  kill  him."  The  soldier  seized  the  child,  threw  it  down  and  cut 
"off  its  head  with  one  stroke;  then  turning  to  the  unhappy  mother,  with 
"one  more  blow  with  his  axe  he  cleaved  her  skull. 

—  311   — 


"A  few  more  minutes,  and  sinister  silence  replaced  the  cries  and 
"moans  and  dying  groans.  Only  a  heap  of  ripped-up  corpses,  of  shape- 
"less  and  bleeding  human  debris,  remained. 

"On  several  sides  clouds  of  smoke  are  whirling  skyward  from  bum- 
ping houses  crowded  with  Armenians  perishing  in  the  flames.  From  one 
"house  some  one  escapes  and  rushes  towards  the  river,  but  he  is  caught 
"by  the  soldiers,  who  drench  him  with  petroleum  and  watch  him  burn 
"with  fiendish  glee.  Further  on  are  bursts  of  laughter  at  the  sight  of 
"a  six-year  old  child  convulsed  with  agony  from  a  bayonet-thrust,  also 
"hapless  women  with  bowels  ripped  open  by  the  Kurds  who  have  torn 
"out  their  unborn  children.  There  again,  soldiers  fight  for  the  possession 
"of  a  young  girl,  the  burly  winner  carrying  her  off  to  rape  and  slaughter." 

At  nightfall  the  survivors  flee  in  a  body  to  the  river  with  the  hope 
of  getting  across  Into  open  country,  but  they  are  caught  between  two  fires 
from  the  Turks,  and  those  who  rush  into  the  water  are  mostly  drowned. 
The  town  is  on  fire,  and  the  guns  still  roar  as  they  drop  their  shells  on 
the  Armenian  quarter. 

No  human  language  is  strong  or  colorful  enough  to  depict  such 
horrors,  or  to  express  the  moral  and  physical  sufferings  of  these  innocent 
martyred  people  up  to  the  moment  of  their  release  in  death.  Any  sur- 
vivors, hopeless  wrecks  from  the  frightful  massacres  wherein  they  have 
seen  all  their  loved  ones  perish,  are  sent  Into  concentration  camps  where 
torture  and  degradation  worse  than  death  await  them. 

When  Mahomet  II  took  Constantinople  by  storm,  fifty  thousand 
Greeks  were  put  to  the  sword  by  the  barbarians  before  their  Sultan 
ordered  the  slaughter  to  cease.  Europe  was  then  seized  with  horror, 
but  what  must  be  our  feelings  today  as  we  look  back  on  the  agony  of 
the  Armenian  nation,  an  agony  that  lasted  so  many  years,  twenty-two  long 
years  in  fact  (1894-1916),  and  its  toll  of  over  a  million  victims! 

Nevertheless  the  Armenian  nation  is  neither  extinguished  nor  re- 
duced to  a  role  of  supplicant.  Its  national  spirit  burns  more  fiercely 
than  ever,  for  the  crime  that  has  been  committed,  far  from  extirpating 
their  courage,  has  armed  it  with  wrath.  They  are  still  quite  numerous, 
moreover,  and  include  large  settlements  outside  of  Ottoman  territory, 
while  their  people  Inside  Turkey  are  far  from  having  been  entirely  wiped 
out. 

No  Turkish  statistics  have  ever  been  seriously  or  conscientiously 
drawn  up.  Why  indeed  should  there  be  any  census  of  the  rayah  popu- 
lation?   Such  figures  would  have  been  rather  unprofitable  to  the  Moslems 

—  312  — 


for  they  would  have  shown  what  a  great  proportion  of  Christians  there 
are  in  the  territory  ruled  by  the  Sultan.  At  any  rate  we  can  arrive  at 
an  approximate  estimate  within  a  few  hundred  thousand,  and  draw  our 
conclusions  therefrom. 

The  Ottoman  Empire,  with  an  area  of 
POPULATION  OF  775,000  square  miles,  has  a  population  of 
THE  OTTOMAN  26  millions,  of  whom  9  millions  speak  Turkish, 
EMPIRE  10  million  Arabic,  and  2  million  the  various  Kur- 

dish dialects.  The  total  number  of  Moslems  is 
therefore  21  millions.  The  other  five  millions  are  Christians  (Armenians, 
Greeks,  Syrians,  and  Chaldeans),  Jews,  Mandeans,  and  a  few  other  non- 
Mohammedans  adhering  to  numerically  small  religions. 

The  Turks  inhabit  all  the  north  of  the  Empire,  chiefly  Asia  Minor, 
whilst  the  regions  to  the  east  of  the  upper  and  middle  Euphrates  are 
peopled  by  Armenians  and  Kurds.  Intermixture  of  the  different  elements 
of  population  is  unknown  in  Turkey,  and  each  people  is  isolated  terri- 
torially, the  Turks  having  only  troops  and  officials  outside  of  their  own 
geographical  sphere. 

In  some  parts  of  Arabia  and  Mesopotamia  the  densiity  of  population 
even  including  the  towns,  is  less  than  three  inhabitants  per  sq.  mile, 
whereas  in  the  north  of  western  Asia  (Armenia,  Lazistan,  Anatolia,  and 
central  Asia  Minor),  in  Coelesyria,  the  Arabian  Red  Sea  coast  and  shores 
of  the  Gulf  of  Oman,  the  density  is  one  to  ten  inhabitants.  Syria,  the 
southern  coast  of  Asia  Minor,  and  Lower  Chaldea,  on  the  other  hand,  are 
more  thickly  populated,  containing  an  average  of  twenty-five  to  one 
hundred  persons  per  square  mile. 

In  the  Turkish  regions  of  the  empire  the  population  is  therefore 
as  dense  as  in  those  occupied  by  the  Armenians,  but  to  this  Christian 
population  which  is  comparatively  compact  in  Armenia  must  be  added 
all  the  large  detached  groups  of  Armenians,  both  on  Ottoman  territory 
and  abroad,  likewise  the  considerable  numbers  living  in  Russia  and  Persia. 
If  we  take  in  also  the  more  distant  colonies,  we  shall  arrive  at  the  total 
figure  of  the  Armenian  people. 

According  to  the  statistics  of  the  Patriarchate 

THE  ARMENIAN      the  number  of  Turkish  Armenians  in   1882  was 

POPULATION       2,660,000  of    whom    1,630,000    occupied   the    six 

so-called  Armenian  vilayets,  and  1,030,000  dwelt  in 

—  313  — 


Cilicia  and  the  various  cities  of  Turkey.  This  was  the  figure  submitted  to 
the  Congress  of  Berlin.  But  new  statistics  compiled  in  1912,  i.e.  after 
the  massacres  and  the  emigrations  of  1894-1896,  likewise  supplied  by  the 
Patriarchate,  give  only  1,018,000  for  the  six  vilayets.  They  show  also 
in  the  same  specific  region  660,000  Turks  and  424,000  Kurds,  both  no- 
mads and  non-nomads,  the  whole  population  being  2,615,000.  The  Ar- 
menians constituted  therefore  38.9%  of  the  population,  the  Turks  25.4% 
and  the  Kurds  26.5%. 

Judging  from  the  above  two  estimates  of  the  Patriarchate,  we  must 
conclude  that  the  Armenian  population  in  the  period  1882-1912,  by 
massacre,  emigration,  or  conversion  to  Islam,  decreased  by  about  612,000. 

It  is  impossible  to  know,  even  roughly,  what  losses  the  nation  sus- 
tained during  the  massacres  ordered  after  1912  by  the  Young  Turks, 
for  no  figures  were  ever  kept.  According  to  documents  we  have  seen, 
however,  the  number  of  victims  were  considerably  over  half  a  million.  Be- 
sides which,  we  know  that  about  a  quarter  of  a  million  went  into  Russia, 
and  many  became  Moslems,  with  the  remainder  in  the  concentration  camps 
of  Mesopotamia. 

Of  the  1,030,000  Armenians  who  in  1882  lived  in  parts  of  the  Sultan's 
dominions  other  than  Armenia  proper,  many  certainly  lost  their  lives,  but 
many  also  emigrated. 

We  may  reckon  at  one  million  the  number  of  Turkish  Armenians 
who  for  various  reasons  managed  to  escape  and  who  will  return  to  their 
own  nation  the  day  it  is  delivered.  Over  and  above  these  numbers,  we 
must  add  the  Armenian  subjects  of  the  Czar  and  the  Shah,  also  the 
large  and  numerous  colonies  abroad.  All  in  all,  we  reach  a  total  of  at 
least  three  millions  of  people  speaking  the  Armenian  tongue. 

The  elite  of  the  Armenian  community  unfortunately  were  unable 
to  escape.  Those  surviving  live  today  In  Paris,  London,  Petrograd,  Odessa, 
Tiflis,  or  Venice,  working  with  unflagging  energy  for  their  final  goal. 
They  constitute  a  great  asset  for  the  cause  of  this  persecuted  people,  for 
such  an  intelligentsia  have  means  to  make  themselves  heard  and  to  vindi- 
cate the  rights  of  their  brethren  to  freedom.  Four  or  five  hundred  thou- 
sand Greeks  obtained  from  Europe  their  independence  In  1829.  and  three 
millions  of  Armenians,  by  their  energy,  their  sufferings,  and  the  respect 
we  owe  their  glorious  past,  deserve  that  Europe  should  give  them  honorable 
status  in  the  world. 


—  314 


CHAPTER  X 

Armenians  outside  of  Armenia.  —  The  inhabitants  of 
Armenia  and  the  Armenian  Colonies. 

With  great  empires  for  their  neighbors,  and  constantly  exposed 
to  their  influence  as  also  frequently  to  the  imposition  of  their  will,  the 
Armenians  were  from  the  beginning  of  their  national  history  obliged  to 
maintain  large  colonies  of  their  compatriots  in  the  very  centers  that  were 
their  chief  sources  of  supply  and  at  the  same  time,  unfortunately,  their 
chief  sources  of  anxiety.  From  the  time  of  Cyrus,  after  that  monarch 
had  established  Persian  rule  over  all  Asia,  the  descendants  of  Haik  un- 
doubtedly had  their  representatives  at  the  court  of  the  King  of  Kings, 
and  among  the  nobles  from  the  land  of  Ararat  there  were  some  who  suc- 
cumbed to  the  lure  of  Achaemenian  gold  and  served  Persia  to  the  detri- 
ment of  their  own  country.  It  was  an  Armenian  prince,  named  Dadarses, 
whom  Darius  entrusted  with  putting  down  the  revolt  of  the  northern 
provinces  of  his  empire  while  he  himself  was  busy  besieging  Babylon. 
This  single  fact,  related  by  Darius  himself,  shows  that  there  was  an 
Armenian  colony  around  the  Shah-en-Shah  that  enjoyed  considerable 
prestige  and  the  confidence  of  the  sovereign. 

The  same  was  certainly  the  case  after  the  Macedonian  conquest 
of  Asia,  for  towards  the  end  of  the  fourth  century  B.C.  Armenian  names 
appear  among  the  princes  entrusted  with  the  government  of  Armenia  by 
the  Seleucid  rulers  of  Syria. 

Later  on,  when  Rome  extended  her  power  over  the  remains  of 
Alexander's  empire  and  no  longer  had  the  long  struggle  with  the  Persian 
Arsacld  monarchs  to  maintain,  there  gathered  at  the  same  time  both  at 
Ctesiphon  and  in  the  Eternal  City  populous  and  energetic  colonies  of 
Armenians  who  often  handled  matters  concerning  their  homeland,  in 
behalf  either  of  the  Romans  or  the  Persians. 

Especially  after  the  Empire  was  divided  be- 
THE  ARMENIAN     tween  the  two  sons  of  Theodosius,  the  Armenians 

EMPERORS  acquired  more  and  more  prestige  at  the  Roman 

court  of  the  East.    The  nearness  of  the  new  capit- 

—  315  — 


al  and  the  common  Interests  linking  the  Greeks  and  the  peoples  of  the 
Eastern  provinces  drew  numbers  of  Armenians  to  the  shores  of  the  Bos- 
phorus,  and  by  degrees  the  latter  attained  to  such  Importance  in  the 
State  that  finally  the  Imperial  purple  fell  on  their  shoulders. 

The  part  played  by  Armenian  princes  in  the  Byzantine  empire  is 
so  great  that  we  need  to  record  their  names,  their  sequence,  and  their 
kinship  with  one  another,  without  going  too  deeply,  however,  into  the 
details  of  their  reigns  which  belong  rather  to  Byzantine  history  than  to 
that  of  Asia  proper. 

Great  numbers  of  foreigners  were  Included  In  the  population  of 
Constantinople;  there  were  whole  legions  of  them  in  the  army,  and  some 
of  them  filled  the  highest  posts  In  the  Empire.  Many  of  these  foreigners 
ascended  the  throne,  but  no  nation  gave  more  emperors  to  Byzantium 
than  did  the  Armenian  people,  and  It  would  be  overlooking  one  of  the 
most  glorious  pages  of  the  history  of  the  descendants  of  Haik  if  we  did 
not  mention  the  names  of  these  rulers  who  for  more  than  three  centuries 
occupied  the  Imperial  throne  of  the  Eastern  Empire,  I.e.  during  one 
third  of  its  existence  (395-1453). 

The  Armenian  period  t)f  Byzantium  cer- 
tainly added  some  luster  to  the  Empire  of  the 
Caesars,  for  It  includes  famous  names  and  deeds 
of  renown  connected  with  the  portentous  col- 
lision that  then  took  place  between  civilization 
and  the  barbarism  of  the  Persians  and  Arabs. 
Coming  from  countries  that  were  more  exposed 
than  any  to  onslaughts  of  the  foes  of  Christianity, 
the  royal  Armenian  families  once  on  the  Im- 
perial throne  used  their  power  for  centuries  to 
carry  on  the  fight  against  the  invaders,  a  fight 
which  unfortunately  in  their  old  homeland  was 
so  often  handicapped  both  by  insufficient  re- 
sources and  geographical  exposure. 

These  emperors  were  unable,  it  is  true,  to 
escape  the  quarrels  that  disturbed  their  capital, 
and  naturally  they  had  to  make  allowances  for 
the  character  of  their  Greek  subjects  and  take 
the  line  of  prudence  in  dealing  with  domestic 
matters,  but  they  never  forgot  the  role  destiny 
had  allotted  them  as  the  champions  of  civilization. 


COINS  OF  MAURICIUS 
TIBERIUS 


316  — 


The  first  Armenian  (1)  to  bear  the  title  of  "Basil- 
MAURICIUS       eus"  was  Mauricius.    He  was  born  in  539  at  Arabissa 
TIBERIUS        in  Cappadocia,  of  a  noble  Armenian  family.     Flavius 
582-602  Tiberius  Mauricius  first  became  a  general  and  gained 

great  renown  in  his  wars  against  the  Persians.  He  was 
received  in  triumph  at  Constantinople  in  582,  and  on  August  13th  of  that 
year  he  married  Constantine,  the  daughter  of  Tiberius  Constantine 
(578-582).  He  was  crowned 
emperor  that  same  year,  but 
contrary  to  what  might  have 
been  expected  from  the  con- 
queror of  the  Sassanid  armies, 
he  was  lacking  as  a  ruler  both 
in  energy  and  authority.  After 
reigning  twenty  years,  he  was 
dethroned  by  Focas  who  was 
proclaimed  emperor  by  the 
army  in  revolt.  Mauricius  fled, 
and  his  ship  being  compelled 
by  a  storm  to  put  in  to  land 


MAURICIUS  TIBERIUS 
CONSTANTINE  and  THEODOSIUS 
(with   countermark  of  Heraclius  I) 


(1)  For  proofs  of  the  Armenian  origin  of  emperors  and  empresses,  and  of 
princes  and  princesses  of  Constantinople  who  were  of  that  nationality,  consult: 
GARABED-DER-SAHAKIAN.  The  Armenian  Emperors  of  Byzantium,  2  vol..  Saint- 
Lazare  (Venice)  1905,  (in  Armenian) .  (The  author  of  this  work  of  considerable 
repute  lost  his  life  in  the  Trebizond  massacres  of  the  spring  of  1915).  —  LEBEAU, 
Historie  du  Bas-Empire;  —  F.  W.  BUSSELL,  The  Roman  Empire.  1910;  —  G. 
SCHLUMBERGER,  L'Epopee  byzantine  ;—K.  J.  BASMADJIAN,  Histoire  modeme 
du  peuple  armenien;  —  Corpus  Historiae  Byzantinae,  vol.  IX,  p.  136  (Venice,  1729), 
—  for  Emperor  Mauricius;  Theophilactus  Simocatta  Historiae.  —  for  Heraclius  I; 
Nicephorus  Constantinopolitanus,  De  rebus  post  Mauricium  Gestis,  p.  50  (ed.  Bon)  ; 
— for  Filepicus  Bardanes;  Cedrenus,  I,  p.  43,  —  for  Leo  V;  Niebuhr,  Constantine 
Porphyrogenetus,  Theoph.  Continuat.,  p.  212;  Luitprand.  I,  3  —  for  Romanus;  G. 
SCHLUMBERGER,  Un  Empereur  Byzantin,  —  for  John  Zimisces;  Cedrenus,  vol. 
II,  p.  23  and  26,  for  Marina,  wife  of  Constantine  VI.  To  this  list  should  be  added 
Artavazd  (Cf.  SABATIER,  Monnaies  byzantines,  vol.  II,  p.  40)  whose  Armenian 
origin  seems,  however,  doubtful.  All  the  princes  and  princesses  for  whom  I  give  no 
references  are  children  of  the  emperors  whose  names  are  on  the  following  pages. 


317  — 


twenty  miles  from  Constantinople,  he  was  captured  and  beheaded  (Novem- 
ber 27,  602),  after  first  seeing  four  of  his  sons,  Peter,  Paul,  Justin,  and 
Justinian  executed  in  the  same  manner.  A  fifth  son,  Theodosius,  who 
escaped  the  massacre  was  arrested  in  his  flight  to  Persia  and  taken  to 


HERACLIUS  I  CONSUL 


HERACLIUS  I  EMPEROR 


Focas  who  ordered  him  to  be  strangled.  Constantine,  Maurlclus'  wife, 
was  shut  up  in  a  monastery  with  her  daughter  Anastasia,  Theoctiste, 
Cleopatra,  Sopatra,  and  Maria.  Three  years  later  Focas  had  them  taken 
out  and  put  to  death.  Arab  and  Persian  writers  state  that  Princess  Maria 
escaped  being  slain  and  became  the  wife  of  the  Persian  king  Chosroes  II. 


FLAVIUS 
HERACLIUS  I 
610-641 


HERACLIUS. 
HERACLIUS  CON- 
STANTINE and 
EUDOXIA 


At  the  instigation  of  Priscus,   Focas'  son-in-law, 
who  stood  in  fear  of  his  father-in-law's  fits  of  anger, 
Heraclius,  patrician  and   prefect   of  Africa,  and   for- 
merly governor  of  Armenia  in  594,  —  probably  a  rela- 
tive of  Mauricius,  —  sent  his  son  Flavius  Heraclius 
in  command  of  a  fleet  to  Constantinople  to  avenge 
the  Emperor's  murder.    On  October  6th,  610,  Focas 
was  overthrown  and  Flavius  Heraclius  I  mounted 
the  throne,  after  having  offered  it  first  to  Priscus 
who  declined  it. 

The  new  emperor  married  his  betrothed  Flavia 
or  Fabia,  whom  he  crowned  under  the  name  of 
Eudoxia.  This  empress  died  on  August  13,  612, 
leaving  a  daughter  named  Epiphania,  born  July  7, 


—  318  — 


611,  and  a  son,  born  May  3,  612,  who  later  became 
emperor  under  the  name  of  Heraclius  II  Constantine 
and  reigned  jointly  with  his  half-brother  Heracleonas 
(641). 

In  614  Heraclius  married  his  niece  Martina,  the 
daughter  of  his  own  sister  Maria,  and  there  were  born 
to  them:  Constantine,  created  Caesar  in  616,  Flavius 
and  Theodosius;  these  died  all  three  before  their  father; 
Heracleonas,  born  in  626,  Caesar  in  630,  and  Joint 
Emperor  in  638;  David,  born  November  7,  630,  created 
Caesar  in  641;  also  two  daughters,  Augustina  and  Mar- 
tina, and  other  children  whom  history  does  not  mention. 

Taking  personal  command  of  his  armies,  Hera- 
clius drove  out  the  Persians  under  Chosroes  II  (591- 
628)  from  Asia  Minor,  and  advanced  as  far  as  the 
Tigris.  In  622  he  entered  Armenia.  Following  this 
campaign,  however,  the  Elmperor  returned  to  his  capital,  and  allowed 
himself  to  be  engrossed  thereafter  with  religious  controversies,  neglecting 
entirely  the  military  affairs  of   the  Empire.  In  the  meantime  the  Arabs 


HERACLIUS, 
HERACLIUS 
CONSTANTINE 
&  HERACLEONAS 


HERACLEO- 
NAS, DAVID 
TIBERIUS  & 
CONSTANS    II 


HERACLIUS, 
HERACLIUS 
CONSTAN- 
TINE and 
MARTINA 


HERACLIUS  CON- 
STANTINE and 
HERACLEONAS 


went  rapidly  ahead;  Aboubeker  seized  Damas- 
cus (632)  and  Omar  took  Jerusalem  (638); 
Mesopotamia,  Syria  and  Palestine  were  for- 
ever lost  to  the  Greeks. 

We  possess  coins  of  Heraclius  alone,  both 
as  Consul  and  as  Emperor,  of  Heraclius  and 
Heraclius  Constantine,  of  Heraclius  and  Hera- 
cleonas, of  Heraclius,  Eudoxia,  and  Heraclius 


HERACLEONAS  alone 


319 


Constantine  (610-612),  of  Heraclius,  Heraclius  Con- 
stantine,  and  Martina  (614-641),  of  Heraclius  and  Mar- 
tina (614-641),  of  the  Emperor  with  his  two  sons  Hera- 
clius Constantine  and  Heracleonas  (638-641),  all  of 
them  valuable  documentary  records  of  this  ruler's 
family. 

According  to  Nicetas,  the  Emperor  dying  at  the 
age  of  sixty-six  decided  that  his  two  sons,  Heraclius 
Constantine  and  Heracleonas,  should  reign  together 
under  Martina's  regency.  Thus  in  641  we  have  coins 
of  the  two  princes.  But,  on  June  23rd  of  that  year, 
Martina  poisoned  Heraclius  Constantine,  and  her  son  Heracleonas  there- 
after reigned  alone.  He  appointed  as  Caesars  to 
assist  him  his  brother  David  Tiberius  and  Constans, 
the  son  of  Heraclius  Constantine. 


CONSTANS  n  and 

CONSTANTINE 

POGONATUS 


CONSTANS  II 
(641-668) 


The    reign    of 

Heracleonas  was  a 

short  one.    In  Sep- 
tember 641  he  was 

deprived      of     the 

crown  by  the  Sen- 
ate.    Martina   had 

her  tongue  cut  out, 

Heracleonas  lost  his 

nose,   and    Flavius 

Heraclius,      better 

known  as  Constans 

II,     ascended     the 

Imperial        throne. 

After  a  reign  of  no 

note,  he  was  assas- 
sinated (July  15th,  668)  in  Sicily,  leaving  three  sons,  Constantine  Pogona- 
tus,  Heraclius,  and  Tiberius. 

Constantine  IV  Pogonatus  (the  Bearded)  ruled 
with  the  assistance  of  his  two  brothers  (668),  and  in 
the  first  year  of  his  reign  put  down  a  revolt  by  an 
Armenian  named  Mazizius  who  had  proclaimed  him- 
self emperor  at  Syracuse.  This  Emperor  died  on 
September  14th,  685  after  seeing  his  capital  besieged 


CONSTANS  II, 

CONSTANTINE 

POGONATUS, 

&  TIBERIUS 


CONSTANS  n,  HERACLIUS 
and  TIBERIUS 


CONSTANTINE 
IV  POGONATUS 


CONSTANTINE 
IV  POGON- 
ATUS 

(668-678) 


—  320  — 


seven  times  by  the  Arabs,  between  669  and  678. 

JUSTINIAN  II  Justinian  II  Rhinotmetos  (685-695  and  705-711), 

(685-695,  the  son  of  Constantine  Pogonatus  and  Anastasia,  as- 

and  705-711)  cended  the  throne.  He  was  driven  from  Constantinople 
and  exiled  to  Kherson,  but  he  regained  his  throne  with  the  help  of  the 
Khazars  and  the  Bulgars,  and  caused  both  Leontius  (695-698)  and  Ti- 
berius V  Absimarus  (698-705)  who  had  usurped  the  power,  to  be  beheaded. 

Tiberius  IV   (705-711),  the  son  of  Justinian  II, 
TIBERIUS  IV       was  four  years  old  when  his  father  made  him  Joint 
(705-711)  Emperor.     But  in  711  the  people  revolted  and  pro- 

claimed Filepicus  Bardanes,  who  had  Justinian  II  and 
his  son  put  to  death.  Thus  the  dynasty  of  Heraclius  became  extinct, 
after  occupying  the  Imperial  throne  for  one  hundred  years. 

Filepicus  was  of  Armenian  extraction,  a  general  of 

FILEPICUS     Justinian  IPs  army  and  the  son  of  the  Patrician  Nice- 

BARDANES     phorus.     His  reign  was  brief;  on  June  3,  713,  as  the 

(711-713)        result  of  a  conspiracy  and  the  victory  of  a  faction  called 

the  "Greens",  the  plotters  seized  him  during  a  repast, 


FILEPICUS  BARDANES 


ARTAVAZDUS  and 
CONSTANTINE  V 


deposed  him,  and  put  out  his  eyes.     In  his  stead,  Artemlus  Anastasius 
was  proclaimed  Emperor. 

Artavazdus  was  Commander-in-chief  of  the  army 
ARTAVAZDUS      in  Armenia    and   had  married  Anna,   the   daughter 
(724)  of  Emperor  Leo  III.     He  proclaimed  himself  em- 

peror early  in  742,  but  in  November  of  that  year 
he  was  defeated  by  his  brother-in-law  Constantine  V.    He  was  deposed 


—  321  — 


THE  ARMENIAN 
LEO  V 

(813-820) 


LEO  V  &  CON- 

STANTINE    VII 


and  had  his  eyes  put  out,  a  fate  shared  by  his  two 
sons,  Nicephorus  who  had  ruled  with  him  as  Asso- 
ciate, and  Nicetas. 

On  July  19th,  813,  Leo  V 
surnamed  The  Armenian,  was 
raised  to  the  throne  by  the 
army  which  had  just  defeated 
the  Bulgarians.  This  prince  had 
married  Theodosia,  the  daughter  of  the  Patrician  Ar- 
savir;  they  had  four  sons:  Sabatius  or  Sembates  (Sem- 
pad)  who  under  the  name  of  Constantine  VII  was 
appointed  Associate  ruler  of  the  Empire,  Basil,  Gre- 
gory, and  Theodosius.  On  December  25th,  820,  Leo 
was  assassinated,  and  Michael  II  the  Stammerer 
seized  the  power. 


LEO  V,  THE  ARMENIAN 


ARTAVAZDUS  & 
NICEPHORUS 


Associated  with  the  Imperial  throne  by  Michael 

MICHAEL  HI       III  surnamed  The  Drunkard   (842-867),  Basil   (867- 

&  BASIL  I         886)    murdered    his    colleague    and    benefactor,    and 

reigned  alone.     By  his  second  wife  Eudoxia  he  had 


BASIL  I  and 
CONSTANTINE  DC 


BASIL  I  alone 

several  children,  among  them  Leo  the  Wise  and  Alexander.    By  Maria, 


—  322  — 


an  Armenian  woman  whom 
he  repudiated,  he  had  had 
a  son  Constantine  VIII  on 
whom  he  bestowed  the  Im- 
perial title  in  868,  and  who 
died  in  879.  Basil  died 
August  29th,  886. 

The   reign   of  Leo  VI 
the  Wise   or  The  Philoso- 
pher   (886-912)    was   with- 
out note.  He  had  associated  with  him  on  the  Imperial  throne  his  brother 
Alexander,  and  although  he  had  four  wives,  he  left  only  one  son  Constan- 
tme  X  Porphyrogenetus,  born  in  905.    At  his  death  in  May  11th,  912,  Leo 
left  the  throne  to  his  brother,  giving  him  charge  of  his  son. 


COIN  OF  EMPEROR 

LEO  THE 

PHILOSOPHER 

(886-912) 


LEO  VI  &  ALEXANDER 


Alexander  was  born  Nov.  23rd,  871,  and  reigned 

ALEXANDER      from  912  to  913  only.    He  shared  his  crown  with  his 

(912-913)  brother  Leo  VI,  then  with  his  nephew  Constantine  X 

who  was   aged  five  only.     He   died  June   4th,    913. 


LEO   VI   and 
CONSTANTINE  X 


ALEXANDER 


CONSTANTINE 
and    ZOE 


CONSTANTINE  X 
&  ROMANUS I 


PORPHYROGENETUS 
CONSTANTINE  X 


Constantine  X  Porphyrogenetus  was  named 
"Augustus"  on  June  9th,  911.  He  was  then 
hardly  seven  years  old,  being  born  Sept.  1st, 
905.     A  Council,  appointed  by  Alexander  be- 


—  323  — 


CONSTANTINE  X 
and  ROMANUS  II 


fore  his  death,  ruled  therefore  with  him,  and  his 
first  act  was  to  call  back  from  exile  his  mother  Zoe 
Carbonopsine,  with  whom  he  reigned  from  913  to 
919.  In  919  he  married  Helena  the  daughter  of 
Romanus  Lacapenus,  the  Commander-in-chief  of 
the  Navy.  The  latter  had  himself  crowned  in  920, 
giving  his  three  sons,  Christophorus  (920),  Stephen 
and  Constantine  (928)  each  the  title  of  Augustus. 
But  in  944,  Constantine  X  consigned  Romanus  to 
the  island  of  Prote  (where  he  died  in  948),  and 
thereafter  ruled  alone  until  the  day  of  his  death 
(Nov.  9th,  959). 


ROMANUS  I, 


Constantine  X  left  a  son  named  Constantine, 
who  according  to  some  historians  shortened  his 
father's  days  by  poison  (1),  also  four  daughters, 
Zoe,  Theodora,  Agatha,  and  Anna. 

Romanus   I   Lacapenus 

ROMANUS  I      (920-944)  was  the  son  of  Theo- 

phylactus  Abastactus,  and  was 

born  in  Armenia  about  the  end  of  the  9th  century. 

Romanus  II  was  the  son  of  Constantine  X 


ROMANUS  II 


ROMANUS I 

CONSTANTINE  X 

&  CHRISTOPHORUS 


(1)   CEDRENUS,  337,  20;  ZONARAS.  XVI,  22. 

—  324  — 


and  Helena,  and  was  twenty  years  old  when  he  ascended 
the  throne  on  Nov.  10th,  959.  He  married  Theophanon 
and  had  three  children  by  her,  Basil  whom  he  made 
Associate  of  the  Empire  April  22nd,  960,  Constantine 
whom  he  also  made  associate  on  April  8th,  and  a  daugh- 
ter named  Anna.  Poisoned  by  his  wife,  this  ruler  died 
March  15th,  963,  Theophanon  becoming  Regent  for  her 
sons  Basil  H  and  Constantine  XI.  The 
JOHN  Empress  married  Nicephorus  Focas  who 

ZIMISCES  thus  became  Emperor  (963-969),  but  she 
had  him  assassinated  on  Dec.  10th,  969, 

in  connivance  with  John  Zimisces, 

who  took  advantage  of  the  youth 

of  the  two  emperors  and  usurped 

the  crown  (969-976).    Theophanon 

was  exiled,  but  the  death  of  John 

Zimisces  on  Jan.  11th,  976,  restored 

the  throne  to  the  two  sons  of  Ro- 

manus  U.    Basil  H  died  Dec.  15th, 

1025  at  the  age  of  seventy  years,         THEOPHANON 

leaving  his  brother  to  reign  alone. 


ROMANUS  II 
and  BASIL  II 


BASIL  n  and 

and  CONSTAN. 
TINE  XI 


COIN  OF  JOHN 
ZIMISCES 


Constantine  XI  Por- 
CONSTANTINE  XI  phyrogenetus  (10  2  5- 
PORPHYROGENETUS  1028)  had  three  daugh- 
ters: Eudoxia,  who  took 
the  veil,  Zoe,  and  Theodora. 
Before  his  death  he  named 
as  his  successor  the  Patrician 
Romanus  Argyrus,  and  or- 
dered him  to  repudiate  his 
wife  Helena  and  marry  his 
daughter  Theodora.  The  lat- 
ter refused  him,  however,  so 
he  married  Theodora's  sister, 
Zoe.  The  Byzantine  throne 
departed  consequently  from 
the  descendants  of  Leo  V. 


COIN  OF 
CONSTANTINE  XI 


—  325  — 


The    following   are   the  names  of  Armenian 
THE  ARMENIAN     princesses  who  wore  the  Imperial  crown; 
EMPRESSES 

Maria  or  Marina  (788-795),  the  wife  of  Fla- 
vius  Constantine  VI;  Theodosia    (813-820),  wife 
of  Leo  V;  Euphrosine  (823-830),  daughter  of  Constan- 
tine VI  and  Maria,  wife  of  Michael  II  the  Stammerer; 
Theodora  (830-867),  wife  of  Theophilus;  Helena  (919- 
961),  wife  of  Constantine  X  Porphyrogenetus;  Theo- 
dora  (971-976)   daughter  of  Constantine  X  and  sister 
of  Romanus  II,  wife  of  John  I  Zimisces;  Zoe,  daughter 
of  Constantine  IX,  who  was  the  wife  of  Romanus  III 
Argyrus   (1028-1034);  Theodora   (1041-1056)   daughter 
of  Constantine  XI  and  Helena,  wife  of  Constantine  XII 
who  reigned  alone  in  1055  and  1056;  and  Rhita,  Xene  or  Maria,  the  sister 
of  Hetum  II  and  daughter  of  Leo  II,  the  king  of  New  Armenia,  who  mar- 
ried Michael  IX  (1). 


THEODORA 

(1041-1056) 


THE  ARMENIAN 

OFFICIALS  OF 

THE  GREEK 

EMPIRE 


THEODORA  and 
MICHAEL  III 


Among  the  great  number  of  Armenians  who 
played  important  parts  as  officials  of  the  Empire, 
we  must  give  first  mention  to  the  eunuch  Narses, 
a  general  of  genius  who  by  crushing  the  forces 
of  the  Goths  and  Franks  restored  Rome  to  Em- 
peror Justinian  I.  From  542  to  568  he  governed 
the   reconquered   western   portion   of   the   latter's 

dominions.    Also  Isaac  the  Armenian,  Exarch 

of   Ravenna,   who   governed   Italy   from   625 

to  643. 

Armenian  names  were  innumerable  in  the 
army,  and  the  influence  of  such  men  of  another 
land  was  felt  not  only  from  the  military  point 
of  view  but  also  in  the  various  branches  of  the 
Government,  likewise  in  science,  art,  and  com- 
merce.   It  extended  even  beyond  the  Empire, 


(1)   Mentioned  by  PACHYMEROS,  vol.  II,  p.  205,  and  Niceph.   GREG.,  Hist. 
Byr.  VIII,  11. 


—  326  — 


GEORGIA 


and  so-called  barbarian  countries  sometimes  had  Armenians  to  rule  them, 
e.g.  Samuel  (of  Terdjan)  who  was  king  of  Bulgaria  in  the  10th  century. 

The  Armenians  not  only  attained  a  status  of 
THE  BAGRATID     eminence  in  the  capital  of  the  Eastern  world;  their 
DYNASTY   OF       influence   spread  to   the   lands    bordering    on    their 
own  homeland.     To  the  southeast  their  talents  for 
public  service  had  no  scope  in  the  face  of  Parthian 
and  Sassanid  hostility,  and  to  the  west  and  southwest 
Byzantine  power  was  paramount;  but  in  the  north,  in  all  the  Transcaucas- 
ian  countries,  among  the  uncivilized  nations,  the  Armenians  were  recognized 
for  their  superior  ability.  Georgia,  the  Modicum 
Hiberiae   regnum   of   Tacitus    (1)    had   from 
remotest  times  been  divided  into  a  great  num- 
ber  of   Eristhawates   or  domains  of  princes, 
which  were   in  turn   split  up  into  lands   be- 
longing to  the  Aznaours  or  feudatories  of  the 
Eristhaws.    Sassanid  rule  did  not  bring  about 
any  alteration,  so  that  there  was  no  political 
unity   whatever   among   the   Georgians,    until 
the  Armenian  emperor  Mauricius  placed  upon 
the  throne  of  Iberia  the  first  Bagratid  sovereign 
of  the  country,  Gouaram   (575-600).     There- 
after Georgia,  Aghouania,  Mingrelia,  and  all 
the  small   Kartvelian   states   of  the   southern 
slope  of  the  Caucasus  were  governed  by  Ar- 
menian rulers,  and  the  last  of  the  Georgian 
kings  Erekle  II  was  still  a  Bagratid  descendant. 
We  will  not  go  into  any  detailed  list  of  this 

long  line  of  kings,  who  had  to  fight,  mi  succession,  the  Sassanids,  the  Arabs, 
the  Turks,  the  Mongols,  and  the  Persians,  and  whose  dynasty  at  least  a 
score  of  times  was  placed  in  subjection,  or  even  driven  from  their  throne  at 


NARSES    and    THEODORA 
(Mosaic   at   Ravenna) 


(1)  XII.  C.  43. 


—  327 


Tiflis  or  Mtzkhet.  In  their  vicissitudes,  they  had 
help  either  from  the  Byzantines  of  Constantinople 
or  from  those  of  Trebizond,  and  lastly  from  the 
Russians,  according  to  the  ebb  and  flow  of  history. 
The  kingdom  of  Georgia  has  some  fine  pages 
in  its  chronicles  showing  forth  the  struggles  of 
the  Kartvelians  to  maintain  their  national  inde- 
pendence. They  lacked,  however,  the  high  level 
of  intellectual  culture  found  in  Armenia.  The 
Georgians  like  all  other  Caucasians  were  Asiatic 
in  their  mode  of  warfare.  Their  art  was  taken 
from  the  Byzantines  and  Armenians,  and  ati 
Tiflis,  Mtzkhet,  Gori,  and  the  small  towns  of  the 
Greater  Caucasus  are  to  be  seen  fine  examples  of 
Christian  Greek  architecture,  modified  of  course 
by  local  preferences.  Their  literature,  however,  with  the  exception  of 
a  few  poems  and  an  epic  entitled  "The  Leopard's  Skin",  is  almost  wholly 
of  a  religious  character  and  of  secondary  interest  only.  We  must  in 
justice  add  that  among  all  the  Kartvehan  peoples,  the  Georgians  alone 
showed  any  refinement,  —  the  other  Caucasians  remaining  up  to  modern 
times  entirely  uncivilized.  The  Georgians  undoubtedly  owe  their  cul- 
tural superiority  as  compared  to  their  neighboring  kinsmen  to  the  in- 
fluence of  the  Byzantines  and  also  of  the  Armenian  dynasty  that  ruled 
over  them  for  so  many  centuries. 


SARCOPHAGUS  OF 

ISSAC  THE  ARMENIAN 

(Ravenna) 


THE 
ARMENIANS 
IN  PERSIA 
AND  CONSTAN- 
TINOPLE 


Though  the  Bagratids  were  called  to  reign  over 
these  Christian  people,  no  such  opportunity  was  of- 
fered them  in  the  other  countries  bordering  on  Ar- 
menia. At  the  Persian  court,  as  also  at  that  of 
the  Arabs  and  later  the  Turks,  differences  of  re- 
ligion naturally  stood  between  the  Armenians  and 
the  throne;  they  filled  nevertheless  very  important 
governmental  positions.  This  dissemination  of  those  who  went  out  from 
Armenia  into  diverse  groups  was  undoubtedly  very  prejudicial  to  their 
own  nation's  interests,  for  each  group  had  its  partisans  in  the  homeland, 
and  opposing  factions  stopped  at  nothing  to  safeguard  their  private  in- 
terests and  obtain  the  adoption  of  their  particular  views.  They  may,  it 
is  true,  have  secured  helpful  alliances  for  the  Armenians,  but  such  al- 
liances most  frequently  were  burdensome  for  the  people. 


—  328  — 


One  could  easily  mention  a  number  of  Armenians  who  forswore  their 
religion  and  achieved  eminence  in  the  Moslem  States.  Saladin,  we  are 
told  by  Alishan,  was  an  Armenian  Kurd,  if  not  actually  an  Armenian. 
Azam  Atabeg,  prime  minister  of  Shah  Nasr-ed-Din,  belonged  to  an  Ar- 
menian family,  as  I  have  already  said.  But  we  need  not  recall  these  ren- 
egades' names;  in  renouncing  their  faith,  they  joined  the  enemies  of 
their  own  nation. 

Just  as  the  Byzantines  drew  Armenians  into  their  service,  the  Mos- 
lem rulers  also  realized  the  assistance  to  be  had  from  these  active,  intel- 
ligent, and  industrious  people.  Shah  Abbas  I  founded  New  Julfa  at  the 
gates  of  his  capital.  Mahomet  II  after  the  taking  of  Constantinople, 
desirous  of  offsetting  Greek  influence,  invited  the  Armenians  of  Asia  Minor 
to  come  and  settle  by  the  Golden  Horn  where  there  dwelt  already  a 
large  colony  of  them.  In  1461  Mahomet  appointed,  as  Patriarch  over 
all  Armenians  in  Turkey,  Hovakim,  the  bishop  of  Brusa,  granting  him  the 
same  privileges  as  Selim  I,  the  Greek  patriarch.  After  his  victory  at 
Chaldiran  over  the  Persians  in  1514,  the  Sultan  brought  many  Armenian 
craftsmen  from  Tabriz  in  order  to  develop  and  improve  industry  within 
his  dominions.  In  the  early  days  of  Ottoman  rule  there  were  at  Smyrna 
and  all  coastal  cities  of  the  Black  Sea  numbers  of  Armenian  artisans  who 
enjoyed  the  goodwill  of  the  authorities.  Not  only  did  the  Turks  ap- 
preciate the  services  rendered  to  their  government  by  such  good  workers, 
but  they  were  also  glad  to  counterbalance  in  a  degree  the  Greek  Christians 
who  were  always  a  very  numerous  and  turbulent  element  in  their  empire. 

Political  causes  for  Armenian  emigration  were  by  no  means  the  chief 
reason  for  the  wide  dispersion  of  this  nation.  They  were  certainly  a 
large  factor  in  strengthening  Armenian  business  establishments  in  the 
great  States  adjoining  their  ancestral  homeland,  and  such  causes  resulted 
in  even  more  distant  migrations;  nevertheless  only  at  Constantinople 
and  at  Isfahan  did  Armenian  settlements  really  spring  from  any  political 
background.  The  reason  for  the  exodus  of  so  many  inhabitants  to  more 
benign  lands  is  first  and  foremost  the  endless  woes  of  their  unhappy 
country,  ever  the  cause  and  the  scene  of  bloody  warfare. 

Attracted  by  the  opportunities  for  trade  offered  them  within  the 
Roman  empire,  many  Armenians  had  settled  from  ancient  times  in  the 
southern  Black  Sea  ports.  Armenian  colonies  had  as  early  as  the  reign 
of  Mithidrates  the  Great  taken  up  their  abode  in  Trebizond,  Cerasus, 
Amisus,  Sinope,  Pontine  Heracleum,  and  many  other  cities  on  the  Ana- 
tolian coast,  as  also  at  Phasis  in  Iberia,  and  probably  on  the  shores  of 

—  329  — 


the  Caspian  Sea,  in  Atropatenes,  at  Rhagae,  and  along  all  the  great  trade 
routes  of  the  East.  Persepolis,  Ecbatana,  Babylon,  and  Susa  had  for- 
merly been  the  great  Oriental  commercial  centers,  but  at  the  beginning 
of  our  era  their  places  were  taken  by  Pasagardae,  Ctesiphon,  Shuster, 
and  Ahwaz,  all  of  them  marts  for  the  goods  landed  in  Chaldaea  at  the 
ports  of  Alexandria  (of  the  Shatt-al-Arab)  and  ancient  Teredon  (Koweit). 
These  cities  traded  with  the  north  and  naturally  had  their  Armenian 
agents.  Likewise,  escaping  from  the  persecution  of  their  bloodthirsty 
oppressors,  many  others  from  the  Ararat  country  fled  to  northern  lands, 
to  the  Russian  steppes  and  the  Crimea  where  they  remained  in  business 
relations  with  their  homeland. 

The  largest  emigration  that  took  place,  however,  was  that  following 
the  fall  of  the  Bagratid  dynasty.  As  we  have  seen,  Armenian  colonies 
arrived  In  Cilicia  and  Cappadocia  when  Gaghik  II  was  deported.  Still 
larger  numbers  went  out  from  the  city  of  Ani  and  especially  from  the 
district  of  Shirak,  and  trekked  to  the  Crimea.  From  that  peninsula  which 
was  peopled  with  Tartars,  they  went  westward  in  two  main  branches,  one 
of  which  reached  Gallcia,  Podolia,  and  Volhynia,  and  the  other  Moldavia, 
whilst  still  another  section  of  the  Ani  exiles  settled  in  the  city  of  Astrakhan 
after  crossing  the  Qara-bagh  and  the  Derbend  pass. 

Just      recently,     a     Polish     writer,     Adolf 
THE  ARMENIANS     Novatchinsky    (1)    has  given  us   an  account  of 
IN  POLAND  the  relations  formerly  existing  between  the  Ar- 

menians and  the  Poles,  and  the  arrival  of  the 
emigrants  from  the  East  in  the  Vistula  and  Dniester  regions.    He  writes: 
"Long  before  the  downfall  of  the  Armenian  kingdom,  which  occurred 
"in  1375,  the  Armenians  made  their  appearance  among  us,  having  been 
"invited  to  come  by  David,  the  ruler  of  Galicia. 

"The  first  dismemberment  of  their  country  resulted  in  a  heavy  emi- 
"gratlon;  the  Armenian  exiles,  carrying  with  them  a  handful  of  their 
"native  soil  wrapped  in  cloth,  scattered  into  southern  Russia,  into  the 
"Caucasus,  and  the  land  of  the  Cossacks,  and  forty  thousand  of  them 
"reached  Poland.  From  then  on,  fresh  waves  of  Armenian  emigrants  at 
"regular  intervals  left  the  Pontine  shores  for  our  hospitable  Sarmatian 
"land,  and  it  must  be  confessed  that  these  guests  from  such  a  distance 
"were  found  to  be  the  'salt  of  the  earth',  so  useful  and  desirable  were 
"they  In  their  new  surroundings.  They  settled  chiefly  in  the  cities,  and 
"in  many  places  became  the  nucleus  of  Polish  middle-class  life.    The  city 

(1)   In  the  Kuryer-Poranny  of  Warsaw. 

—  330  — 


"of  Lwow  (Lemberg),  the  most  patriotic  center  in  Poland  and  the  scene 
"of  so  many  historic  upheavals,  owes  its  renown  largely  to  Armenian  im- 
"migrants.  Kamenets-Podolsk,  the  gem  among  our  ancient  fortresses, 
"got  all  its  celebrity  from  the  Armenians  who  settled  there.  In  Bukovina 
"and  all  Galicia,  the  Armenian  element  plays  a  leading  part  in  political 
"and  social  life,  in  industry,  and  in  intellectual  activities.  Furthermore, 
"throughout  Poland  and  its  capital,  Warsaw,  the  descendants  of  the 
"former  great  people  on  the  Araxes  have  distinguished  themselves  in 
"all  walks  of  life.  In  the  battles  of  Griinwald  and  Warna,  forbears  of 
"the  Alexandrovics,  the  Augustinovics,  the  Abgarovics,  the  Agopsovics, 
"and  the  Apakanovics  took  part.  Also  from  the  same  Armenian  stock 
"we  have  later  such  famous  Poles  as  Malakovski,  Missasowicz,  Piramo- 
"vics,  Pernatovics,  Yakhovicz,  Mrozianovsky,  Grigorovicz,  Baroutch,  Theo- 
"dorovicz,  etc.  ..." 

Through  their  repeated  emigrations,  the  Armenians  in  Poland  gradu- 
ally became  a  colony  of  two  hundred  thousand  spread  over  most  of  the 
cities  and  towns.  They  were  welcomed  by  the  Polish  kings,  and  the  rulers 
granted  them  not  only  religious  freedom  but  also  special  political  privi- 
leges. Casimir  III  (1333-1370)  for  instance  gave  the  Armenians  of  Ka- 
menets-Podolsk in  1344,  and  those  of  Lwow  in  1356,  the  right  to  form 
a  national  council  entirely  composed  of  Armenians  and  entitled  the  "Voit". 
This  council  of  twelve  judges  administered  Armenian  affairs  as  a  wholly 
independent  body.  All  official  acts  and  minutes  were  drawn  up  not  only 
in  the  Armenian  language  but  also  according  to  Armenian  law.  From 
the  year  1183  the  Armenians  of  Lwow  had  a  church,  built  first  of  all  of 
wood,  which  was  pulled  down  in  1363  and  replaced  by  a  larger  edifice. 
This  church  became  the  general  residence  of  the  Armenian  prelates  of 
Poland  and  Moldavia.  In  1516,  by  orders  of  Sigismund  I  (1507-1548), 
king  of  Poland,  the  Armenians  opened,  in  the  middle  of  a  rich  and 
aristocratic  quarter  of  Lwow,  their  first  Law-Court  or  Ratouche.  Con- 
sequently these  new  arrivals  in  Poland  were  specially  looked  after  and 
given  many  privileges.  A  trouble-maker  arose  in  this  peaceful  colony, 
however,  in  the  form  of  an  Armenian  priest  named  Nlcol  Thorossowitch. 
This  priest,  notwithstanding  the  protests  of  the  Armenians  in  Poland, 
had  been  consecrated  as  their  Bishop  by  the  Assistant  Catholicos  of 
Etchmiadzin,  Melchisedec  I  of  Garni  (1593-1628),  and  at  the  instigation 
of  the  Jesuits  of  Lwow  he  started  religious  dissension  among  the  Ar- 
menians. The  quarrel  took  on  such  proportions  that  the  Armenians 
openly  revolted  against  Nicol  and  in  1631  complained  to  the  new  Catholi- 

—  331  — 


COS,  Moves  III  (1629-1632),  who  sent  a  special  legate  to  investigate  the 
matter,  at  the  same  time  writing  both  to  the  King  of  Poland  and  the 
Pope  asking  that  aid  and  protection  be  given  his  envoy  in  the  difficult 
task  he  had  to  accomplish.  Nicol  managed  by  his  scheming  to  frustrate 
the  intervention  of  the  Catholicos,  for  this  bishop  actually  proclaimed 
himself  an  adherent  of  the  Roman  Cathohc  and  Apostolic  Church,  and 
with  the  help  of  the  Jesuits  succeeded  in  confiscating  the  property  and 
church  buildings  of  the  Armenian  community.  Thereupon,  outraged  by 
Nicol's  actions,  the  Armenian  inhabitants  who  numbered  over  fifty  thou- 
sand departed  from  Lwow.  Those  who  did  remain,  about  five  thousand 
of  them,  gradually  yielded  to  the  entreaties  and  propaganda  of  Vardan 
Hovnanian,  Nicol's  successor,  and  embraced  the  Roman  Catholic  faith 
(1689).  A  century  later,  in  1790,  the  Armenians  of  Poland  lost  all  their 
rehgious  and  political  privileges,  and  came  under  the  general  law  of  the 
land.  (1) 

Poland  was  the  birth-place  of  a  certain  number  of  Armenian  scholars 
including  Stepanos  Rochkian  and  Stepanos  of  Poland. 

So  ended  this  colony  of  Ani  refugees  in  Poland,  a  community  which 
foundered  on  the  rock  of  religious  dissension,  ever  the  great  scourge  of 
the  Armenian  people.  There  remain,  nevertheless,  many  indications  today 
of  the  Armenian  origin  of  these  Poles  whose  ancestors  once  came  from 
Asia.  They  have  lost  their  language,  it  is  true,  but  they  have  preserved 
some  of  their  traditions,  they  intermarry,  have  their  own  church,  and  for 
pilgrimages  they  generally  select  Lwow  where  they  have  their  cathedral 
built  long  ago  on  lines  recalling  their  churches  of  old  in  ancient  Ani, 
Until  comparatively  recent  years,  they  had  their  own  archbishop,  Mon- 
signor  Theodorovicz.  The  Slavic  Poles  always  designate  these  families 
by  the  name  of  "Armens." 

Of  those  who  emigrated  from  Lwow  in  the  17th  century,  ten  thou- 
sand or  so  went  to  Moldavia,  but  in  1671  they  were  forced  during  the 
Turco-Polish  war  to  settle  in  Bukovina  and  Transylvania.  In  Bukovina 
they  chose  the  city  of  Suczawa  and  its  surrounding  district,  while  in 
Transylvania  they  themselves  founded  two  new  towns,  Erzsebetvaros 
(Elisabethstadt)  and  Szamos-ujvar  (Armienerstadt)  which  were  by  spec- 
ial privilege  declared  free  cities  by  Charles  VI  Emperor  of  Austria 
(1711-1740).  (2) 


(1)  Cf.  K  J.  BASMADJIAN,  op.  cit.,  p.  71  sq. 

(2)  Cf.  K.  J.  BASMADJIAN,  op.  cit,  p.  36  sq, 

—  332  — 


Three  centuries  after  the  fall  of  Ani,  another  great 
THE  exodus  took  place  from  the  second  homeland,  new  Ar- 

ARMENIANS      menia.     Very  many  Cilicians  fled  abroad  for  fear  of 
IN  WESTERN     the  Moslems.     Crowds  of  them  were  received  in  Cy- 
EUROPE  prus,  Rhodes,   and  Crete,  also  at  Smyrna   and  Con- 

stantinople, and  all  the  lands  still  belonging  to  the 
Byzantine  Empire.  The  coming  of  the  Crusaders  had  familiarized  the 
Armenians,  however,  with  the  Latin  nations,  and  they  soon  began  to 
flow  towards  Venice,  Leghorn,  Rome,  Milan,  Naples,  Genoa,  and  Pisa, 
Armenian  colonies  being  gradually  formied  in  all  these  cities.  Other  emi- 
grants settled  in  France,  at  Marseilles  where  there  is  still  a  "Rue  des 
Armeniens",  and  in  Paris  where  unhappy  King  Leo  had  spent  his  last 
days. 

Egypt,  where  the  last  Armenian  ruler  was  kept  so  long  a  prisoner, 
then  had  a  considerable  Armenian  colony,  and  notwithstanding  the  hum- 
iliations and  countless  vexations  the  Christians  were  exposed  to  in 
that  country  from  the  Mamelukes,  quite  a  number  of  refugees  from  Cil- 
icia  settled  there. 

Amsterdam  also  had  its  Armenian  colony,  but  not  of  refugees  from 
Ani  or  Sis.  These  arrivals  were  men  and  women  from  New  Julfa  near 
Isfahan,  who  had  been  doing  business  in  India  and  the  Persian  Gulf  with 
the  Dutch  and  who  eventually  came  to  the  Netherlands  to  settle.(l) 

Abbas  had  a  purpose  in  protecting  the  Armenians  and  getting  them 
to  settle  just  outside  his  capital,  for  all  business  with  the  East  was  then 
in  the  hands  of  Christians  (English,  Portuguese,  Dutch)  with  whom  the 
Moslems  found  it  difficult  to  deal  directly;  whereas  the  Persian  monarch 
recognized  that  the  Armenians  would  be  the  very  middlemen  he  abso- 
lutely needed  to  bring  prosperity  to  his  dominions.  With  the  encourage- 
ment of  the  Persian  court,  large  Armenian  col- 
THE  ARMENIANS     onies  were  founded  in  the  busiest  ports  of  India, 

IN  INDIA  Bombay,  Calcutta,  and  Madras,  also  in  Ceylon. 

Armenian  business  relations  developed  far  afield, 
and  enterprising  merchants  among  them  went  still  further  Eastward,  es- 
tablishing themselves  at  Singapore,  in  Batavia,  and  even  in  China. 

In  eastern  Asia,  as  we  have  seen,  there  were  Armenian  colonies  at 
quite  an  early  date.     The  oldest  records  we  have  of  the  settlements  in 


(1)   The  carved  inscription  formerly  in  the  Armenian  church  of  Amsterdam  is 
now  at  Marseilles  in  the  Borelli  Castle  museum. 

—  333  — 


India  go  back  to  1497,  when  they  were  already  in  Calcutta,  long  before 
Job  Charnoch  made  it  an  important  commercial  metropolis  in  1690.  Con- 
sequently the  capital  of  India  owes  its  beginnings  as  a  business  center  to 
the  Armenians  rather  than  to  Europeans. (2)  We  have  proofs  of  this 
in  the  tombstones  discovered  in  the  former  Christian  burial-grounds  of 
Calcutta  dating  back  earlier  than  1690.  In  1688  Armenians  trading  in 
the  Indian  ports  obtained  from  the  East  India  Company  a  charter  dated 
June  22nd,  securing  them  special  benefits,  and  their  factories  became 
famous.  In  1692  they  enlisted  in  the  English  army,  and  fought  with  it 
during  the  18th  and  19th  centuries.  In  India  and  in  the  Malayan  archi- 
pelago, in  the  Philippines,  Siam,  Burma,  and  even  in  China  (Canton  and 
Nankin),  they  still  number  today  more  than  twenty  thousand. 

Of   all    these    colonies,   however,    one    of   the 
'^^^  oldest(l)    in   the  Mediterranean  and  one   of  the 

ARMENIANS  IN       ^^^^  important,   at  least  intellectually,  was   that 
VENICE  ^^  Venice.     It  owed  its   renown  to  the  so-called 

Mekhitharist  Congregation (2)  who  settled  there  on  the  island  of  Saint- 
Lazarus  and  became  the  leading  Armenian  cultural  center.  In  IS  10,  when 
the  art  of  printing  was  spreading  throughout  Europe,  the  Mekhitharists 
started  the  first  Armenian  printing-press  which  subsequently  rendered 
incalculable  services  to  their  people.  A  branch  establishment  at  Trieste 
was  followed  by  still  another  at  Vienna, 


The  Russian  campaigns  in  Armenia  against 
THE   ARMENIANS     the  Persians  and  Turks,  and  the  return  of  the 
IN  RUSSIA  Ottomans  to  the  plateau  of  Erzerum  resulted  on 

numerous  occasions  in  a  large  emigration  of  the 
Armenians  under  Moslem  rule  to  the  Czar's  Transcaucasian  possessions 
and  to  Russia  itself.  Moscow,  Astrakhan,  and  the  Crimea  had  colonies 
of  them  in  the  17th  century,  and  in  1708  Peter  the  Great  gave  these 
foreigners  special  privileges. 


(2)   Cf   N.  &  H.  BUXTON,  Travels  and  Politics  in  Armenia,  p.  194. 

(1)  In   1253    Count   Marco   Ziani   offered   the   Armenians   settled  in   Venice    a 
house  that  still  bears  the  name  of  "Armenian  House." 

(2)  From  the  name  of  its  founder  Mekhithar  of  Sebaste. 

—  334  — 


In  1746  the  Russian  Senate  authorized  the  ap- 
RUSSIAN  AD-  plication  of  the  national  Armenian  code  to  the  Ar- 
MINISTRATION       menians  of  Astrakhan.    In  1765  Empress  Catherine 

OF  THE  II  granted  the  same  privileges  to  the  Armenians  of 

ARMENIANS  New  Nakhitchevan.    When,  however,  General  Pas- 

kievitch,  who  sent  Archbishop  Nerses  Into  exile, 
came  to  power,  Russian  policy  towards  the  Armenians  changed,  and  the 
privileges  granted  by  Peter  the  Great  and  Catherine  II  were  one  by  one 
abolished,  and  replaced  by  a  statute  called  Polojenic  (11/23  March,  1836) 
setting  forth  the  control  of  the  Internal  affairs  of  the  Armenians  in  Russia, 
both  religious  and  national,  and  placing  the  Synod  of  Etchmiadzin  under 
the  supervision  of  the  Ministry  in  Petrograd,  which  was  to  be  represented 
in  the  Synod  by  a  Procurator. 

The  Armenians  are  very  numerous  in  Russia;  there  are  about  two 
millions  of  them,  who  belong  to  two  distinct  groups.  One  consists  of  the 
Inhabitants  of  the  Armenian  districts  conquered  from  the  Persians  and 
the  Turks;  these  were  consequently  liberated  from  Moslem  rule.  The 
other  group  is  that  of  the  Armenians  who  have  emigrated  at  various 
periods  and  are  scattered  all  over  the  Russian  empire.  The  part  of  Ar- 
menia that  came  under  Russian  rule,  from  the  18th  century  until  the 
treaties  of  Turkmen-Tcha'i  In  1828  and  San  Stefano  in  1878,  comprises 
the  former  provinces  of  Gougarq,  UtI,  Phaidagaran,  Artsakh,  Siuniq, 
Airarat,  and  Taiq,  also  the  colonies  of  Baku,  TIflis,  Batum,  Poti,  and  that 
of  the  northern  Caucasus. 

The  Armenians  in  Russia  are  divided  into  six  dioceses,  governed  by 
bishops  whose  appointment  is  subject  to  the  Czar's  approval.  Each  dio- 
cese has  its  Consistory  presided  over  by  its  bishop,  and  these  consistories 
are  responsible  to  the  Synod  at  Etchmiadzin. 

The  Armenian  dioceses  in  Russia  are  at  present  divided  as  follows: 

I.  Erivan,  comprising  the  provinces  of  Erivan  and  Kars,  also  the 
south-west  portion  of  the  province  of  lelisavetpol,  i.e.  the  canton  of  Zan- 
guezur.  By  the  terms  of  the  Polojenie  statute,  the  bishop  of  the  diocese 
of  Erivan  Is  none  other  than  the  Catholicos  of  all  Armenians  hinufeelf. 

II.  Tiflis,  or  Georgia  and  Imeritia,  with  the  provinces  of  TIflis,  Kou- 
ta'is,  and  the  Black  Sea,  as  well  as  the  northern  part  of  the  province  of 
lelisavetpol. 

III.  Choucha,  or  Qara-bagh,  a  diocese  consisting  of  the  cantons  of 
Kariaguin,  Choucha,  Djivanchir,  Noukhi,  and  Areche  in  the  province  of 
lelisavetpol. 

—  335  — 


IV.  Chamakhi,  containing  the  province  of  Baku  and  the  canton  of 
Daghestan. 

V.  Astrakhan,  consisting  of  the  province  of  Astrakhan,  the  eastern 
Russian  provinces,  together  with  Siberia  and  Turkestan. 

VI.  Bessa>rabia,  comprising  the  western,  northern,  and  southern  prov- 
inces of  Russia. 

In  addition  to  the  colonies  in  the  Old  World, 
THE  ARMENIANS  at  present  quite  numerous  in  Paris,  London, 
IN  AMERICA  Rome,  Petrograd,  and  most  of  the  large  Euro- 

pean and  Asiatic  cities,  we  must  remember  the 
North  American  Armenians  of  whom  there  are  over  100,000  today. 

The  first  Armenians  to  go  to  the  New  World(l)  were  two  experts 
in  silkworm-breeding,  who  at  the  invitation  of  the  governor  of  Virginia, 
settled  in  that  English  colony  in  1655.  Very  few  Armenians  landed  on 
the  shores  of  America  until  early  in  the  19th  century. 

In  1834  a  young  man,  16  years  old,  Khachatour  Voskanian  came 
to  New  York  to  finish  his  education.  He  became  a  journalist  and  was 
active  in  American  literature.  Later,  Harouthioun  Vehapetian  arrived  for 
the  purpose  of  continuing  his  studies  there;  he  became  Patriarch,  first  at 
Constantinople,  and  then  at  Jerusalem. 

From  1834  to  1867  there  were  no  more  than  fifty  or  sixty  Armenians 
in  the  United  States  all  told,  and  in  1870-1871  they  numbered  only  sixty- 
nine.  Then  there  began,  however,  the  actual  emigration  caused  by  Ar- 
menia's sufferings  during  the  Russo-Turkish  war  of  1876-1877.  Ar- 
menians thereafter  went  to  the  New  World  no  longer  just  to  study,'  but 
to  earn  a  livelihood  and  if  possible  make  enough  money  to  go  back  one 
day  to  their  native  land. 

Armenian  arrivals  in  America  increased  in  proportion  as  the  un- 
happy people's  woes  overwhelmed  them,  as  is  shown  by  statistics.  In 
1912,  9350  landed  in  United  States  ports,  and  the  following  year  over 
10,000,  so  that  by  1916  their  numbers  reached  at  least  100,000. 

We  find  therefore  that,  omitting  the  few  Armenians  who  are  scat- 
tered in  South  America  and  Oceania,  and  taking  just  the  principal  settle- 
ments, about  300,000  Armenians  have  left  their  homeland  to  live  abroad; 
100,000  are  in  the  United  States,  20,000  in  the  Far  East,  40,000  in  Egypt, 
and  20,000  in  Austria-Hungary.  These  latter  are  either  the  remnants 
of  the  medieval  emigration  to  Poland,  or  newcomers  in  Budapest,  Vienna 
and  other  large  centers.       Bulgaria   has   about   20,000  Armenians    who 


(1)  Cf.  Edw.  EGGLESTONE,  The  Beginners  of  a  Nation,  New  York,  1875. 

—  336  — 


came  after  the  fall  of  Ani  or  later  from  Constantinople.  The  8000  Ar- 
menians in  Roumania  are  emigrants  from  Poland,  as  are  also  those  of 
Bessarabia.  Those  at  Kief  have  been  living  there  ever  since  Alexander, 
the  great  Prince  of  that  city,  called  them  to  his  side  in  1060  to  help  him 
fight  the  Poles.  Most  of  the  Armenian  groups  in  the  northern  Caucasus 
date  from  the  Middle  Ages,  but  since  the  incorporation  of  part  of  Armenia 
in  the  Czar's  territory,  Russian  Armenians  have  founded  business  houses 
and  industries  In  all  the  large  cities  of  the  Empire. 

Cyprus,  the  isles  of  the  Archipelago,  Greece,  Italy,  and  western  Europe 
contain  about  8000  Armenians  who  largely  belong  to  the  nation's  elite.  So 
that  up  to  1914  we  find  the  total  number  of  Armenians  to  be  4,160,000  — 
of  whom  2,380,000  were  living  under  Turkish  rule,  1,500,000  under  that 
of  the  Russian  Emperor,  and  64,000  In  the  provinces  of  Persia  and  various 
other  foreign  settlements.  This  brings  to  about  4,500,000  the  total  num- 
ber of  Armenians  In  the  world,  a  number  which  the  recent  disasters  have 
reduced  to  an  extent  we  cannot  yet  accurately  calculate.  We  can  reckon, 
however,  that  there  are  at  least  three  millions  of  Armenians  throughout 
the  globe.(l) 

This  Is  not  the  place,  in  the  history  of  a  people,  to  delve  into  Its 
possible  future.  We  have  seen  in  the  foregoing  pages  that  the  Armenian 
nation  has  been  struggling  for  two  thousand  years  to  preserve  Its  free- 
dom, and  that  early  in  this  20th  century  it  has  been  placed 
by  fate  In  the  most  cruel  position  that  could  befall  a  people.  Politically 
speaking  Armenia  exists  only  In  the  past,  but  from  the  viewpoint  of 
their  nationality,  this  race  has  lost  none  of  the  vitality,  of  the  initiative, 
and  the  aspirations  it  had  in  the  days  of  yore.  And  so  she  stands  today 
before  the  tribunal  of  the  world's  conscience  and  claims  her  century-old 
rights  to  liberty  and  life. 


ARCHITECTURAL  DESIGN  ON  THE  CHURCH  OF  SAFAR 


(1)  The  population  of  many  of  the  smaller  states  of  Europe  is  not  above  that 
of  the  Armenian  nation:  Denmark  has  2,450,000  inhabitants;  Servia,  2,625,000;  Switz- 
erland. 3,325,000;   Bulgaria,    3,745,000,  etc. 

—  337  — 


CHAPTER  XI 

Literature,  Science,  and  Arts  among  the  Armenians 


PHARAGIR  ARMENIAN  WRITING 


When  the  Armenians  were  in  Asia  Minor  and  still  belonged  to  the 
Phrygian  nation,  the  art  of  writing  was  unknown  to  them,  and  such  was 
the  case  among  all  the  Indo-European  peoples  of  those   remote  times. 

The  only  known  systems  of  writing  used  then  were  Egyp- 

ANCIENT       tian   hieroglyphic   and  their  derivatives,   hieratic   and   de- 

ASIATIC        motic,  In  the  Nile  valley,  the  cuneiform  in  the  southern  part 

WRITING       of  western  Asia,  and  the  Phoenician  alphabet  drawn  from 

the  Egyptian  hieratic  on  the  Syrian  seaboard.  The  Hlttites 
maintained  their  hieroglyphic  writing  and  lagged,  therefore,  behind  the 

—  338  — 


Chaldeans  and  Egyptians  who  developed  this  system  into  more  cursive 
modes  of  thought-expression. 

Whilst  the  Armeno-Phrygians  were  dwelling  together  in  Asia  Minor, 
i.e.  in  the  9th  to  the  8th  century  B.C.,  the  Greeks  adopted  the  use  of 
writing  from  the  Phoenician  system.  The  records  reaching  us  from  an- 
tiquity would  indicate  that  this  progressive  step  took  place  in  the  island 
of  Thera  known  to  have  been  one  of  the  chief  centers  of  Phoenician  cul- 
ture in  Hellenic  lands.  Herodotus  tells  us(l):  "The  Greeks  were  first 
"taught  the  use  of  letters  as  they  were  employed  by  the  Phoenicians. 
"Subsequently  alterations  were  made  in  the  values  of  the  different  char- 
"acters  and  their  application."  In  any  case  it  took  several  centuries  for 
writing  to  be  established  and  diffused  in  Greece,  and  the  Armenians  had 
already  left  Phrygia  for  the  Ararat  regions  when  the  peoples  of  Asia 
Minor  first  realized  the  importance  of  the  art  of  writing. 

The  Phrygians  also  adopted  a  graphic  system  taken  from  the  Hel- 
lenic alphabet,  and  the  few  inscriptions  left  us  of  this  people  are  all  ex- 
tremely ancient.  The  chief  ones  among  them  are  those  on  the  monu- 
mental tombs  cut  out  of  the  rocks  of  the  ancient  Phrygian  city  of  Prym- 
nessus.(2).  The  largest  of  these  burial-places  contained  the  remains  of 
a  king  named  Midas.  These  inscriptions  were  studied  by  Ch.  Lassen(3) 
who  succeeded  in  ascertaining  to  what  linguistic  family  Phrygian  belonged, 
and  in  discovering  all  the  forms  of  Phrygian  declension  besides  definitely 
establishing  the  values  of  its  different  characters. 

We  cannot  tell  whether  the  Armenians  ever  knew  this  system  of 
writing,  but  from  the  complete  lack  of  any  very  ancient  stone  inscriptions 
both  on  the  rocks  of  Armenia  itself  and  in  any  of  the  territory  they  crossed 
on  their  way  to  Ararat,  we  are  Impelled  to  the  conclusion  that  the  Phrygian 
alphabet  was  born  subsequently  to  the  eastward  trek  of  the  descendants 
of  Haik. 

The  cuneiform  system  would  seem  to  have  disappeared  from  the 
Ararat  regions  along  with  the  overthrow  of  the  Urartu  kingdom.  The 
spoken  language  of  the  Urartaeans  certainly  must  have  taken  a  long  time 


(1)  Herodotus,  V.  58. 

(2)  Cf.  TEXIER,  Description  de  I'Asie  Mineure,  vol.  I,  pi.  LVI  &  LIX,  p.  156. 

(3)  Ueber  die  Sprachen  Klein-Asiens,  in  Z.  d.  D.  M.  G,  vol.  X.  p.  371-376. 

—  339  — 


to  fade  out  entirely,  but  it  ceased  to  be  in  evidence  at  all  politically. 

During  the  Achaemenian  period,  Aramaic  writing,  which  was  a  spe- 
cial form  of  Phoenician,  was  in  current  use  in  the  dominions  of  the  Great 
Kings.  This  system  did  not  suit  the  character  of  Aryan  languages,  and 
the  Persians  when  they  made  use  of  it  wrote  in  the  Semitic  language. 
The  Iranian  tongue  was  expressed  only  by  transformed  cuneiforms,  made 
into  syllables.  Neither  of  these  two  methods  of  writing,  therefore,  could 
meet  the  needs  of  the  Armenians. 

The  conquests  of  Alexander  which  made  the  use  of  the  Greek  alpha- 
bet widespread,  gave  the  Asiatic  Aryans  a  chance  to  crystallize  their  various 
languages,  but  the  Hellenic  characters  did  not  include  signs  that  corres- 
ponded to  all  the  sounds  of  the  Persian  and  Armenian  languages,  and 
consequently  Greek  was  used  in  Persia  at  the  same  time  as  the  so-called 
Persepolitan  characters.  The  latter  were  derived  from  the  Aramean  which 
under  the  Sassanids  had  already  developed  into  the  Pehlevi.  Bactriana 
evolved  a  different  mode  of  writing,  while  India  had  a  distinct  develop- 
ment, both  these  countries  being  indebted,  however,  to  characters  of 
Phoenician  origin  for  the  basis  of  their  respective  graphic  systems. 


There  is  reason  to  believe  that  many  centuries  after 
ARMENIAN  Aramaean  writing  developed  Into  Persepolitan,  Pehlevi, 
WRITING  Syriac,  and  other  forms  that  met  the  needs  of  the  various 
Semitic  languages,  the  Armenians  adopted  a  special  mode 
of  writing  with  characters  borrowed  largely  from  the  Syriac  alphabet,  the 
Greek,  and  others  akin  to  that  used  at  Palmyra.  Agathangelus,  Faustus, 
and  Lazarus  of  Pharp  seem  of  this  opinion.  This 
alphabet  must  have  remained  in  a  rudimentary 
state,  however,  and  it  was  probably  inadequate 
for  all  the  sounds  of  the  Armenian  tongue.  It 
may  have  been  used  at  the  time  that  Christianity 
was  first  preached  In  Armenia,  but  in  any  case, 
if  it  ever  existed  Its  inadequacy  soon  made  it 
obsolete,  and  towards  the  end  of  the  4th  century 
of  our  era  it  was  still  known  only  to  a  few  schol- 
ars such  as  Daniel,  the  Syrian  bishop  and  philo- 
sopher. This  alphabet  was  eventually  taken  and 
Improved  on  by  Mesrop,  assisted  by  the  monk 
Rufin. 


ARMENIAN 
CARVED   STONE 
ERGATHAGIR 
WRITING 
(Department  of  Medal- 
lions in  Paris) 


—  340  — 


As  long  as  the  Arsacid  dynasty  lasted  in  Persia,  Greek  was  in  great 
vogue  throughout  western  Asia;  it  was  the  official  language  of  Iran  and 
the  second  language  of  the  Roman  Empire.  It  was  very  useful  to  those 
preaching  Christianity  in  Armenia  and  the  Caucasian  countries.  With 
the  arrival  of  the  Sassanid  rulers,  however,  Greek  was  forbidden  through- 
out the  dominions  of  the  Great  King  and  the  Persians  did  everything 
possible  to  drive  it  out  of  Armenia,  where  Syriac  took  its  place  for  re- 
ligious books.  As  a  matter  of  fact  the  masses  of  the  Armenian  people 
were  familiar  neither  with  Greek  or  Syriac,  nor  with  Pehlevi-Persian. 
Only  in  a  few  border  provinces  were  those  languages  used  as  an  auxiliary 
tongue,  whilst  Armenian  alone  was  understood  in  the  interior. 

It  became  more  than  ever  necessary,  therefore,  to  follow 
MESROP       the  general  line  of  progress,  and  stabilize  in  writing  the  Ar- 
menian language,  giving  the  people  a  sacred  literature  they 
could  understand.    Mesrop  set  to  work  to  meet  this  need. 

His  hardest  task,  certainly,  was  to  analyze  the  different  sounds,  for 
the  Armenian  tongue  was  not  homogeneous;  it  varied  according  to  prov- 
inces. Mesrop  selected  one  of  the  dialects,  that  of  the  Ararat  country, 
either  because  he  considered  it  the  purest,  or  because  it  was  spoken  by 
more  Armenians  than  any  other,  or  else  again  because  it  was  employed 
at  court.  In  any  case,  with  the  help  of  Greek,  Syriac,  Iranian-Avestic, 
and  Semitic  Pehlevi,  he  accomplished  his  work.  He  gave  (as  in  Zend  and 
sometimes  also  in  Greek)  special  signs  for  the  various  vowel  intonations, 
and  he  expressed  all  consonantal  sounds  whether  simple  or  compound 
by  single  characters.  This  method  of  alphabet-formation  was  adopted 
later,  moreover,  by  the  Russians  and  the  other  Slavic  peoples.  The 
splitting  of  consonantal  sounds  would  undoubtedly  have  simplified  the 


—  341 


trQ-najiba-hKi.irt'iws 
tuusttt'  l;^'^nh^J|;^ 

\jLbU3rLl3UndhU' 

Jta*hu5'uhrnrii3b:?t2.* 
uTtn.ah3nhr2iJhrnH 


cf:^tuL%jtn-uhbri;hr^ 

pitU32T.nUU* 

T.nrug.tnuu*  irtULt 

:3Ubh'Ln3U^ttHltrU 

l^in5i!tri4br'nuT-tuu 

I  iimiHIbQ-tUlTFirtMJl' 


^ 


bX    2.  UV  f 


tbrura* 


[^ 


uant 


ERGATHAGIR  ARMENIAN  WRITING  OF  THE  lOTH  CENTURY    (966) 
(Tarkmantchatz  Gospel,  Constantinople,  from  document  lent  by  M.  F.  Mader) 


new  alphabet  by  doing  without  some  of  the  letters,  but  the  scholarly 
analyst  of  those  days  did  not  use  the  strict  methods  we  follow  today. 
Mesrop  sought  to  achieve  a  means  of  complete  phonetic  rendition,  and 
he  succeeded  with  remarkable  perspicacity. 

Some  writers,  including  Vartan,  are  of  the  opinion  that  Daniel's  al- 
phabet had  22  characters  and  that  Mesrop  adopted  only  17  of  them,  add- 
ing first  12  consonants  and  then  7  vowels  of  his  own.  According  to  Asso- 
ghik,  on  the  contrary,  Daniel's  alphabet  contained  29  letters,  and  Mesrop 
merely  completed  it  with  7  vowels. 

We  feel  we  must  reject  Assoghig's  opinion  because  It  was  impossible 
for  Daniel  to  find  in  Aramaean,  Syriac,  or  Pehlevi  all  the  consonantal 
sounds  of  the  Armenian  language  and  practically  all  the  vowels  were 
lacking  in  those  languages.  Mesrop,  after  numerous  unsuccessful  attempts 
to  employ  Daniel's  alphabet,  took  the  latter  as  merely  his  starting-point 


—  342  — 


t'ifCJiitiMiSMliJnisjii  p 

iTCUHb^irUljflMfbyil'b 

'^DCp^^lIP^^^^^^(^(/p^ 
Uib55rni|7-i:(i,  Q*bo- 


^l^^!*b«'•^l'^^?»:«il^l3^ 

5np«#-mrizuii5h3pip/^  • 
n-cuhnrni-u  in*ci.i;^ir  II 

'Wl^g'bl;r;!^l^l3^l»^P*^^ 
OM»5MiUUSl7lZCW*«i^ 

i^DnH/inn*^iU''rHbnp 
llut.5c•^^•^^^nllc^»n 


ERGATHAGIR  ARMENIAN  WRITING  OF  THE   lOTH   CENTURY    (989) 
(Gospel-book  at  Etchmiadzin,  from  a  document  lent  by  F.  Macler) 

and  applied  himself  to  the  study  of  the  Greek  system  of  writing.  In- 
fluenced by  the  latter  he  formed  the  final  Armenian  alphabet  which  like  the 
Hellenic  was  used  from  left  to  right,  in  contradistinction  to  Oriental 
usage.  Mesrop  adopted  for  Armenian  the  Greek  method  of  forming 
syllables.  Accordingly  the  Mesropian  alphabet  consists  of  signs  taken 
from  Daniel's  letters  with  some  changes  probably,  filled  in  beyond  question 
by  borrowings  from  the  Greek  and  some  Oriental  alphabets  in  order  to 
express  the  vowels  and  consonants  missing  in  Daniel's  system,  missing 
because  they  were  not  present  in  the  Semitic  languages.    About  this  time 


—  343  — 


a  similar  transformation,  and  one  due  to  the  same  causes,  took  place  in 
Iran  where  the  Zoroastrian  clergy  taking  the  Pehlevi  writing  as  their 
basis  created  an  entirely  made-up  Zend  alphabet.  Their  aim  was  to 
rescue  the  Avestic  writings  of  the  old  Aryan  language  from  the  obscurity 
to  which  they  were  relegated  by  the  use  of  Semitic  characters. 

The  blessing  of  a  written  language  in  the  Ararat  country  meant  the 
beginning  of  a  great  intellectual  upswing  for  Armenia.     Not  only  could 
the  Scriptures  and  scriptural  commentaries  be  translated  into  Armenian, 
thanks  to  the  new  alphabet,  but  it  caused  a  development  of  secular  litera- 
ture,   and   raised  the   general 
cultural  level.    Until  then  the 
I        ^y  ^  people  had  been  satisfied  with 

Q3«*r>^   ►I?|pl?p(«'»*f-*»*4r**  4—*^  oral    traditions    just    as    the 

lp«  CCp  ^..^aS.    J^-iX^        Greeks    and    all    Indo-Eurc. 
La    ^  7       4        JJiLdUk        pean  peoples  once  were.    With 

tjj^^w  3t,^^.|-ji.»*-fc    •i^^-IK-ir-        ^  language  and  a  literature  all 

their  own,  national  sentiment 

NOTRAGIR  ARMENIAN  WRITING  ^^^j^  ^^^^  j^^^^  ^f  both,  and  it 

(More  recent  form)  ,  .        -j    4.t,„4.   ;«.   :- 

(Zeitonn  1596)  ^^^^^^  ^e  gamsaid  that  it  is 

largely  due  to  Mesrop  that  the 
Armenian  people  came  through  all  their  centuries  of  struggle,  servitude, 
and  persecution,  without  losing  their  nationality. 

Mesrop's  task  was  chiefly  undertaken  with  a  view  to  spreading  the 
Christian  religion,  but  a  subsidiary  purpose  was  the  emancipation  of 
the  Armenians  from  the  influence  of  foreign  clergy.  The  first  works  in 
Armenian,  consequently,  were  translations  of  Greek  and  Syriac  writings 
all  dealing  with  religious  subjects.  They  included  the  Bible  and  the 
Gospels,  the  writings  of  Ephrem  the  Syrian,  the  Hexameron  of  Basil  of 
Caesarea,  the  homilies  of  St.  John  Chrysostom,  the  Ecclesiastical  History 
of  Eusebius,  that  of  the  conversion  of  Edessa,  the  (apocryphal)  corres- 
pondence of  Christ  with  Abgar,  by  the  Syrian  Laroubna,  the  Syriac 
liturgy,  that  of  St.  Basil,  etc.,  besides  the  various  writings  in  Armenian 
itself  such  as  Mesrop's  biography  by  his  disciple  Korioun,  the  'refutations 
of  sects'  by  Eznik,  the  history  of  Armenia's  conversion  to  Christianity, 
ascribed  to  Agathangelus,  and  the  history  of  Armenia  under  the  Persian 
Arsacids,  ascribed  to  Faustus  of  Byzantium.  To  these  must  be  added 
the  hymns  written  in  Armenian  ascribed  by  tradition  to  Mesrop  and  his 
great  collaborator,  Catholicos  Sahak. 

—  344  — 


Before  the  time  of  Mesrop,  there  was  certainly 

ANCIENT  no  written   Armenian  literature.     Statutes  and   royal 

ARMENIAN        rescripts,  along  with   administrative  documents,  were 

LITERATURE      written  in  Greek  during  the  period  of  Arsacid  rule,  and 

in  Pehlevi  under  the  Sassanids.  The  same  applies  to 
the  historical  chronicles  or  annals  compiled  during  those  centuries  whether 
by  Armenians  or  non-Armenians.  These  latter  works  have  not  been 
preserved  to  us,  and  Moses  of  Khoren  alone  makes  mention  of  any  of 
their  authors.  He  mentions  Mar-Apas-Katina  (whom  some  authorities 
think  might  have  been  Berose),  Olym-pius  (Aghioub)  of  AnI,  the  high- 
priest  of  Ormuzd,  who  lived  In  the  later  half  of  the  second  century  of  our 
era  and  wrote  a  history  of  his  times,  Bardesanes  and  Khorohput,  two 
Iranian  annalists.  Some  contemporary  authorities  look  upon  these  writers 
as  Inventions  of  Moses  of  Khoren,  but  such  a  view  Is  very  questionable 


BOLORGIR  ARMENIAN  WRITING 

and  hardly  tenable,  for  It  is  not  at  all  likely  that  a  country  that  had 
reached  Armenia's  state  of  development  would  not  have  recorded  its 
history.  We  know,  moreover,  from  reliable  sources  that  the  Armenian 
upper  classes  were  quite  cultured,  and  that  both  at  the  court  and  at  the 
residences  of  the  Satraps,  living  was  sumptuous  and  embelhshtJ  with 
all  kinds  of  expressions  of  art.  Among  the  nobility  were  literary  men 
of  note,  such  as  Artavazd,  the  son  of  TIgranes  the  Great,  who  wrote 
tragedies  and  discourses  In  Greek  and  whose  works  are  praised  by  Plu- 
tarch; Vrouyr,  of  a  royal  family  of  satraps,  mentioned  by  Armenian  his- 
torians as  a  poet  of  merit;  and  Parouyr  (Proereslos  In  Greek),  the  "prince 
of  orators",  who  was  known  for  his  eloquence  In  Rome,  and  to  whom  his 
pupil  Gregory  of  Nazlanzus  refers  with  great  admiration  In  his  writings. 
Historians  tell  us  that  In  the  Imperial  City  a  monument  was  raised  to 
Parouyr  with  the  following  inscription:  "Rome,  the  Queen  of  Cities,  to 
the  King  of  Eloquence."  What  constituted  the  real  Armenian  literature 
of  this  period,  however,  were  the  orally  transmitted  songs  of  the  bards. 
All  that  has  come  down  to  us,  unfortunately,  of  this  ancient  poetry  are 

—  345  — 


fragments  quoted  by  Moses  of  Khoren  and  Gregory  Maglstros.  We 
do  know,  however,  from  the  chroniclers'  frequent  reference  to  them,  that 
these  songs  were  not  only  numerous  and  diversified,  but  enjoyed  great 
popularity.  Even  Christianity,  according  to  Faustus  of  Byzantium,  did 
not  succeed  in  uprooting  them  altogether  in  spite  of  centuries  of  effort,  for 
the  spirit  permeating  them  reappeared  in  a  new  form,  in  the  Middle  Ages, 
among  the  troubadours. 

This  ancient  poetry  was  vibrant  with  epic  inspiration.  It  sang  of 
the  gods  mighty  and  serene,  of  Ormuzd  "the  founder  of  humankind",  "the 
father  of  the  Gods  and  all  heroes",  "the  Architect  of  the  Universe",  "the 
Creator  of  Heaven  and  Earth",  the  "Wise"  and  the  "Valiant  One",  of 
Mihr,  the  invisible  Fire,  Son  of  Ormuzd,  the  essence  of  universal  life, 
the  god  of  light  and  heat;  of  Nana,  the  goddess  of  motherhood,  the  pro- 
tectress of  the  family;  of  Astlik,  the  goddess  of  beauty  and  love,  pro- 
tectress of  virgins;  of  Amanor,  the  god  of  the  New  Year  and  of  hospitality; 
of  Anahit,  goddess  of  fecundity  and  wisdom,  the  "temperate  and  immacu- 
late Lady",  the  "golden-winged  Mother",  the  protectress  of  Armenia;  of 
Vahakn,  the  god  of  strength,  Astlik's  lover,  who  fought  with  dragons, 
hunted  wild  beasts,  and  who  was  born  in  the  birth-throes  of  heaven  and 
earth: 

In  travail  were  both  heaven  and  earth. 

In  travail  was  the  crimson  sea. 

The  small  red  reed  was  seized  with  labor  in  the  sea, 

And  from  its  stem  there  issued  smoke, 

From  the  small  reed's  stem  there  issued  flame. 

And  athwart  the  flame  there  sprang  a  youth, 

Sprang  a  fair-haired  youth; 

His  hair  was  as  of  fire, 

His  nascent  beard  of  flame. 

And  his  eyes,  they  were  as  suns!  (1) 

This  early  Armenian  poetry  sang  of  legendary  or  historic  heroes, 
of  Haik,  the  "sturdy  hero  of  noble  frame,  with  his  curly  hair,  his  keen 
eye  and  robust  arm,  brave  and  renowned  among  the  Giants"  (2);  of 
Aram,  the  vanquisher  of  Nioukar,  the  Median  tyrant  whom  he  took  prls- 


(1)  Moses  of  KHOREN,  I,  chap.  xxxi. 

(2)  ID.,  chap  X  &  XI. 


—  346  — 


oner  and  with  his  hand  nailed  through  his  forehead  to  the  top  of  the 
tower  of  Armavir;  Ara  the  Handsome,  who  in  fidehty  to  his  motherland 
and  his  wife  Nevarte,  refused  the  hand  of  the  wanton  Chamiram  (Semira- 
mis)  fallen  violently  in  love  with  him,  and  who  died  in  combat  with  the 
Assyrian  queen  seeking  to  possess  him  by  force  of  arms;  King  Tigrancs 
who  killed  the  tyrant  Ajdahak,  king  of  the  Medes;  King  Artashes  II,  who 
overcame  all  his  country's  enemies  and  raised  his  land  to  a  high  level 
of  power  and  prosperity.  It  sang  of  Artavazd,  the  gloomy  and  passionate 
prince-royal  who,  cursed  by  his  father,  good  King  Atashes,  was  thrown 
by  the  genii  from  Mt.  Ararat  into  a  deep  abyss  where  he  forever  dwells, 
doomed  to  live  always,  chained  to  a  rock  lest  "should  he  emerge,  he  des- 
troy the  world."  It  sang  also  of  Tork,  the  Giant  symbol  of  Strength,  who 
crushed  rocks  in  his  hands,  scratched  eagles'  wings  on  stones  with  his 
very  finger-nails,  and  who  one  day  caused  a  crowd  of  ships  to  be  engulfed 
in  a  storm  in  the  Black  Sea  by  throwing  therein  huge  rocks  from  a  hill- 
top.(l)  In  all  these  indistinct  legends  and  traditions  we  find  Assyria, 
Media,  and  Persia  mingling  with  Grecian  myth  and  ancient  national 
memories  of  the  descendants  of  Haik. 

Victor  Langlois,  in  the  foreword  to  his  collection  of  ancient  and 
modern  historians  of  Armenia,  devotes  some  very  interesting  pages  to 
its  popular  songs  of  those  remote  times.  He  writes:  "These  songs  chiefly 
"recall  events,  mostly  heroic  and  legendary,  that  took  place  at  quite 
"different  periods,  leading  to  the  conclusion  that  they  must  have  been 
"composed  at  various  times  by  rhapsodists  whose  names  are  forgotten. 
"The  subject-matter  of  these  songs  clearly  shows  that  they  did  not  spring 
"either  from  pagan  priests,  or  from  poets  influenced  by  the  latter,  for 
"recital  in  religious  ceremonies  or  altar-worship.  We  must  recognize, 
"on  the  contrary,  that  they  were  composed  by  national  bards  with  free 
"access  to  the  ruler's  palace  and  the  satrap's  court."  These  minstrels 
are  the  ancestors  and  forerunners  of  the  modern  achoughs  who  In  our 
time  still  go  from  village  to  village  and  house  to  house  singing  their  poems. 

As  regards  knowledge  of  Armenian  beginnings,  however,  the  achoughs 
must  bear  little  comparison  with  those  ancient  bards  who  sang  of  the  strug- 
gle to  conquer  the  Armenian  land,  of  the  battles  waged  by  the  giants,  by 
the  companions  of  the  great  Haik.    Their  ballads  are  gone  forever. 

We  might  lean  to  the  opinion.  If  we  heeded  what  Moses  of  Khoren 
says  of  the  oral  poems  of  old,  that  they  formed  a  complete  epic,  like  the 
Shah-Nameh  of  the  Persians.     The  fragments   we   have,  however,  and 


(1)   A.  TCHOBANIAN,  Chants  popnlaires  armeniens,  Introd.,  p.  Ixxv-  sq. 

—  347  — 


the  conditions  under  which  the  poetry  sprang  up,  point  rather  to  their 
being  detached  compositions,  love  poems,  dancing  and  wedding  songs, 
sacred  hymns,  and  invocations  to  the  gods,  reminding  one  of  the  Spanish 


romancero. 


These  epic  songs  were,  moreover,  not  the  only  literary  output  of  the 
Armenians  in  pagan  times;  they  undoubtedly  possessed  narratives  passed 
on  by  word  of  mouth,  recited  by  their  old  folk  during  the  long  winter 
evenings  to  the  family  seated  around  the  hearth,  stories  in  prose  or  in 
verse,  recalling  for  their  emulation  the  deeds  of  prowess  achieved  by  men 
of  their  race,  by  villages,  or  by  tribes.  These  are  lost  treasures,  unfor- 
tunately, forgotten  epics  whose  fables  would  have  been  so  much  valued 
by  us  today,  but  for  which  Christian  historians  substituted  fictions  woven 
around  Bible  subjects.  The  first  historical  works  are  so  imbued  with 
this  superposition  of  Christian  legend  that  for  centuries  the  early  days 
of  the  Armenians  were  represented  by  fanciful  tales  mostly  based  on 
Hebrew  legend,  and  the  effects  of  this  unfortunate  deviation  are  seen  too 
in  all  writings  of  medieval  Christendom. 

The  literature  peculiar  to  Christian  Armenia  owed  its  Inception  and 
main  development  to  the  clergy  and  was  naturally  governed  by  the  spirit 
of  the  new  religion.  It  consisted  of  Scriptural  translations  and  commen- 
taries, theological  writings,  liturgical  hymns,  dissertations,  sermons,  and 
numerous  historical  works  wherein  the  religious  element  was  predominant. 
Nevertheless,  notwithstanding  this  absorption  of  thought  and  the  ex- 
clusiveness  of  the  clergy,  ancient  predilections  were  so  deeply  rooted  among 
the  people  that  some  links  were  maintained  between  the  ancient  heathen 
poetry  and  that  of  the  new  civilization.  There  came  about  In  Armenia 
just  as  In  western  Europe  a  revival  of  that  pre-Christian  sentiment,  and 
quite  a  number  of  priests  (as  was  the  case  In  France  from  the  ISth  century 
on)  let  themselves  be  carried  away  by  secular  themes. 

As  we  find  It  In  the  most  ancient  writings  preserved  to  us,  whether  in 
the  original  or  In  translation,  the  Armenian  language  is  seen  to  contain  a 
wealth  of  poetry  and  lyric  rhythm,  and  to  be  permeated  with  sturdy 
patriotism.  We  cannot  help  concluding  that  Its  early  writers,  in  fashion- 
ing the  national  medium  of  thought  that  they  used  so  splendidly,  must 
have  drawn  generously  on  the  ancient  Armenian  bards.  Aided  by  Greek 
culture  mostly  imbibed  In  the  Byzantine  centers  which  they  purposely 
visited,  they  endowed  their  native  tongue,  already  well-rounded  by  their 
heathen  predecessors,  with  a  scholarly  and  refined  finish.  All  experts 
who  have  undertaken  a  close  study  of  the  Armenian  language  agree  in 

—  348  — 


assigning  to  it  a  very  high  place  among  the  most  accurate  vehicles  of 
human  thought.  The  translation  of  the  Bible,  for  instance,  is  looked 
upon  as  an  outstanding  literary  monument,  and  the  original  work  of 
Eznik,  the  purest  Armenian  writer  of  that  period,  is  the  equal  of  that  of 
any  among  the  most  renowned  masters  of  prose. 

Although  we  are  not  in  a  position  to  compare  the  lost  heathen  litera- 
ture of  Armenia  with  that  of  its  early  Christian  period,  we  notice  never- 
theless many  flights  of  ancient  national  thought  in  frequent  passages  of 
certain  historians,  as  also  even  in  religious  hymns.  Cannot  the  same 
be  said,  moreover,  of  the  CathoHc  Hterature  of  the  west,  in  our  own 
church  hymns,  and  also  in  the  liturgical  words  of  the  Orthodox  Church? 
The  breath  of  Greece  and  Rome  left  indelible  impressions  everywhere 
that  it  reached. 

In  an  historical  work  such  as  this,  it  is  impossible  to  mention  all 
the  writers  among  such  an  abundant  literature,  much  less  to  give  any 
analysis  of  their  respective  works.  I  will  limit  myself,  consequently, 
to  naming  just  a  few  of  the  chief  Armenian  authors,  and  beg  the  reader 
seeking  to  enlarge  his  knowledge  of  the  subject  to  refer  to  the  special 
works  thereon.  (1) 


(1)  The  following  are  some  of  the  books  and  articles  dealing  with  this  subject: 
Ed.  DULAURIER,  Recueil  des  Historiens  des  Croisades,  vol.  2,  Les  Documents 
armeniens.  —  Etienne  ASSOGHIK,  Histoire  universelle,  transl  of  part  I.  —  Victor 
LANGLOIS,  Collection  d!'Historiens  armeniens,  2  vols.  —  BROSSET,  Collection 
d'Historiens  armeniens,  2  vols.  —  Histoire  d'Armenie,  by  VARTABED  ARISTACES 
of  Lastivert,  transl.  by  Evariste  PRUD'  HOMME.  —  SAINT-MARTIN,  Me- 
mories historiques  et  geographiques  sur  I'Armenie.  vol.  2.  Histoire  des  Orpelians, 
by  Etienne  ORPELIAN.  —  Prosopopee-Allegorie,  from  the  Rose  and  the  Nightingale 
of  Mark-Zacharia  CHODJENTZ  of  Erivan,  transl.  by  Ed.  LEVAILLANT  DE  FLORI- 
VAL.  —  Felix  NEVE,  L'Arminie  chritienne  et  sa  litterature.  —  A  TCHOBANIAN, 
Poemes  armeniens  anciens  et  modernes;  Chants  populaires  armeniens;  Les  Trou- 
veres  armeniens;  L'Armenie,  son  Histoire,  sa  Litterature,  son  role  en  Orient;  L'Ar- 
minie, son  passe,  sa  culture,  son  avenir;  La  France  et  le  Peuple  armenien;  Poems: 
La  Vie  et  le  Reve;  Offrande  poetique  a  la  France;  La  Litterature  armenienne  an- 
cienne  et  contemporaine,  3  articles  (Revue  Encyclopedique  Larousse)  ;  Gregoire 
de  NAREK,  (Mercure  de  France)  ;  transl.  of  the  novel  Djelaleddin,  by  RAFFI 
(Revue  des  Revues).  —  Frederic  MACLER,  Histoire  d^Armenie,  of  Bishop  SEBEOS, 
Fables  of  MEKHITAR  GOCHE,  Contes  armeniens,  Nouvelles,  by  Marie  SEVADJIAN 
Petite  Bibliotheque  armenienne,  (a  series  of  volumes  containing  translations  of  the 
works  of  CHIRVANZADE,  Rupen  ZARTARIAN,  Av.  AHARONIAN,  BARONIAN, 
and  H.  ARAKELIAN).  —  Minas  TCHERAZ,  Nouvelles  armeniennes;  Poetes  ar- 
meniens. —  Tigrane  YERGAT,  Litterature  armenienne,  (Revue  des  Revues).  Revue 
Franco-Etrangere  (issue  of  May  1916)  poems  by  Daniel  VAROUJAN,  Adom  YAR- 
JANIAN,  H  TOUMANIAN,  DJIVANI,  etc.  —  Miss  Alice  Stone  BLACKWELL, 
Armenian  Poems,  Boston.  —  Miss  Zabelh  BOYAJIAN,  Armenian  Poems  and  Legends, 
London.  —  La  Poesie  armenienne,  translation  of  selections  published  under  editor- 
ship of  Valery  BRUSOFF,  Moscow.  —  Anthologie  armenienne,  published  at  Petro- 
grad  under  editorship  of  Maxim  GORKY. 

—  349  — 


Most  of  the  large  number  of  historians  and  chroniclers  of  the  5th 
to  the  14th  centuries  furnish  us  with  highly  interesting  documentation 
regarding  not  only  Armenia  but  also  adjacent  Asiatic  peoples  and  the 
Byzantine  Empire.  Some  of  them,  moreover,  are  authors  of  considerable 
note,  including  a  few  who  are  real  poets  rather  than  annalists. 

The  earliest  of  these  writers  is  undoubtedly  Korioun,  who  lived  about 
the  middle  of  the  5th  century,  and  whose  Lije  of  Mesrop  contains  very 
many  interesting  details  concerning  Armenia's  conversion  to  Christianity, 
also  concerning  the  invention  of  writing.  The  most  noteworthy  historians 
of  this  period,  however,  are  Agathangelus  and  Faustus  of  Byzantium. 
It  was  long  thought  that  the  two  books  ascribed  to  these  authors  (believed 
by  some  to  have  been  written  by  Korioun  himself)  were  originally  in 
Greek,  but  this  opinion  is  no  longer  held.  The  History  of  Gregory  the 
Illuminator  and  King  Tiridates  by  Agathangelus  is  a  fine  piece  of  litera- 
ture, both  for  purity  of  style  and  language,  while  Faustus'  Chronicle 
is  more  picturesque  and  vivid.  As  historical  documents  these  two  works, 
especially  the  second,  are  most  valuable.  The  same  may  be  said  of  The 
History  of  Taron,  by  Zenobius  of  Glak,  who  lived  in  the  same  period. 
He  relates  the  furious  fighting  of  the  pagan  priests  against  the  preachers 
of  Christianity  and  the  satraps  who  accompanied  the  latter. 

One  of  the  leading  figures  of  the  same  period  was  Elisha  to  whom 
we  are  indebted  for  the  story  of  the  uprising  of  Christian  Armenia  against 
the  rule  of  the  Sassanid  Persians,  worshipers  of  Ormuzd,  including  the 
deeds  of  valor  of  Vardan  Mamikonian,  Armenia's  national  hero.  Elisha  is 
a  real  epic  poet.  Then  we  have  Lazarus  of  Pharp,  an  excellent  historian, 
restrained,  chaste,  and  precise  in  style.  In  his  History  of  Vahan  Mami- 
konian, (his  contemporary),  he  rehearses  the  prowess  of  this  valiant 
prince  whose  courage  and  ability  raised  Armenia  from  the  ruin  she  was 
in  after  the  fall  of  the  Arsacid  dynasty. 

In  the  7th  century  Sebeos,  another  author  of  note,  wrote  his  History 
of  Emperor  Heraclius,  most  valuable  for  students  of  that  time  and  ex- 
tremely useful  for  Byzantine  history.  Likewise  Moses  of  Kalankdit  wrote 
concerning  the  Aghouan  people  and  events  of  the  same  period  in  Trans- 
caucasia. 

Teh  Bagratid  era  is  no  less  prolific  in  writers  than  the  preceding  period 
of  the  Graeco-Persian  struggles  for  Armenia.  This  era  includes  John 
Catholicos  and  Thomas  Artzruni,  both  of  whom  relate  the  events  of 
their  day  in  the  kingdom  of  the  Bagratids  and  that  of  Vaspurakan;  Ste- 
phen Assoghik,  author  of  a  Universal  History,  the  second  part  of  which 

—  350  — 


deals  with  events  under  the  Bagratids;  Ukhthannes,  who  wrote  a  History 
of  Armenia;  and  finally,  Aristaces  of  Lastivert  who  chronicled  the  dis- 
asters culminating  in  the  fall  of  Ani  and  the  destruction  of  the  Bagratid 
kingdom.  This  writer's  stirring  pages  have  earned  him  the  title  of  the 
"Armenian  Jeremiah." 

Among  the  historians  of  the  Armeno-Cilician  period,  i.e.  from  the 
11th  to  the  14th  century,  we  must  mention  Vahram  of  Edessa,  secretary 
of  King  Leo  III  (1271-1289),  who  wrote  a  rhymed  chronicle  as  a  sequel 
to  the  historical  poem  of  St.  Nerses  the  Gracious,  dealing  with  the  Haikian, 
Arsacid,  and  Bagratid  dynasties  of  Greater  Armenia;  Matthew  of  Edessa 
whose  History  relates  the  events  of  the  time  of  the  Emperors  Nicephorus 
Phocas  and  John  Zimisces;  Samuel  of  Ani,  author  of  a  chronicle  summariz- 
ing Armenia's  history  from  its  very  beginning  up  to  his  own  time;  Ste- 
panos  Orbelian  who  in  his  History  of  Siuniq  gives  us  a  sketch  of  the  sa- 
trapal  family  of  that  province;  Vartan  Vartabed  and  Kirakos  of  Gandzak 
who  both  wrote  of  the  Mongol  invasions;  Hetum,  Marshall  of  Armenia 
and  Count  of  Gorigos,  whose  Narrative  of  the  Tartars  and  Chronological 
Tables  include  the  period  1076-1308;  Sempad,  Constable  of  Armenia  and 
brother  of  King  Hetum  I  who  has  left  us  a  chronicle  that  is  an  epitome 
of  those  of  Matthew  of  Edessa  and  Gregory  the  Priest  (952-1152)  fol- 
lowed by  his  own  compilation  until  the  year  1274,  with  an  anonymous 
continuation  up  to  A.D.  1335.  (We  should  add  that  Samuel  of  Ani's 
work  is  based  first  on  Eusebius'  chronicle  which  he  adapted  to  the  history 
of  Armenia  in  particular,  and  that  he  then  carried  it  on  until  1140,  after 
which  date  an  unknown  writer  continued  it  until  A.D.  1340.) 

Among  all  the  historians  of  Armenia,  however,  the 

MOSES  OF       most  famous   is   indisputably   Moses   of  Khoren.     This 

KHOREN         writer  was  for  many  years  looked  on  as  the  Herodotus 

of  Armenia,  but  his  work  is  much  contested  today  and 
has  lost  some  of  its  earlier  reputation  for  reliability.  Its  value  is  cer- 
tainly diminished  by  his  attempt  to  link  up  his  nation  with  Biblical  trad- 
itions, but  as  we  have  seen,  this  is  a  defect  common  to  most  Christian 
Latin  and  Greek  writers  in  the  early  days  of  Christianity.  Moses  of 
Khoren  is  notable  for  his  pure  style  and  concise  language,  and  his  work 
is  especially  meritorious  for  its  frequent  refusal  to  voice  merely  the  one- 
sided sentiments  of  the  new  religion  and  willingness  in  many  cases  to 
transcribe  for  us  pagan  traditions  and  legends;  thus  we  are  indebted  to 
him  for  whole  pages  of  annals,  which  have  been  since  lost  but  which  he 

—  351  — 


was  able  to  turn  to  in  the  originals.  We  owe  to  him  what  little  has  been 
preserved  of  the  ancient  songs  of  the  people,  along  with  a  large  number 
of  documents  that  open  up  a  wide  vision  of  the  centuries  prior  to  Mesrop. 
Some  authorities  consider  this  historian  to  have  lived  in  the  century 
following  the  Arab  conquest,  while  others  assign  him  to  the  sixth  century. 
In  any  case  his  writings  constitute  a  precious  record  of  the  thought  of 
ancient  Armenia,  and  are  of  inestimable  documentary  and  literary  value. 

Naturally  enough,  the  poetical  genius  of  the  Ar- 
LITURGICAL  menian  people  underwent  a  change  under  the  influence 
POEMS  of  Christianity,  at  least  in  the  subject-matter  of  their 

poems.  The  heathen  songs  to  the  gods  of  yore  were 
replaced  by  Christian  hymns,  composing  which  was  a  pursuit  highly  es- 
teemed throughout  Christendom.  St.  Mesrop  and  St.  Sahak  themselves 
were,  according  to  tradition,  the  pioneers  of  this  new  vogue  which  spread 
rapidly  in  Armenia.  In  countless  monasteries,  in  the  parish-churches,  and 
bishop's  palaces,  new  hymns  were  composed  daily  to  the  glory  of  the 
Lord.  These  works  of  which  many  are  still  used  in  the  Armenian  liturgy 
were  mostly  anonymous,  and  we  have  to  wait  till  the  7th  century  for  a 
church  poet  who  has  left  us  any  name,  viz:  Catholicos  Komitas. 

Gregory  of  Narek,  the  most  noted  among  these  religious  poets  be- 
longs to  the  10th  century.  His  extant  works,  which  are  entirely  devotional, 
consist  of  religious  poems,  a  commentary  on  the  Song  of  Songs,  eulogies 
of  the  saints,  and  a  prayer-book.  All  his  writings  voice  fervent  Christian 
sentiment,  both  original  and  forceful  in  style. 

The  12th  century  gave  us  St.  Nerses  the  Gracious,  whose  voluminous 
works  deal  with  theology,  sacred  verse,  and  religious  music.  Many 
hymns  written  by  him  are  still  sung  in  the  churches  of  Armenia.  Con- 
temporary with  him,  Katchatur  of  Taron  was  another  distinguished  writer 
of  the  same  category. 

Armenian  intellectual  activity  was  not  restricted,  however,  to  themes 
of  piety.  Theologians,  moralists,  and  scholars  of  all  sorts  were  numerous 
at  all  times.  Eznik,  John  Mandakuni,  perhaps  also  David,  surnamed 
The  Invincible,  belong  to  the  5th  century.  The  last-named  author  was 
a  commentator  and  translator  of  Aristotle.  In  the  8th  century  Anania 
of  Shirak  was  a  successful  mathematician,  and  in  the  9th,  John,  called 
The  Philosopher,  was  in  great  repute  as  a  moralist  and  theologian. 

Even  deep  in  the  Middle  Ages,  in  the  10th  and  11th  centuries,  Greek 
literature  was   not  neglected,  for  Prince  Gregory   Magistros   translated 

—  352  — 


some  of  Plato's  works  along  with  other  Greek  authors  not  yet  seen  in 
Armenian,  in  addition  to  which  he  was  the  author  of  epistles  and  poems 
of  considerable  merit. 

In  the  12th  century  Nerses  of  Lampron  was  a  theologian  and  moralist 
of  Cilicia,  and  a  renowned  orator. 

Mekhitar  Goche,  in  the  13th  century,  the  author  of  much  esteemed 
compendiums,  was  a  well-known  jurist,  and  drew  up  the  Armenian  Code. 
John  of  Erzenga,  a  moralist,  theologian,  and  poet,  was  also  a  distinguished 
grammarian.  Constable  Sempad,  already  mentioned,  wrote  in  this  same 
period  a  summary  and  commentary  in  demotic  Armenian  of  Mekhitar 
Goche's  Code  and  that  of  Byzantium,  together  with  a  translation  of  the 
Assizes  of  Antioch.  Alishan  used  this  translation  into  Armenian  to  pro- 
duce a  French  version  of  the  Assizes,  which  is  most  valuable  as  the  ori- 
ginal text  is  now  lost.  The  works  of  Sempad,  as  also  those  of  the  physician 
Mekhitar  of  Her,  are  written  in  demotic  Armenian,  and  are  the  earliest 
specimens  of  works  of  a  serious  nature  in  the  language  of  the  people. 
Mekhitar  of  Her  wrote  on  medicine. 

The  above  are  the  outstanding  representatives  of  Armenian  classical 
literature,  but  alongside  of  these  learned  works  of  the  higher  stratum  of 
society,  there  existed  another  literature  in  the  language  of  the  people,  un- 
restricted by  the  austerity  of  religion  and  voicing  in  its  native  purity  the 
feelings  and  tastes  of  the  Armenian  nation.  This  poetry  sprang  from 
the  primitive  folk-songs  which  from  time  immemorial  till  now  have  al- 
ways expressed  the  impulses  of  the  heart  in  anonymous  verse. 

I  cannot  do  better,  to  depict  this  form  of  Armenian 

SECULAR       poetry,  than  quote   A.  Tchobanian's    eulogy   of   it.        In 

POETRY         several  of  his  works  he  has  revealed  to  the  world  the  beauty 

of  this  literature  which  hitherto  had  never  been  suspected 

in  Europe. 

"The  poetry  of  Armenia  shows,  in  its  form,  some  of  the  characteris- 
"tics  peculiar  to  the  whole  Eastern  world.  It,  also,  found  birth  under  the 
"dazzling  sky  of  ancient  Asia.  But  running  through  this  Oriental  im- 
"press,  even  through  these  general  features  of  Eastern  culture,  Armenian 
"poetry  along  with  all  other  branches  of  Armenian  art  makes  us  con- 
"scious  of  a  deep-seated  kinship,  an  innermost  connection  with  the  art 
"of  our  western  lands. 

"There  is  comparatively  more  restraint,  more  clarity,  and  purity 
"of  expression,  in  Armenian  art  than  in  the  complex  and  sensuous  art 

—  353  — 


"of  most  other  peoples,  especially  that  of  the  eastern  Moslems."  The 
reason  is  that  the  Armenian  soul  is  Aryan  and  responds  to  that  breath  of 
heaven  it  received  at  its  birth,  for  the  flame  that  burns  within  it  is  that 
same  flame  which  gave  the  Hellenes  both  Phoebus  and  the  Muses. 

"The  poetry  of  the  people  has  blossomed  forth  in  nature's  school, 
"and  nature  pervades  and  rules  it.  Nature  is  not  merely  scenery  for 
"these  poems,  it  is  a  leading  figure  in  them;  it  is  the  confidant,  the  friend, 
"who  suffers  and  rejoices  with  man.  A  deep  tenderness  inheres  in  this 
"poetry  and  is  felt;  even  pain  therein  is  freed  of  its  sharpness,  and  be  its 
"sound  soft  or  strong,  it  is  never  strident,  never  hateful. 

"These  songs  are  usually  composed  by  achoughs  or  wandering  bards, 
"but  often  the  people  themselves  improvise  them.  The  womenfolk  share 
"conspicuously  In  these  compositions,  and  the  finest  village  songs  of 
"Kobh  in  Russia  Armenia  come  from  the  young  girls  of  that  loc- 
"ality.  Especially  in  the  town  of  Eghlne  in  Turkish  Armenia,  the  wo- 
"men  are  celebrated  for  their  poetical  talent."(l) 

Does  not  this  evoke  the  very  same  picture  as  that  which  we  have 
always  conceived  of  the  earliest  poetry  of  the  Greeks?  Homer  singing 
on  his  lyre  of  his  ancestors'  prowess,  maidens  playing  in  grove  or  meadow, 
dancing  around  a  trunk-hewn  image  of  Ceres  or  Eros,  chanting  to  the 
beneficent  deities  their  Ingenuous  poems  redolent  with  nature  and  the 
joy  of  living.  Thus  they  sang  to  the  springs  and  the  murmuring  brooks, 
to  the  flowery  pastures  and  the  dark  forests,  to  the  rustic  courts  of  good 
old  King  Saturn.  Armenia  has  happily  preserved  this  ancestral  poetical 
spirit  so  fast  disappearing  from  our  own  countryside. 

How  can  foreign  influence  stand  against  such  spontaneous  expres- 
sion of  a  people's  soul?  Their  language  is  the  same  as  of  old  except  for 
a  few  adaptations  to  present  needs;  it  retains  its  main  purity  because  it 
is  unconstrained,  echoing  only  the  feelings  of  unpretentious  hearts. 

This  poetry  of  the  people  is  of  all  categories,  including  love-songs, 
lullabies,  childrens'  rhymes,  playful  or  satirical  couplets,  prayers,  dirges, 
dancing  and  holiday  songs,  marriage  hymns,  rhymed  tales,  historical  and 
national  ballads,  exiles'  laments,  and  various  other  songs  glorifying  nature 
or  harvest,  apostrophizing  the  birds  or  the  seasons  or  depicting  the  scenes 
of  daily  life. 

There  are  also  popular  epics  of  which  the  finest  is  undoubtedly  that 


(1)   A.  TCHOBANIAN,  Le  Peuple  armenien,  son  passe,  sa  culture,  son  avenir. 
Paris,  1913.    p.  21  sq. 

—  354  — 


of  David  the  Man  of  Sassoun,  the  great  athlete  who  with  his  herculean 
strength  tamed  lions  and  tigers,  killed  the  tyrant  Mesramelik,  and  de- 
livered his  native  city  from  the  oppressor's  yoke. 

The  Troubadour  poetry  of  the  Middle  Ages  is 
ARMENIAN  essentially  one  with  the  nameless  folk-songs  of  the 

TROUBADOURS  period  except  that  it  is  more  chaste  in  expression, 
more  scholarly  and  more  personal  in  its  nature. 

"The  poems  of  the  Armenian  troubadours  fall  into  two  main  cate- 
"gories.  First,  those  composed  by  professional  minstrels,  which  have  the 
"most  character.  Their  sparse  resemblances  to  Persian  poetry  are  super- 
"ficial  only;  most  of  the  more  recent  troubadours  had  some  acquaintance 
"with  Moslem  popular  poetry  and  borrowed  a  few  constructions  and 
"images  of  thought  together  with  a  few  forms  of  prosody,  but  they  re- 
"tain  their  own  fundamental  individuality.  They  have,  moreover,  en- 
"riched  Moslem  folk-song  with  more  than  they  received  from  it.  Most 
"Armenian  troubadours  likewise  composed  songs  in  Turkish,  Persian,  or 
"Kurdish.  Some  of  the  most  famous  singers  of  popular  Turkish  and 
"Kurdish  songs  were,  and  still  are,  Armenians,  who  undoubtedly  have 
"imparted  to  Moslem  poetry  something  of  their  national  temperament 
"and  also  of  their  Christian  spirit.  Among  the  minstrels  of  olden  time, 
"however,  we  find  no  trace  whatever  of  imitation  of  foreign  poetry  from 
"any  source;  their  sole  fount  of  inspiration  was  the  native  and  instinctive 
"poetry  of  the  Armenian  folk-song. 

"The  second  category  consists  of  Armenian  poems  written  in  the 
"language  and  grace  of  the  troubadour  by  scholars  and  authors,  many 
"of  them  members  of  the  clergy. 

"To  this  branch  belong  the  greatest  number,  preserved  chiefly  in 
"the  manuscripts  we  possess.  The  professional  troubadors  were  un- 
"doubtedly  the  forerunners  of  these  scholarly  imitators,  but  the  works 
"of  the  latter  being  put  into  writing  have  come  down  to  us,  whereas  the 
"spontaneous  and  original  poems  of  the  street-singers  prior  to  the  14th 
"century  have  been  lost,  not  having  been  saved  from  oblivion  by  writers 
"or  copyists. (1)" 

Among  the  troubadours  whose  names  are  known  to  us  from  trans- 
lations, the  most  renowned  are:  Ghazar  of  Sebaste,  Kerope,  Channes, 
Sa'iat-Nova,  Djivani,  and — the  most  original  of  all —  Nahabed  Koutchak, 


(DA.  TCHOBANIAN,  Les  Trouveres  armeniens,  Paris,  1906,  p.  12  sq. 

—  355  — 


who  was  born  probably  in  the  15th  century  and  has  left  us  a  long  series 
of  small  poems,  mostly  quatrains,  the  majority  of  them  delightful  love- 
songs. 

Among  the  poetically-minded  clergy  who  composed  in  imitation  of 
the  troubadours,  we  must  mention  Constantine  of  Erzenga,  Frik,  Hov- 
hannes  of  Telgouran,  Gregory  of  Akhtamar,  all  of  whose  colorful  and 
refreshing  verses  exhibit  at  the  same  time  much  altitude  of  thought  and 
feeling. 

The  above  brief  summary  is  ample  proof  that  from  the  5th  to  the 
14th  century,  notwithstanding  the  terrible  struggles  in  which  they  were 
ever  involved  for  their  very  existence,  the  Armenians  never  dropped  out 
of  the  world's  scientific  and  literary  movement.  In  the  monasteries  free- 
dom of  the  mind  still  found  expression  even  amid  the  nameless  terrors 
without.  The  whole  world  was  in  great  turmoil  during  those  centuries 
of  barbarism,  but  in  the  western  lands,  in  Byzantium,  and  among  the 
Arabs  and  Persians,  there  were  nevertheless  comparatively  long  periods 
of  calm  such  as  the  Armenians  never  knew.  The  Armenian  people  must 
certainly  have  been  possessed  of  unusual  strength  of  character  for  them 
to  have  kept  their  hold  on  spiritual  and  cultural  subjects  In  the  very 
center  of  Western  Asia,  a  veritable  furnace  throughout  the  Middle  Ages. 

Following  both  the  fall  of  Ani  and  the  departure 
MODERN  of  the  last  sovereign  of  New  Armenia  Into  exile,  the 

ARMENIAN  nation  finding  itself  subjected  to  the  most  cruel  op- 
LITERATURE  pression  sent  away  its  sons  to  settle  in  many  a  foreign 
land,  and  these  expatriates  took  with  them  their  love 
for  their  native  tongue  and  literature.  New  centers  of  culture  were  thus 
formed,  whereas  in  the  enslaved  homeland  the  pursuit  of  letters  was 
restricted  to  the  monasteries  and  a  few  privileged  homes.  Armenian  lit- 
erature was  already  abundant,  however,  and  persecution  only  made  the 
works  of  the  past  all  the  more  highly  treasured.  The  Armenians  con- 
sequently looked  up  to  their  writers  as  being  the  champions  of  their 
national  independence.  There  came  about  as  a  result  a  number  of  in- 
dependent literary  centers  with  little  or  no  interconnection,  but  all  working 
along  the  same  lines,  so  that  their  endeavors  as  a  whole  never  lost  their 
homogeneous  character. 

Nevertheless  the  distance  from  one  another  of  these  same  centers, 
and  their  differing  environments,  did  have  considerable  influence  on  their 
trend  of  development. 

—  356  — 


At  Moscow  and  Tiflis,  the  spirit  of  Russia  oriented  the  exiles,  and 
the  influence  of  German  literature  so  widespread  in  the  Czar's  empire 
was  likewise  felt.  At  Constantinople  and  Smyrna,  where  there  was  a 
higher  level  of  scholarship  than  in  the  homeland,  the  Armenians  came 
into  contact  with  Europeans  and  maintained  greater  intellectual  inde- 
pendence, and  the  same  was  the  case  at  Venice  and  Vienna  and  in  all 
the  great  western  centers  where  the  cultured  in  mind  found  every  oppor- 
tunity and  freedom  of  thought.  At  Etchmiadzin  and  the  other  monas- 
teries of  Armenia  the  men  of  letters  had  to  live  to  themselves  and  feed 
mainly  on  their  nation's  past,  not  taking  so  large  a  part  in  the  general 
literary  movement.  In  all  the  above-mentioned  foreign  centers,  the  pre- 
dominant element  of  literary  education  was  that  of  French  authors. 

Gradually  the  new  literature  spread  everywhere  and  comprised  all 
branches  of  expression:  the  theater,  the  novel,  the  epic,  and  the  epigram, 
all  appeared  in  the  Armenian  tongue.  Historical,  archaeological,  philo- 
logical, philosophical,  sociological,  and  scientific  works  were  added  to  Ar- 
menian bibliography,  while  the  political  press  also  began  to  promote 
the  aspirations  of  the  nation.  All  these  endeavors  under  the  influence  of 
all  manner  of  teachers,  but  mainly  French,  grew  rapidly  and  resulted  in 
literary  achievements  wherein  the  spirit  of  Armenia,  albeit  in  evolution, 
retained  its  distinctive  character. 

Owing  to  the  innumerable  difficulties  the  Armenians  encountered  in 
striving  to  keep  up  with  the  general  advancement  of  thought  of  the  civil- 
ized world,  their  progress  in  the  various  centers  was  dissimilar.  Con- 
stantinople, Etchmiadzin,  Moscow,  Tiflis,  St.  Lazarus  at  Venice,  and  the 
Armenian  monastery  at  Vienna  were  for  many  years  in  the  fore  of  the 
movement;  of  these  Venice  for  a  considerable  time  was  the  leading  center. 
There  in  the  city  of  the  Doges,  the  Mekhitarists  found  not  only  freedom 
to  express  their  thought  in  writing,  but  also  hospitable  hosts,  along  with 
the  inexhaustible  resources  of  the  western  world  for  men  of  science  and 
letters.  For  these  reasons,  St.  Lazarus  during  the  18th  century  and  the 
first  half  of  the  19th  was  preeminetnly  the  intellectual  center  of  the  Ar- 
menian people. 

The  teaching  at  St.  Lazarus  included  the  study  of  the  best  ancient 
and  modern  authors  whom  the  Mekhitarists  specialized  in  translating. 
It  turned  out  scholars  often  of  the  highest  merit,  men  who  went  out  into 
the  world  to  impart  to  the  various  Armenian  colonies  the  spirit  and  ex- 
quisite taste  of  the  Graeco-Latin  writers.  Many  of  them  became  eminent 

—  357  — 


in  the  literary  world  and  achieved  positions  of  distinction  in  Armenia's 
national  life. 

From  the  17th  century  onward  a  veritable  revival  of  Armenian 
literature  took  place.  The  first  writers  of  this  period,  chiefly  at  Venice, 
used  classical  Armenian,  whilst  those  in  Russia  and  Turkey  endeavored 
to  raise  the  spoken  tongue  to  the  rank  of  a  literary  medium.  Their  ef- 
forts, though  at  first  timid,  were  crowned  with  success,  among  Russian 
Armenians  about  the  middle  of  the  19th  century,  and  among  those  in 
Turkey  some  twenty  or  thirty  years  later.  This  movement  had  been 
foreseen  by  Mekhitar,  the  founder  of  St.  Lazarus,  for  in  his  lifetime  he 
composed  a  tentative  grammar  of  the  modern  language.  The  printing- 
press  and  the  appearance  of  reviews  and  periodicals  of  all  kinds  was  of 
great  assistance  in  bringing  about  this  change,  by  making  foreign  and 
Armenian  works  known  to  the  masses  and  reaching  the  people  instead 
of  merely  the  scholars.  The  great  questions  of  national  freedom  which 
rightly  stirred  all  Armenians  could  not  be  treated  in  archaic  language. 
At  Tiflis,  Moscow,  Constantinople,  all  the  centers  where  the  minds  of 
the  people  needed  to  be  reached,  classical  Armenian  was  relegated  to  the 
role  of  a  learned  language  meant  only  for  the  Church  and  a  literary  elite. 

The  works  and  writings  in  Armenian  from  the  17th  century  to  our 
time  are  innumerable,  and  they  are  of  infinite  variety  as  regards  subject- 
matter.  I  cannot  list  them,  therefore,  any  more  than  I  could  those  of 
classical  times.  I  will  just  mention  the  most  noted  writers  in  each  branch 
of  literature,  and  am  sorry  I  have  not  space  for  even  a  brief  analysis 
of  their  respective  works. 

The  name  of  Mekhitar,  the  founder  of  the  Congregation  of  St.  Lazarus 
at  Venice  has  remained  famous,  not  only  in  the  Armenian  nation  but 
throughout  the  world.  To  Mekhitar,  whose  many  works  were  written  in 
classical  Armenian,  we  are  indebted  for  his  admirable  action  in  creating 
this  center  responsible  for  a  galaxy  of  scholars  and  men  of  letters.  Among 
the  pupils  of  this  great  school  were:  Tchamtchian  and  his  History  of  Ar- 
menia; Indjidjian  and  his  archaeological  treatises,  also  his  Geography 
of  Ancient  Armenia;  Aucher,  who  wrote  theological  works  and  biographies 
of  the  Saints;  Arsene  Bagratuni,  and  Eduard  Hurmuz,  translators  of 
Homer,  Virgil,  Sophocles,  Milton,  Racine,  Voltaire,  Alfieri,  and  Fenelon's 
Telemachus.  Bagratuni  wrote  a  great  epic  poem  on  the  struggle  of  Haik 
with  Bel  the  Giant,  and  Hurmuz  an  imitation  of  the  Georgics  entitled  "The 
Gardens."  This  all  shows  how  desirous  the  St.  Lazarus  Institute  was  to 
associate  Armenian  thought  with  the  great  development  of  literary  progress 

—  358  — 


in  the  world.  Alishan,  the  natural  scientist,  geographer,  and  historian, 
in  1850  adapted  modern  scientific  methods  to  the  study  of  Armenia.  He 
was  primarily  a  poet  and  his  works,  partly  in  classical,  partly  in  modern 
Armenian,  earned  him  merited  distinction.  He  was  followed  by  scholars 
like  Father  Basil  Sarghissian  and  men  of  letters  such  as  Arsene  Gasikian 
who  continued  in  demotic  Armenian  the  classical  work  of  Bagratuni,  and 
translated  from  the  great  ancient  and  modern  poets;  N.  Andrikian,  S. 
Eremian,  Garabed-Der-Sahakian — the  poet  and  historian  who  gave  us 
a  history  of  the  Armenian  Byzantine  emperors;  and  many  others. 

At  Vienna  the  Mekhitarists  sent  out  mainly  scholars  and  scientists, 
but  the  novelist  Sahak  Tornian  was  also  among  them.  Katerdjian  and 
Karakachian  are  historians  who  were  educated  there,  while  another  pupil 
A'idman  wrote  his  analytical  grammar  of  modern  Armenian,  and  in  his 
wake  Dachian,  Kalemkiar,  Menevkhan,  and  Akinian  became  renowned 
philologists  and  linguists. 

In  the  meanwhile,  the  Armenians  in  Russia  were  also  active.  From 
the  very  beginning  of  the  19th  century  they  were  conspicuous  in  Armenian 
literature,  and  this  intellectual  revival  greatly  expanded  when  in  1828  the 
Czar  came  into  possession  of  the  countries  north  of  the  river  Araxes  and 
eastern  Armenia  began  to  enjoy  security.  From  that  time  on  the  Ar- 
menians were  able  to  progress  freely  in  the  field  of  intellectual  labor. 

Katchatour  Abovian  (1804-1848),  a  writer  of  fables  and  novels,  was 
born  at  Dorpat.  Chiefly  under  the  influence  of  Armenian  national  tradition 
and  folklore,  he  was  the  first  author  of  that  period  to  write  his  works  in 
the  demotic  language.  He  must  be  considered  as  the  founder  of  the 
new  literature  among  the  Russian  Armenians,  and  he  raised  it  to  the 
front  rank  by  his  epic  and  realistic  novel.  The  Wounds  of  Armenia,  in 
which  he  gives  a  poignant  picture  of  the  sufferings  of  his  fellow-countrymen 
mcludlng  himself  under  the  heel  of  the  Moslems,  both  Persian  and  Turkish. 
He  was  followed  by  Prochiantz  who  wrote  a  long  series  of  popular  novels; 
then  by  Mikael  Nalbandian,  Stepanos  Nazarian,  and  Chahazizian,  all 
of  whom  by  their  poems  and  articles  in  recently  started  magazines  helped 
to  arouse  in  the  Armenians  not  only  their  taste  for  literature  but  their 
patriotic  feelings  and  hopes 

The  poet  Kamar  Katiba,  the  novelist  Raffi,  the  news  commentator 

—  359  — 


and  essayist  Gregory  Artzruni,  each  in  turn  contributed  to  this  revival, 
and  were  in  their  day  among  the  leaders  of  Armenian  literature  in  Russia. 
These  writers  exercised  great  influence  on  the  awakening  of  the  whole 
nation.  Their  work  was  carried  on  by  novelists  such  as  Mouratsan,  Chir- 
vanzade,  Leo;  by  short  story-writers  like  Aghaian,  Papasian,  H.  Ara- 
kelian — playrights,  including  Soundoukian,  Chirvanzade,  Leon  Chanth, 
— by  the  lyrical  prose-writer  Avetik  Aharonian  who  depicted  the  sufferings 
of  Armenia  both  under  the  tyrannical  Abdul-Hamid  and  after  that  bloody 
despot's  downfall — and  also  by  Hovannes  Toumanian,  the  best  of  the 
epic  poets  of  Russia.  Likewise  the  poets  Hovhannes  Hovhanessian,  Avetik 
Issahakian.  A.  Tsatourian,  Vahan  Terian,  Madame  Kourghinian,  all  of 
whom  produced  excellent  verse;  the  historian  Arakel  Babakhanian  {Leo), 
the  philologists  Chalatianz,  Emine,  Patkanian,  S.  Malkhasian;  the  eth- 
nologist Lalayan;  Barkhoudarian  who  translated  Goethe  and  Schiller, 
Ohannes  Khan  Massehian  who  gave  his  people  a  splendid  version  of  Shake- 
speare's chief  masterpieces;  scholars  such  as  Carapet  Ter-Mkrtchiantz, 
Garekin  Hovsepian,  Galoust  Ter-Mkrtchiantz,  Mesrop  Ter-Movsessiant^; 
Komitas,  the  musician,  with  others  of  the  Congregation  of  Etchmiadzin. 


In  Turkey,  the  Armenian  literary  impetus  was  not  long  in  producing 
works  of  note.  Constantinople  from  Byzantine  times  had  a  large  Ar- 
menian colony,  and  literary  light  had  never  been  extinguished  there,  but 

with  few  exceptions  Armenian  lit- 
erature on  the  Bosphorus  was  al- 
most all  of  it  greatly  influenced  by 
Latin  standards,  especially  Italian 
and  French.  However,  there  were 
a  few  writers  who  remained  purely 
Armenian,  for  instance,  Monsignor 
Khrimian,  an  orator,  author,  and 
a  public-spirited  man  who  ever 
preached  patriotism  to  his  people. 
He  left  numerous  works  both  in 
prose  and  verse.  Also  Servantzt- 
diantz,  the  author  of  folklore  stories 
and  word-pictures  of  Armenian  life; 
Devkantz,  known  for  his  novel, 
breathing  love  of  country;  in  Si- 
beria, Chahen;  Hrand  Telgadintsi, 


MGR.  KHRIMIAN 


360 


and  Zartarian  all  of  whom  depict  the  lives  of  their  compatriots  in  im- 
pressive language. 

The  two  last-named  writers,  together  with  the  author  Zohrab  and 
the  poet  and  essayist  Ardashes  Haroutiounian,  were  deported  to  an  un- 
known destination,  and  it  is  to  be  feared  that  they  shared  the  fate  of  their 
distinguished  colleague  Zohrab  who  was  murdered  during  the  deportations. 

The  tirst  great  Armenian  newspaper,  the  Ararat  Dawn,  appeared  in 
Smyrna  in  1840,  and  from  then  on  newspaper  writers  acquired  considerable 
prestige  in  Turkey.  Tchilinguirtan,  Osganian,  Gosdanian,  and  Mamourian 
are  those  chiefly  remembered;  the  last-named  translated  some  of  the 
best  works  of  western  literature,  and  thus  made  his  fellow-countrymen 
familiar  with  the  literary  progress  of  France,  Italy,  England  and  Germany. 

Deroyentz,  Utudjian,  Zordian,  Odian,  Missakian,  Bechiktachelian, 
Hekimian,  Tersian,  and  Adjemian,  several  of  whom  were  former  students 
of  the  Mekhitarists  at  Venice,  acquired  a  reputation  in  the  press  through 
their  articles  on  varied  subjects,  and  also  in  the  writing  of  plays  and 
poems.  Bechiktachelian  and  Tersian,  along  with  their  contemporaries 
Bedros  Tourian  and  Archbishop  Khoen  Narbey  were  the  best  lyric  poets 
of  the  period,  while  Dzerentz  and  Madame  Dussap  were  also  distinguished 
novelists. 

The  satire  or  epigram  was  also  well  represented  by  Haroutioun  Se- 
vadjian,  its  pioneer,  and  by  Baronian,  another  pastmaster  of  the  art. 

It  would  take  very  long  to  mention  all  the  Armenian  authors  who 
have  written  of  late  years  on  all  kinds  of  subjects,  which  are  today  dealt 
with  in  Armenian  literature  in  the  demotic  language,  often  by  men  and 
women  of  outstanding  merit.  I  will  mention  just  the  poets  Setian,  Aladame 
Sibille,  Mezarentz,  Tekeian;  the  authors  Demirdjibachian,  Berberian, 
Tcheraz,  Arpiarian,  Tcherakian,  Mrmrian,  Zohrab,  Pachalian,  Zarian, 
Gamsa>ragan,  Tigran  Yergat,  V.  Savadjian,  M.  Gurdjian^  S.  Bartevian, 
Alonsignor  Mouchegh  Seropian,  Madame  Marie  Sevadjian,  Madame  Zabel 
Essaian,  Madame  Anais,  the  humorist  Yervant  Odian,  the  scholars  Norayr 
Puzantatsi,  Monsignor  Ormanian,  Monsignor  Elisha  Tourian,  Monsignor 
Papken  Gulesserian,  Karnig  Fundiiklian,  Tiriakin,  Adjarian,  K.  H.  Bas- 
madjian,  Toromanian,  etc.  I  would  recall  also  Daniel  Varoujan  and  Adorn 
Yarjanian  who  were  great  poets  that  sang  of  Armenia's  sufferings  and 
struggles.    They  were  deported  along  with  so  many  of  their  fellow-coun- 

—  361  — 


trymen;  it  is  feared  that  they  succumbed  to  Turkish  cruelty  in  the  visitation 
of  1896. 

I  must  mention  finally  the  poet  A.  Tchobanian  who  is  so  well  known 
for  his  writings  in  French  in  which  he  has  made  us  acquainted  with  lit- 
erary Armenia  and  has  pleaded  so  fervently  the  cause  of  his  nation.  He 
has  composed  splendid  poetry  and  his  extensive  Armenian  work  has  earned 
for  him  considerable  and  well-earned  renown  among  his  compatriots. 

The  foregoing  pages  give  an  idea  of  the  great  impetus  that  Armenian 
literature  has  had  for  the  last  hundred  years,  and  show  that  all  branches  of 
human  thought  are  included  in  its  wide  cultural  development,  and  that 
it  is  still  going  forward  in  the  pursuit  of  knowledge  that  has  generally 
but  little  appeal  for  Eastern  peoples. 

Armenia  today  is  In  the  same  position  linguistically  as  was  France 
in  the  days  of  langue  d'oc  and  langue  d'o'il.  One  branch  of  Its  language, 
that  in  Russia,  is  based  on  the  dialect  of  the  Ararat  region,  whereas 
Turkish  Armenian  has  for  its  foundation  the  speech  of  Lesser  Armenia 
(Armenia  Minor)  and  New  Armenia  (Cillcia).  The  latter  form  Is  des- 
cended from  the  Armenian  of  the  Middle  Ages,  whilst  the  former  is  more 
dialectal,  more  mixed  with  foreign  words  and  expressions,  and  Its  gram- 
mar contains  more  Iranian  Infiltrations.  As  for  the  vocabulary,  the  Tur- 
kish Is  purer  and  more  classical  than  the  Russian,  which  on  the  other  hand 
is  more  demotic  and  Intermingled  with  foreign  terms.  In  Turkey,  es- 
pecially In  Constantinople,  writers  have  turned  to  the  French  language 
as  their  standard  In  giving  Armenian  its  modern  polish  and  form,  but 
in  Russia  German  literature  rather  has  prevailed  In  that  direction. 

Before  closing  this  chapter  on  the  Armenian  language,  it  may  be 
helpful  to  add  a  few  words  on  versification. 

The  few  fragments  of  heathen  poems   and 

ARMENIAN  the   earliest    specimens   of   religious    poetry  that 

VERSIFICATION         have  been  preserved  to  us  are  In  blank  verse, 

without  metre  or  rhyme,  but  nevertheless  rhyth- 
mical and  adapted  to  song.  Such  are  most  of  the  church  hymns,  and 
this  mode  continued  until  about  the  10th  century.  Then  there  began 
under  Arab  Influence  a  metrical  and  rhymed  versification  that  was  ex- 
pressed In  a  great  variety  of  forms.  Verses  were  of  15,  12,  11,  10,  9,  8, 
7  etc.  syllables  composed  of  4,  3,  and  2  hemlstlchs,  but  in  the  longest 
verses  the  caesuras  are  always  numerous.     All  the  troubadour  poetry  Is 

—  362  — 


metrical  and  rhymed,  just  as  are  modern  poems,  but  the  latter  amplify 
their  peculiarly  national  features  with  a  few  innovations  from  Europ- 
ean verse-making.  Consequently  we  have  extremely  varied  versification. 
The  blank  verse  of  olden  times  has  been  revived  in  our  day  by  Arsene 
Bagratuni  and  other  poets. 

As  we  have  seen  above,  Armenian  authors  from 
THE  SCIENCES  earliest  times  have  included  men  of  science,  and 
this  is  once  more  the  case  in  these  modern  times  of 
general  advance  in  knowledge  among  all  civilized  nations.  In  our  pres- 
ent period  a  number  of  Armenian  scientists  both  among  their  own  people 
and  abroad  have  won  distinction  either  by  their  achievements  or  their 
teaching.  Medical  publications  which  appeared  as  early  as  the  12th 
century,  are  very  numerous  from  the  17th  to  the  20th  century.  Among 
them,  I  may  mention  the  works  of  the  physician  Amirdovlat  (17th  cen- 
tury), the  medical  dictionary  of  Dr.  Resten  (end  of  the  18th  century),  the 
writings  of  Physica  Boghos,  still  in  MS  form,  dating  from  the  early  19th 
century  and  dealing  with  physical  and  chemical  science.  As  for  political 
economy  and  the  exact  sciences,  they  were  long  taught  in  the  Ottoman 
schools  by  such  Armenian  professors  as  Hovsep  Youssoufian,  Mikael 
Portoukal  Pasha,  Hovhannes  Sakiz  Pasha,  etc.  Some  Armenian  scientists 
have  achieved  distinction  also  in  European  circles;  there  are  a  number  of 
Armenian  professors  in  the  universities  of  Europe  and  America,  and  some 
of  these  scientists  and  scholars  have  made  names  for  themselves  by  their 
writings  and  discoveries. 


THE  ISLAND  OF  ST.  LAZARUS  AT  VENICE 

—  363  — 


In  this  brief  review  of  Armenian  intellectual  progress, 
PRINTING      we  must  not  forget  the  importance  of  the  press  and  the 

growth  of  printing. 


It  was  in  the  Venetian  republic,  always  so  hospitable  to  the  Ar- 
menians, that  the  first  book  in  St.  Mesrop's  characters  was  printed  In 
1513.  An  Armenian  from  Cilicia,  named  Hakob  (Jacob,  or  James)  sent 
out  from  a  Venice  printing-house  a  Calendar  followed  in  1514  by  a  Missal, 
an  anthology  of  poetry,  and  a  book  on  astrology.  This  was  hardly  fifty 
years  after  the  invention  of  printing,  long  before  Russia  and  the  whole 
Eastern  world  adopted  this  means  of  disseminating  thought,  destined  to 
revolutionize  the  world.  About  1565,  under  the  patron- 
age of  Catholicos  Mikael,  an  Armenian  press  was  set 
up  in  Constantinople,  and  from  the  middle  of  the  17th 
century  on.  Increasing  quantities  of  religious  books 
were  published  at  Venice,  Marseilles,  and  Amsterdam. 
Etchmiadzin  and  Julfa-by-Isfahan  followed  the  ex- 
ample of  the  western  world  and  soon  Armenian  presses 
were  established  at  Smyrna,  in  the  Caucasus,  and  at 
Madras.  The  Mekhitharlst  Congregation  was  founded, 
as  we  have  seen,  at  the  beginning  of  the  18th  century. 
Its  printing-house  was  set  up  from  the  outset,  and  when 
it  opened  a  branch  in  Vienna  it  also  started  presses  in 
Austria.  Subsequently  all  great  cities  of  the  world  have  come  to  have  their 
printing  establishments  equipped  with  Armenian  type,  and  there  is  hardly 
a  country  today  where  a  book  In  that  language  could  not  be  turned  out. 


STAMP  OF  THE 

ARMENIAN 

PRINTER 

HAKOB 

(1513) 


We  must  remember  that  the  Armenians  were  not  only  suffering  from 
religious  and  literary  restrictions;  driven  from  their  land  by  the  tyranny 
of  the  oppressor,  they  thirsted  for  liberty,  and  printing  gave  them  a  means 
of  disseminating  their  thought,  of  communicating  with  their  many  colonies 
scattered  so  far  throughout  the  world,  and  enabling  the  various  sections 
of  their  people  to  find  a  common  ground  for  hopes 
for  the  future.  The  reason  that  the  Armenians 
and  the  Greeks  were  the  first  two  peoples  of  all 
the  near  East  to  start  newspapers  and  reviews 
Is  that  they  both  were  similarly  situated,  de- 
prived of  their  national  Independence. 


NEWSPAPERS 

AND  MAGAZINES 

REVIEWS 


—  364  — 


At  the  beginning  of  the  18th  century,  the  Armenians  in  Calcutta,  in 
the  enjoyment  of  the  freedom  they  were  given  in  India,  founded  the  first 
newspaper  ever  to  appear  in  their  language,  viz:  Aztarar  (The  Intelligen- 
cer). Their  example  was  not  followed  by  the  Mekhitharlsts  until  the  end 
of  that  century,  when  the  Yeghanak  Puzantian  (Byzantine  Season)  was 
brought  out  in  Venice.  The  same  Congregation  likewise  about  the  middle 
of  the  19th  century  started  the  publication  of  Pazmaveb,  a  highly  es- 
teemed review  from  both  the  literary  and  documentary  standpoint,  which 
is  still  appearing  today. 

About  the  same  time,  the  Armenians  of  the  Protestant  faith  in  Con- 
stantinople brought  out  Chtemaran  bidani  kideliatz,  a  missionary  mag- 
azine, while  at  Smyrna  the  first  daily  made  its  appearance,  entitled 
Archalou'is  Araradian  (the  Dawn  of  Ararat).  Thereafter  newspapers  mul- 
tiplied, and  every  Armenian  colony  had  its  local  press. 

At  Constantinople,  the  great  intellectual  center  for  the  Armenians,  a 
great  number  of  newspapers  and  reviews  came  out,  the  chief  ones  among 
them  being:  Masis  (Ararat),  which  started  as  a  newspaper  but  later  be- 
came a  review;  Arevelk  (the  East),  Ha'irenik  (the  Fatherland),  Puzantion, 
Azatamart, — among  the  newspapers;  lergrakound  (the  Globe),  Dzahik 
(the  Flower),  Vosdan  (the  City), — among  the  reviews. 

Meanwhile  the  Armenians  in  Russia  were  also  active  in  the  same  direc- 
tion. There  appeared  at  Moscow:  Hussissapdil  (the  Northern  Dawn),  a  re- 
view which  came  out  about  1850;  at  T\?C\s,-Krounk  Ha'iots  Achkharhl  (the 
Crane  of  the  Armenian  Land),  Ports  (Endeavor),  Mourtch,  (The  Ham- 
mer), Gords  (The  Work),  and  the  daily  newspapers  entitled  Mschak  (The 
Worker),  Ardzagank  (The  Echo),  Nordar  (The  New  Century),  and  Hori- 
zon, all  of  them  published  at  Tiflis;  Arev  (The  Sun)  published  at  Baku. 
There  was  also  an  interesting  ethnographic  review  Azgakragan  Handes  and 
the  art  periodical  Gheharvest  (Fine  Arts). 

The  newspaper  Hdiastan  (Armenia)  published  at  Tiflis  since  the  out- 
break of  the  present  war  (1914)  is  the  organ  of  the  refugees  from  Turkey. 
Andranik,  the  people's  hero,  is  Its  editor-in-chief. 

—  365  — 


At  Etchmiadzin,  the 
Ararat  has  been  pub- 
lished for  a  good  many- 
years.  In  Turkey,-there 
appeared  about  1860,  at 
the  monastery  of  Varag 
near  Van,  Ardziv  Vas- 
purakani  (the  Eagle  of 
Vaspurakan),  and  at 
Mouch,  Artsvik  Tarono 
(The  Taron  Eaglet), 
both  of  them  monthly  re- 
views. 

Among  the  most  im- 
portant of  the  periodicals 
in  Armenia  centers,  we 
should  mention  also  Han- 
des  Amsorya,  a  monthly 
philological  review  of 
high  repute  published  by 
the  Mekhitharists  in  Vi- 
enna. 

In  England,  the 
headquarters  of  the  Ar- 
m  e  n  i  a  n  revolutionary 
Committee  founded  in 
London  a  monthly  organ 
called  Hentchak  (The 
Handbell),  and  also  in 
the  English  capital  there 
has  appeared  for  many 
years  the  bilingual 
French  and  English  re- 
view entitled  vAtmenia, 
published  by  the  eminent 
patriotic  writer  Minas  Tcheraz 


8i<uipftA.p.L|[tifntAti.tp(fni««  Lq^ 
|^fUu^[RS«^|»^np^ail|airbVinu  f 


■  ■■■■      mtmmmmmmiBammmmmmmmmammmmgt 

^pf'iP>t|nUu[4\ipj^ail& 


l^i^ 


A  PAGE  FROM  THE  CALENDAR  PUBLISHED 

AT  VENICE  IN  1513  BY  THE  ARMENIAN 

PRINTER  HAKOB 


Several  reviews  appearing  in  Paris  must  likewise  be  mentioned:  Mass- 
iatz  Aghavni  (the  Ararat  Dove),  Anah'it,  published  by  A.  Tchobanian,  and 
Banasser  by  K.  J.  Basmadjian;  while  at  Marseilles  we  have  Armenia,  and 


—  366  — 


at  Geneva  Droschak  (The  Flag),  the  organ  of  the  Armenian  Revolutionary- 
Federation.  In  Egypt  and  in  the  large  centers  of  the  United  States  there  are 
quite  a  number  of  newspapers  in  Armenian;  but  we  can  hardly  give  a  com- 
plete statement  of  the  modern  Armenian  press.  The  foregoing  will  at  least 
show  how  large  a  place  these  newspapers  and  periodicals  have  in  Armenian 


h 


J  htth-up  nrutejp-qhuja,CLUinri^u^pnu 

iu^etTAinu  ipufthrttJU  u-hphrm  l^nujJ 
ufsj)tfljIrirji.*p.ujptihjUJi.ynt^P'aL 

HfjUUlSfpUf  tfuUJtUJqUUUtJJU  •  tTU^UUpU  \ 

{t^huapujjt/jitn  unLtuiuAfJuJjffpnJ^ 


UJ 


^ 


ABGAR,  THE  ARMENIAN  PRINTER  FROM  VENICE, 
PRESENTING  HIS  PSALM-BOOK  TO  POPE  PIUS  IV, 

(1565) 


—  367 


national  life.  It  is  obvious,  of  course,  that  most  of  the  Armenian  literary 
men  and  scholars  are  happy  to  find  organs  in  which  they  can  publish 
their  writings,  and  it  may  be  mentioned  that  for  the  greater  part  these 
authors'  works  are  contained  in  the  reviews  and  have  not  yet  been  pub- 
lished in  book  form. 

Armenian  cultural  output  is  not  confined,  however,  to  literature.  All 
branches  of  art,  music,  dancing,  architecture,  fresco  and  miniature  painting, 
sculpture,  goldsmith's  work,  in  short  all  the  arts  and  crafts  represented  in 
the  incomparable  treasures  of  the  Middle  Ages,  are  successfully  pursued 
by  Armenians  today,  and  in  many  cases  the  talent  and  craftsmanship  are 
maintained  and  developed  in  new  forms  adapted  to  modern  times. 


"The  Armenian  people  has  from  all  time  enjoyed  the  art 
MUSIC  "of  music,  been  familiar  with  it,  loved  it  and  practised  it.  With 
"or  without  historical  foundation,  tradition  has  it  that  two  thous- 
"and  years  ago  and  more,  their  ancestors  sang  of  the  exploits  of  their 
"heroes  to  the  accompaniment  of  instruments  of  which  we  have  unfort- 
"unately  but  scanty  information.  (1)" 

Armenia  certainly  retains  both  in  its  liturgy  and  its  folksongs,  many 
lingering  traces  of  this  ancient  music,  just  as  in  the  churches  of  the  western 
world  many  a  strain  from  the  old  heathen  times  is  still  in  use;  but 
the  origin  of  these  remote  tunes  can  no  longer  be  traced  because 
of  the  late  dates  of  their  recordings.  In  any  case,  the  oldest  Armenian  music 
to  which  we  are  able  to  assign  a  definite  period  is  that  of  the  Middle  Ages, 
which  was  of  two  very  distinct  categories,  viz:  the  great  storehouse  of  lit- 
urgical material,  and  the  numerous  folksongs,  both  of  them  unisonal. 
The  first  of  these  two  forms  of  music  is  grave  and  mystical,  the  second, 
lively  and  distinctly  peculiar  to  the  Armenian  people,  although  showing 
sometimes  foreign  influences,  either  Persian  or  Turkish.  A  learned  mem- 
ber of  the  clergy  at  Etchmiadzin,  Father  Komitas,  who  has  collected  a 
large  number  of  these  melodies  and  harmonized  some  of  them,  was  the 
first  to  make  a  competent  selection  from  this  great  amount  of  material. 
Alexanian,  a  talented  composer  and  performer  living  in  Paris,  has  put 


(1)  F.  MACLER,  La  Musique  en  Armenie,  p.  3.    Paris,  1917. 

—  368  — 


these  ancient  tunes  into  use  and  with  his  profound  knowledge  of  western 
music  has  obtained  excellent  results  from  them. 

Tradition  has  it  that  in  the  5th  century  St.  Sahak  and  St.  Mesrop 
wrote  the  first  models  of  sacred  music  which  the  Armenians  call  by  the 
name  of  charakans.  There  is  no  certainty  of  this,  but  we  do  know  that 
those  two  bishops  had  successors  whose  names  are  definitely  recorded  and 
whose  compositions  have  been  preserved  to  modern  times.  The  most 
famous  are  Hohan  Mandakuni,  the  sister  of  Vahan  of  Golthn  (martyred 
April  18th,  737),  Stepanos  of  Sunik,  Katchature  Vardapet  of  Tar  on,  St. 
Nerses  the  Gracious,  etc. 

Regarding  the  troubadours,  we  have  already  seen  what  a  large  part 
they  played  in  the  literature  of  the  people.  They  were  not  only  poets,  but 
talented  musicians  who  composed  new  melodies  or  else  maintained  the 
ancient  music  by  oral  transmission.  When  copying  the  poems  of  some 
of  these  troubadours,  such  as  those  of  Koutchak  for  instance,  the  copy- 
ists were  always  careful,  moreover,  to  state  on  their  manuscripts  that  the 
songs  were  composed  on  the  "Armenian  mode." 

These  achoughs,  or  wandering  bards,  were  not  satisfied  with  singing 
within  the  confines  of  enslaved  Armenia  whose  national  life  they  thus 
helped  keep  up,  but  they  also  went  abroad  into  Turkey  proper,  into 
Persia,  Georgia,  and  Kurdistan,  where  they  exhibited  their  talent  to  the 
Moslems,  and  sang  their  verses  in  foreign  tongues  following  the  musical 
modes  of  the  country  they  were  in.  Armenian  musicians  and  singers  are 
known  to  have  been  in  high  repute  at  the  courts  of  the  Sultans  and  the 
Shahs,  also  at  those  of  the  Georgian  kings  and  the  most  powerful  of  the 
Kurdish  chieftains. 

Modern  Armenian  music  has  kept  pace  with  general  development  in 
this  field.  Composers  and  performers  have  become  more  and  more  num- 
erous since  the  early  19th  century,  and  foreign  works  not  only  were  included 
in  the  Armenian  repertory,  but  they  added  their  technical  progress  to  the 
expanding  output  of  national  melodies.  Even  though  adopting  the  various 
musical  schools  and  styles  prevailing  abroad,  the  Armenians  have  suc- 
ceeded in  keeping  to  their  own  national  traditional  modes  of  expression. 
Very  talented  composers,  such  as  Alexanian  already  mentioned,  have 
been  able,  sometimes  with  national  themes  for  their  basis,  to  create  a 

—  369  — 


modern  Armenian  music  combining  scientific  excellence  with  an  individual- 
ity of  its  own  equal  to  that  of  the  medieval  bards.  Alexanian,  moreover, 
had  for  his  forerunners  in  this  modern  field  Ecmalian,  Komitas,  Spendiar- 
ian,  Tigranian,  Proff-Kalfatan,  and  Mirza'iants. 

The  strides  made  in  literature  and  music  must  nec- 
THE  STAGE  essarily  have  their  counterpart  in  theatrical  progress,  and 
such  was  the  case  about  the  middle  of  the  19th  century. 
In  ancient  times  the  Armenians,  along  with  the  Greeks  of  the  Asiatic 
mainland,  were  great  lovers  of  the  stage.  Artavazd,  the  son  of  Tigranes,  as 
we  have  seen,  composed  tragedies,  and  the  Arsacid  court  had  its  theaters, 
for  example  the  one  at  Tigranocerta.  These  plays  were  only  in  Greek,  how- 
ever, for  no  writer  ever  mentions  the  use  of  any  native  language  on  the 
stage  in  those  days. 

With  the  arrival  of  Christianity,  love  of  the  stage  disappeared  almost 
everywhere  throughout  western  Asia,  and  religious  ceremonies  and  popular 
festivals  were  the  chief  features  of  daily  life.  Armenia  never  even  had  our 
western  mystery  plays,  and  not  until  modern  times  did  there  spring  up  an 
Armenian  stage,  due  to  the  influence  of  Europe.  Constantinople  and  Tiflis 
were  the  scenes  of  the  first  attempts  in  this  direction,  and  the  Armenian 
theaters  in  those  cities  blossomed  forth  on  diversified  lines;  foreign  plays 
were  given  in  Armenian,  together  with  original  ones  written  in  the  native 
tongue,  Furthermore,  a  European  theater  in  the  Turkish  language  was 
inaugurated  at  about  the  same  time  by  Armenians  also;  they  either  trans- 
lated western  plays  or  composed  entirely  new  Eastern  ones.  Both  in  Ar- 
menian and  Turkish,  the  Armenian  actors,  men  and  women,  achieved  dis- 
tinction through  their  perfect  interpretation  along  every  line.  Adamian,  an 
Armenian  Salvini,  made  a  name  for  himself  by  his  Shakespearean  reper- 
tory; Rechtuni  and  Abelian  were  noted  for  comedy;  Touriantz  was  a  de- 
lightful comedian,  and  among  other  talented  players  were  Madame  Hrat- 
chia  and  Madame  Siranouche.  About  the  same  period  Tchouhadjian, 
who  had  studied  his  art  in  Italy,  introduced  theatrical  music,  for  both  the 
Armenian  stage  and  the  Turkish. 

For  indications  of  taste  for  sculpture  among 

ARCHITECTURE  &      the  Armenians  we  have  only  the  Christian  period 

SCULPTURE  to  guide  us,  and  even  there  the  specimens  we 

possess  do  not  belong  to  the  early  days  of  con- 

—  370  — 


version.  We  have  no  relics  of  the  transitional  times  between  heathendom 
and  Christendom  such  as  exist  at  Rome,  in  Italy  and  Greece.  The  Armen- 
ian shrines  that  survived  the  disasters  of  war  and  earthquake  date  from 
several  centuries  later  than  those  built  by  Gregory  the  Illuminator. 

Conflicting  influences  have  always  been  at  work  in  Armenia.  Achae- 
menian  styles  of  architecture,  derived  from  Chaldaean  and  Assyrian  modes, 
prevailed  in  western  Asia  when  the  Armenians  arrived  on  the  political 
icene,  but  Alexander  the  Great's  ensuing  conquests  spread  Greek  styles 
everywhere,  and  these  were  reverenced  by  the  Seleucids  and  the  Arsacid 
Parthians.  At  the  time  the  Armenians  were  converted  to  Christianity,  the 
Sassanids  ascended  the  throne  of  Persia,  and  they  brought  great  changes 
in  Iranian  tastes.  It  is  therefore  altogether  likely  that  heathen  architecture 
in  Armenia  was  Hellenic  until  the  end  of  the  third  century.  The  only 
structural  remains  of  this  period  of  which  we  have  any  knowledge,  un- 
fortunately, are  those  of  the  palace  of  Tiridates  at  Garni;  and  the  pictures 
we  possess  of  It  are  hardly  reliable,  for  the  early  Christians  destroyed  such 
buildings  to  their  very  foundations,  and  erected  their  churches  on  the 
sites.  Systematic  excavations  among  the  ruins  of  Artaxata,  Tigranocerta, 
Nisibus,  Achtichat,  and  other  large  pagan  cities  of  the  Armenians,  if  un- 
dertaken, would  reveal  at  least  the  plans  of  the  vanished  structures,  but  no 
such  research  has  yet  been  attempted. 

The  statues  that  disappeared  with  the  advent  of  Christianity  were 
much  esteemed  in  Armenia  in  pagan  times,  for  historians  often  tell  us 
of  images  of  deities  made  of  wood,  stone,  brass,  or  even  gold.  According 
to  all  our  available  texts  these  statues  were  entirely  confined  to  the  gods. 
Apparently,  however,  Greek  and  Roman  liking  for  images  of  high  per- 
sonages penetrated  to  Armenia  along  with  western  Influences  generally, 
and  their  sovereigns  came  to  have  their  statues  similar  to  those  of  the 
great  men  of  Greece  or  the  emperors  of  Rome.  The  statue  of  Tiridates  we 
possess  was  executed  In  the  west  and  for  the  west,  and  is  consequently  no 
criterion  In  this  connection. 

We  have  seen  how  predominant  Greek  literary  influence  was  in  Ar- 
menia at  the  time  of  its  conversion  to  Christianity.  Rome  and  the  Empire 
were  still  heathen,  and  the  churches  of  the  early  Christians,  both  Greek 
and  Latin,  were  very  roughly  designed  without  any  of  the  later  beauty 
of  the  first  cathedral  churches.  In  fact  they  were  merely  chapels  built  on 

—  371  — 


pagan  lines,  adapted  to  the  needs  of  the  new  religion  and  with  symbolic 
paintings  on  the  walls.  Persecuted  in  every  direction  as  they  were,  the 
Christians  were  still  obliged  to  remain  hidden  and  to  conduct  their  worship 
out  of  sight  both  of  the  crowd  and  of  the  Roman  officials.  These  precautions 
were  considerably  relaxed,  however,  in  the  second  century — especially  in 
Syria  and  the  other  Asiatic  provinces.  Prior  to  Armenia's  official  conversion, 
the  Christian  religion  was  already  prevalent  throughout  the  Roman 
East,  and  it  had  early  reached  the  Ararat  country —  only  it  dared  not  yet 
come  out  into  the  open.  Church-building  was  still  out  of  the  question. 

The  priests  who  preached  the  gospel  In  Armenia  brought  with  them 
from  Syria  not  only  the  new  religion  but  also  the  Syriac  liturgy  and  plans 
for  organizing  the  new  clergy.  Undoubtedly  they  received  from  their 
teachers  Instructions  how  to  lay  out  their  places  of  worship,  and  the  first 
churches  In  the  Ararat  region  were  built  on  Syrian  lines. 


Zenobius  of  Glak  (1)  writes  as 
follows  regarding  the  building  of  the 
first  Christian  edifice  at  Taron  at 
the  order  of  St.  Gregory:  "When 
"the  soldiers  had  destroyed  the  Idol 
"(of  Demetrl),  St.  Gregory  laid 
"the  foundations  for  a  church. 
"There  being  no  materials  available 
"locally,  he  took  rough  stones,  and 
"having  discovered  lime  in  the 
"heathen  temple,  he  began  the 
"building  of  a  church  on  the  site  of 
"the  shrine  of  Demetrl,  following 
"the  same  measurements." 

From  these  lines  we  may  pre- 
sume that  the  first  churches  in 
Armenia  were  built  approximately 
along  the  same  lines  as  the  pagan 
edifices,  but  we  have  no  positive 
documentary  evidence  regarding  either. 


PLAN  OF  THE  CHURCH  OF 

ST.  GREGORY  (ZVARTNOTS) 

NEAR  ETCHMIADZIN 


(1)  Transl.  V.  Langlois,  vol.  II,  p.  348. 

—  372 


Emperor  Constantine's  con- 
version, a  few  years  only  after 
that  of  King  Tiridates,  was  revo- 
lutionary in  its  effects  on  the 
world  not  only  from  the  moral 
standpoint  but  also  that  of  archi- 
tectural development  throughout 
the  Empire.  Everywhere,  in 
every  big  city,  town,  and  village, 
churches  sprang  up.  They  were 
sometimes  of  the  basilica  type 
like  St.  Sophia  or  St.  Irene  at 
Constantinople,  or  round  or  oc- 
tagonal buildings  such  as  the 
Church  of  the  Holy  Apostles  at 
Byzantium,  the  rotunda  of  St. 
Constance  at  Rome,  the  Church 
of  the  Ascension  on  the  Mount  of 
Olives  at  Jerusalem,  or  the  great  octagonal  Church  of  Antioch,  the  oldest 
example  of  this  style  of  edifice.(l)  The  Emperor  encouraged  the  building 
of   religious    institutions,    and  gave   liberally    from    his   treasury    to  the 


PLAN  OF  THE  PRESENT   MONASTERY 
AT   ETCHMIADZIN 


VIEW  OF  ETCHMIADZIN  CATHEDRAL 


(1)   Cf.  Ch  DIEHL,  Man.  d'art  byzantin,  p.  3. 

—  373  — 


Christians.    The  large  edifices  that  were  built  on  his  orders  and  at  his  ex- 
pense became  architectural  patterns  throughout  the  Christian  world. 

By  reason  of  its  geographical  loca- 
tion, Armenia  at  an  early  date  was  in  a 
specially  conspicuous  position.  Having 
considerable  intercourse  with  Syria, 
Mesopotamia,  and  Persia,  she  natur- 
ally derived  much  useful  instruction 
from  these  countries.  On  the  other 
hand,  her  close  political  relations  with 
Byzantium  subjected  her  to  Greek  in- 
fluence. A  number  of  the  patriarchs  at 
the  head  of  the  Armenian  church  from 
the  5th  to  the  7th  century  had  been 
brought  up  in  Byzantine  territory,  and 
Justinian's    architects,    moreover,   had 


PLAN  OF  ETCHMIADZIN 
CATHEDRAL 


built  quite  a  few  edifices  in  various 
districts  of  Armenia  that  could  be 
taken  for  models.  From  these  two 
contacts,  Greece  and  the  East, 
there  arose  in  the  7th  century  a 
style  of  architecture  in  Armenia 
that  was  interesting  and  original. 
This  style  is  comparatively  little 
known  as  yet,  not  having  been 
adequately  studied.  Many  un- 
solved questions  confront  us  re- 
garding it,  but  those  who  have 
examined  Armenian  constructions 
are  aware  that  this  nation's  build- 
ers were  outstanding  craftsmen 
who,  living  as  they  did  in  an  es- 
sentially rocky  country,  brought 
the  art  of  stone-cutting  to  an  un- 
usually high  pitch  of  excellence. 
(1) 

The  Cathedral  of  Etchmiadzin  built,  it  is  said,  in  the  Sth  century 
and  restored  in  the  7th,  is  apparently  as  regards  its  design  one  of  the 

(1)   Ch.  DIEHL,  op.  laud.,  p.  315. 


VIEW  AND  PLAN  OF  THE  CHURCH 
OF  ST.  RIPSIME   AT   VALARSAPAT 


374 


■V\x- 


l^^i^^^-SP^^ 


MONASTERY  OF  ST.  VARAG  AT  VAN 


»       V        ^    «>    ;^  ■■.'  ^"~ 


CHURCH  OF  ST.  STEPANOS  AND  MONASTERY  OF  MAGHARD 

—  375  — 


oldest  churches  in  Armenia.  This  design  is  quite  original,  being  in  the 
general  form  of  a  Greek  cross  with  a  central  cupola.  It  seems  to  have 
been  built  on  the  model  of  Sassanid  structures.  The  Church  of  St.  Ripsime 
at  Valarapat,  dating  also  from  the  7th  century,  shows  the  same  design,  but 
k  roofed  in  a  sixteen-sided  cupola  of  conical  shape,  used  from  very  re- 
mote times  in  the  East.  This  structural  design  was  copied  by  the  west 
about  the  10th  century  and  probably  was  the  guiding  influence  in  the 
building  of  the  churches  of  Mount  Athos  in  Greece. 


Likewise  in  the  7th  century,  Catholicos  Nerses  III   (640-666)   built 
not  far  from  Etchmiadzin  the  church   of   St.   Gregory   the   Illuminator 

(Zvarnots).  This  church,  now  in 
ruins,  is  an  immense  round  tower  128 
feet  in  diameter,  surmounted  by  a 
cupola  upheld  by  four  enormous  sup- 
ports. The  outline  of  this  edifice  is 
clearly  Byzantine,  including  the  capit- 
als which  were  apparently  carved  by 
Greek  sculptors.  According  to  Sebeos, 
the  above  prelate  was  "reared  from 
'■'ArMJt  childhood  in  the  land  of  the  Greeks." 
The  plan  of  the  ruins  reminds  one 
strikingly  of  the  church  of  the  Holy 
Apostles  at  Byzantium. 


MONASTERY    OF    NAREK 


"Were  the  ancient  structures  of  Armenia  built  along  Byzantine  archi- 
tectural patterns,  or  was  it  Armenia  that  taught  Byzantium?"  is  a  question 
asked  by  M.  Ch.  Diehl.  My  opinion  is  that  both  suppositions  are  war- 
ranted, for  Greek  modes  of  construction  apparently  underwent  altera- 
ations  at  the  hands  of  the  Armenians  influenced  in  turn  by  their  neighbors 
and  frequently  by  their  Persian  Sassanid  rulers.  These  very  changes 
which  were  governed  by  discriminating  taste  were  destined  later  to  furnish 
architects  of  the  western  world  with  fresh  inspiration  in  their  profession. 

Long  before  it  came  into  use  in  the  West,  the  arch  was  known  to  the 


—  376  — 


peoples  of  Asia.  It  Is  found 
in  Egypt  dating  from  the 
first  dynasties,  sometimes 
even  with  a  fair  amount  of 
amplification  (1).  The 
structures  of  Nineveh  like- 
wise show  numerous  ex- 
amples of  the  cupola.  The 
Sassanids  were  consequent- 
ly only  carrying  on  their 
ancestral  tradition  in  using 
these  modes  of  architecture. 
(2)  They  seem,  however, 
to  have  added  the  corner 
pendentive  to  join  the 
spring  of  the  cupola  with 
main  edifices  of  square  de- 
sign; (3)  and  because  of 
using  materials  of  small  and 
uneven  size  (4)  they  were 
led  to  build  raised  elliptic 
arches,  with  or  without 
framed  sofiits,  (5)  from 
which  later  sprang  the 
Gothic    arch.   At   the    same 

time  they  attached  much  importance  to  decoration,  and  according  to  the  an- 
cient custom  of  their  country,  they  were  very  fond  of  polychromy.  These 


CHURCH  OF  ST.  GEORGE  AT  ANI 


(1)  e.g.  at  Dahchur,  along  with  others  of  the  12th  dynasty. 

(2)  Servistan,  Firuzabad. 

(3)  Palace  of  Chosroes  II  at  Kasr-e-Chirin. 

(4)  Smooth  pebbles.  Palaces  of  Kas-e-Chirin,  Haouch-Konri,  Rumichkhan, 
Chirvan,  Derrei-Chahr,  ets.  Cf.  J.  DE  MORGAN,  Mission  en  Perse,  Etudes  archeo' 
logiques. 

(5)  In  the  Sassanid  buildings  (Kasr-e-Chirin,  Haouch-Koari.  Derre-i-Chahr, 
Chirvan,  etc.)  there  can  still  be  seen  on  the  lower  surface  of  the  arches  the  mark 
left  in  the  plaster  by  the  wooden  support  of  the  soffit. 


—  377  — 


notions  of  art  superimposed  on  those  of  Greece  and  Rome  were  largely 
responsible  for  the  creations  of  the  Byzantine  schools,  and  if  architectural 
taste  on  the  Bosphorus  was  influenced  by  the  Orient,  such  must  have  been 
even  more  the  case  in  Armenia  which  was  nearer  to  the  Sassanid  Empire 
and  frequently  under  its  rule. 

Among  none  of  the  peoples  of  ancient  times  who  reached  to  high 
levels  of  architecture,  whether  Egypt,  Assyria,  Chaldea,  Greece,  or  Italy, 
did  the  disasters  encountered  in  the  course  of  the  centuries  ever  wipe  out 
all  vestiges  of  their  structures;  and  past  grandeurs  are  evidenced  by  num- 


CHURCH  OF  AKHTAMAR  NEAR  VAN 


378  — 


erous  and  imposing  ruins.    Unfortunately  this  is  not  so  in  the  regions  of 
Armenia,  nor  in  the  north  of  western  Asia  from  the  river  Halys  to  the 
eastern  borders  of  Iran.  In  the  absence  of  any  remains  worthy  of  note, 
we  must  incline  to  the  opinion  that  the  different  peoples  inhabiting  those 
parts  did  not  undertake  any  very  extensive  building,  and  that,   notwith- 
standing the  statements  of  native  writers,  it  was  Christianity  and  Byzantine 
influence  which  caused  the  development  of  architectural  art  among  the 
Armenians.     The  churches  built  in  profusion,   as  soon  as  the   new  re- 
ligion was   established,   in   every  town 
and  village  were  undoubtedly   erected 
along  western  lines,  even  though  they 
included  useful  borrowings  from  Persia. 
History  tells   us  furthermore  that  the 
sumptuous  sacred  edifices  built  by  Con- 
stantine  in  the  Holy  Land  were  objects    f.i|iitl!?S'i'-ic!^'Jrf^o3S^ 
of  marvel  because  of  their  splendor  and    Vrati;^rrnyiinfflii-iiT,imua..iiiffliii..««i'.a« 
originality,  and  that  they  were  at  once 
adopted   as   models    for   Christendom's 
basilicas.     Some  writers,  however,  con- 
sider   that    the    Greek-cross    type    of 

church,  of  which  Etchmiadzin  ca- 
thedral is  a  very  early  specimen, 
formed  by  adding  four  semi-circular 
apses  to  the  square  Persian  con- 
struction, is  of  purely  Armenian 
origin.  We  consider  this  thesis  dis- 
putable. 


r^ 


LION  CARVED  ON  THE 
RAMPARTS  OF  ANI 


CHRIST,  THE  VIRGIN,  and 

SAINT  GREGORY 

(Stone  carving  at  Ani) 


The  churches  of  Ani,  dating 
from  the  Bagratid  period,  are  all 
likewise  very  instructive  as  re- 
gards their  designs.    Most  of  them 


—  379 


are  cross-shaped,  but  others,  e.g.  the  Chapel  of  St. 
Gregory,  are  octagonal  with  a  conical  dome  over  a 
round  tower  upheld  by  columns  which  in  turn  are 
separated  by  semi-circular  recesses. 

One  chapel,  near  the  citadel  of  the  Bagratid  capital, 
shows  a  square  door  with  a  flat  moulding,  the  orna- 
mentation of  which  in  some  respects  recalls  pagan  Greek 
or  possibly  Achaemenean  times,  whereas  the  eastern 
fagade  of  the  Church  of  the  Apostles,  built  before  1348, 
is  purely  Moslem  in  style,  and  the  basements  of  the 
Castle  of  Ani  are  clearly  Sassanid  both  in  their  ground 
and  structural  outlines. 

As  can  be  seen,  Armenian  builders  were  guided 
not  by  any  set  purpose  of  copying  western  models,  but 
by  a  wish  to  enrich  their  structures  with  both  Byzan- 
tine and  Eastern  standards  of  taste. 


ANI 
TOMBSTONES 


When  they   came  under  Moslem   sway,  the  Ar- 
menians were  influenced  by  the  architectural  and  decor- 
ative ideas  of  their  rulers.     Thus  we  see  the  gate  of 
the  palace  of  Ani  surmounted  by  a  semi-circular  arch 
with  Moslem  ornamentation,  whilst  the  window  above  this  gate  is  og^val 
in  shape.    But  these  transformations  of  a  structure,  which  was  originally 
Byzantine  and  was  ruined  by  the  Arabs  and  the  Seljuks,  and  restored 
under  Manouchar,  the  son  of  Abul-Sevar,  the  first  Moslem  prince  of  Ani, 
were  carried  out  at  the  time  they  were  rebuilding  the  city's  mosque,  it- 
self a  western-style  construction. 

In  Armenian  churches,  the  capitals  are  nearly  all  of  clear  Byzantine 
type,  e.g.  at  Etchmiadzin  and  at  Ani,  also  at  Khoscha  Vank  where  the 
porch  has  columns  and  capitals  which  would  not  be  out  of  place  in  a 
Roman  building  of  the  3rd  or  4th  century. 


—  380  — 


The  ornamentation,  carved  along  Byzantine  lines,  shows  nevertheless 
some  peculiarities  of  detail.  We  must  remember  that  the  Sassanid  decor- 
ators largely  used  cut-out  plaster-work  (1)  and  that  the  Moguls  (2), 
the  Arabs,  and  the  Turks  carried  forward  the  Persian  tradition.  It  is 
easy  to  understand,  therefore,  how  oriental  influence  invaded  the  Ar- 
menians' style  and  altered  somewhat  their  Byzantine  patterns. 

Even  the  tombstones  with  their  carvings  are  Byzantine  in  conception. 
They  are  very  numerous  in  the  burial-grounds  of  Armenia,  and  but  for 
their  inscriptions  might  easily  be  taken  for  Coptic  or  Syrian  funerary 
steles  of  the  same  period. 

I  must  hold  to  the  same  opinion  as  regards  both 
FRESCOES  mural  paintings  and  manuscript  ornamentation.  Byzan- 
AND  ICONS  ^jj^g  Christian  art  adopted  its  wall  decoration  from  the 
ancient  technical  processes  of  Rome  and  Syria,  adapting 
it  to  the  needs  of  the  new  religion.  Taken  altogether,  Byzantine  fresco 
paintings  and  mosaics  are  entirely  homogeneous,  and  any  variations  ac- 
cording to  diflFerent  periods  or  localities  are  only  minor  changes  due  to 
temporary  or  provincial  preferences,  with  slight  efi'ect  on  the  primal  con- 
ception. Armenian  paintings,  like  those  of  Egypt  and  the  Neo-Byzantine 
mosaics  of  Russia,  all  derive  from  the  same  decorative  methods. 

The  same  is  the  case  with  icons;  whether  Greek.  Russian,  Georgian, 
or  Armenian,  they  all  show  the  same  motifs,  they  are  all  similarly  treated 
and  express  the  same  spirit.  Any  diflFerences  among  these  pictures  are 
due  only  to  varying  trends  of  schools,  variations  that  are  always  minimized 
by  strict  rules  of  tradition. 

The   illumination    of  manuscripts    offers    more 

MANUSCRIPT       variety  because  the  artists  gave  freer  rein  to  their 

ILLUMINATION     imagination  and  were  not  above  introducing  popular 

scenes  into  their  work,  giving  the  latter  a  realistic 


(1)  Qal'ai-Hazar-dar  at  Derre-i-Chahr,  Kasr-e-Chirin,  etc. 

(2)  Mosque  of  Hamadan. 

—  381  — 


TOMBSTONES 

touch  with  little  concern  for  flagrant  anachronisms. 

This  great  latitude  in  the  illumination  of  manuscripts  was  general 
throughout  the  Middle-Ages,  and  it  is  as  common  in  eastern  MSS.  as  in 
western.  It  is  peculiar  to  each  country  and  faithfully  portrays  local  tastes. 
In  Armenia,  not  only  were  popular  scenes  and  legendary  monsters  de- 
picted, but  also  foreign  subject-matters,  and  designs  suggested  by  Persian 
and  Arab  illuminators  are  constantly  met  with.  These  latter  themselves 
sometimes  originated  much  farther  east,   so  that  Armenian   miniature- 


382  — 


DESCENT  FROM  THE   CROSS 
(Wooden   carving    in  the   Treasure       CARVED    DOOR    AT   THE   MONASTERY 
House  at  Etchmiadzin)  OF  SEVAN 

painting  has  quite  a  special  character.  But  religious  subjects  are  all 
wrought  on  Byzantine  patterns,  just  as  are  our  western  books  of  the 
romanesque  period. 

The  library  at  Etchmiadzin  is  very  rich  in  ancient  manuscripts,  and 
includes  therefore  a  complete  collection  of  these  methods  of  illuminating. 
Comparing  the  various  works  one  can  easily  follow  the  development  of 
Armenian  style  both  from  within  and  from  outside  influences.  From  the 
outset  there  is  seen  a  tendency  to  copy  faithfully  the  Byzantine,  and  then 
gradually  imagination  creeps  into  the  works  and  subjects  are  left  to  the 
illuminator's  discretion.  The  growth  of  this  local  talent  reached  its  zenith 
in  the  time  of  the  Rupenians.    As  for  religious  subjects,  they  became  in 


—  383 


time  more  and  more  hieratic,  quite  the  contrary  of  what  took  place  in  the 
west  where  drawings  became  increasingly  realistic  and  reached  their  peak 
of  elegance  in  our  incomparable  manuscripts  of  the  Renaissance. 

This  freedom  in  the  choice  of  details  is  also  seen,  but  to  a  much  lesser 
degree,  in  the  carved  motifs  of  church  ornamentation.  There  too,  the 
sculptors  have  sometimes  given  free  rein  to  fancy,  but  they  have  always 
maintained  the  general  lines  of  Byzantine  style.  We  must  not,  however, 
forget  to  mention  a  very  curious  and  handsome  church  at  Akhtamar,  on  an 
island  of  Lake  Van,  where  the  walls  are  covered  with  carved  relief  repre- 
sentations of  Christ,  the  Virgin,  the  Saints,  and  also  animals  and  fanciful 


THE  FALLING  ASLEEP  OF  THE  VIRGIN 
FROM  THE  ARMENIAN  ICONOGRAPHY 


I  yji.iM'JUiiMMii^i'Ji^'lJQ'j'iiyj:^^^^'^ 


MINIATURE  PAINTING   ON  A 
SISSOUAN  MS.  DATED  1330 


subjects.  Looking  at  these  singular  carvings,  one  cannot  help  thinking  of 
the  rock-carved  bas-reliefs  of  the  Chaldeans,  the  Assyrians,  and  the 
Hittites.  This  church,  built  in  Greek-cross  shape  according  to  Byzantine 
rules,  dates  from  the  first  quarter  of  the  10th  century.     Thousand-year 


—  384 


ANIMALS   FIGHTING 

(Armenian  iconography 

taken  from  Alishan) 


old  traditions  of  ornamentation  seem  to  have 
been  preserved  on  its  walls. 

There  is  practically  nothing  left  us  of  the 
civil  architecture  of  the  Armenians  prior  to 
the  taking  of  Ani  by  the  Seljuks.  There  is 
every  reason  to  believe,  however,  that  it  like- 
wise was  Byzantine  and  Persian  in  conception. 
As  for  military  construction  the  walls  of  Ani 
seem  to  show  the  same  architecture  as  that  used 
by  the  Byzantines  and  the  Sassanids,  and  even 
all  Mediterranean  countries  at  that  time.  The 
only  difference  is  in  the  abundant  ornamenta- 
tion and  the  unusual  selection  and  arrangement  of  the 
material  used.  Although  they  are  very  massive,  the 
fortifications  of  Ani  are  quite  elegant  and  are  a  hand- 
some spectacle. 

There  exists  unfortunately  no  successions  of 
coins  of  Greater  Armenia  subsequent  to  the  series 
of  entirely  Greek-style  coins  minted  contemporan- 
eously by  the  Syrian  Seleucids  and  the  Persian  Ar- 
sacids.  This  hiatus  is  much  to  be  regretted,  not  only  on 
account  of  the  value  of  numismatics  in  confirming  his- 
tory, but  also  because  coins  would  have  given  accurate 
information  as  to  the  prevalent  trends  in  art  of  each 
successive  period,  from  the  advent  of  the  Sassanid  rul- 
ers in  Iran  down  to  the  downfall  of  the  Bagratid  dy- 
nasty. Lacking  any  Armenian  coins  for  the  period 
referred  to,  we  must  fall  back  on  those  we  have  of 
the  Georgian  rulers  who  were  so  often  mixed  up  in  the 
affairs  of  Armenia  and  whose  territory  in  the  Kurah 
valley  was  subjected  to  almost  the  same  vicissitudes 
as  the  northern  and  eastern  provinces  of  Armenia. 

About  A.D.  575,  the  Georgian  eristhaws,  who  were 
GEORGIAN      fighting   the    Persians    then    holding    almost    all    Trans- 
COINS  caucasia,  coined  money  similar  to  that  of  the  last  Sas- 

sanid kings  Hormidas  IV,  Chosroes  II,  etc.  Byzantine 
influence  was  considerably  on  the  wane  at  that  time  in  this  part  of  Asia. 
Following  this  comes  a  break  of  four  centuries  in  the  numismatics  of 
Karthli  (Georgia),  a  break  coincident  with  the  Arab  conquest,  the  arrival 


THE  VIRGIN 
(Miniature  paint- 
ing on  a  MS.  writ- 
ten for  King 
Hetum    II) 


—  385 


of  the  Seljuks,  and  the  wars  that  convulsed  Transcaucasia.  David,  the 
ruler  of  Taiq,  late  in  the  10th  century  struck  a  foUis  of  the  current  Byzan- 
tine style,  and  Bagrat  IV  (the  adversary  of  the  Turk  Alp-Arslan), 
Georgi  II  (1072-1089),  and  Korike  (1046-1082?),  king  of  Armenian  Al- 
bania, all  minted  similar  coins  of  the  Byzantine  type.  David  II,  surnamed 
The  Restorer,  then  struck  aspers  with  obverse  stamped  similarly  to  money 
of  the  Empire  of  Trebizond,  and 
reverse  reading  in  Arabic  charac- 
ters: "King  of  Kings  Daoud  son 
of  Giorgi:  the  Sword  of  the 
Messiah."  Dimitri  (1125-1154), 
however,  was  obliged  to  have  his 
coins  bear  the  names  of  the  Arab 
ruler  Al  Moktafy  and  Mahmoud, 
the     Seljuk     Sultan     of     Persia. 

Giorgi     III      (1154-1184)     who 

.     J   r  .1      T-     1      .u        V  GOURGEN,  ERISTHAW  OF  GEORGIA 

seized  from  the   lurks  the  cities 

of  Ani,  Etchmiadzin,  Dovin,  Gandzak, 
and  a  large  part  of  Armenia,  issued 
coins  of  uncommon  appearance,  as  did 
also  his  daughter,  Queen  Thamar,  but 
both  these  Georgian  sovereigns  struck 
practically  at  the  same  time  lother 
money  that  was  mixed  Byzantine  and 
Moslem. 

Roussoudan  (1223-1247),  Tha- 
mar's  daughter,  copied  Byzantine  coin- 
age, and  her  son  David  V  issued  imitations  of 
that  of  the  Comneni  of  Trebizond.  The  Mon- 
gols had  just  extended  their  rule  over  Georgia 
and  Armenia,  however,  so  that  coins  of  the 
same  David  V  (1243-1269),  of  Dimitri  II 
(1273-1289),  David  VI  (1292-1310)  and  Wakh- 
tang  III  (1301-1307)  all  carry,  in  Mogul  or 
Arabic  characters,  the  names  of  the  Khans  their 
suzerains.  Under  Bagrat  (1360-1395),  aspers 
similar  to  those  of  the  Comneni  reappear,  as 

they  did  also  under  Giorgi  VIII  (1452-1469).    After  that,  there  were  no 
further  issues  of  Georgian  coins  until  the  time  of  Russian  occupation. 


BAGRAT  IV,  KING  OF  GEORGIA 


GIORGI  II,   KING   OF 
GEORGIA 


—  386  — 


Such  a  checkered  history,  as  can  be  imagined,  greatly  handicapped 
and  disturbed  the  progress  of  art  in  Transcaucasia.  The  influences  at 
play  were  most  varied.  As  Christians,  the  Georgians  and  Armenians 
naturally  inclined  towards  Constantinople  and  Trebizond,  and  close  re- 
lations were  maintained  with  the  Empire,  but  in  innumerable  ways  they 
were  none  the  less  thrown  back  on  themselves. 


GIORGI  III, 
KING  OF  GEORGIA 
and  AL  MOKTAFY 


In  Cilicia,  under  the  Rupenians  and  the 
Lusignans,  all  the  coinage  was  of  Latin  charac- 
ter. Latin  influence  penetrated  everywhere, 
including  civil  and  religious  architecture  which 
in  New  Armenia  showed  a  curious  mixture  of 
Byzantine  and  Gothic.  The  Rupenian  build- 
ings consequently  differ  considerably  from  the 
medieval  structures  of  Greater  Armenia. 

The  well-known  architect  Toramanian, 
who  has  studied  Armenia's  antiquities  for  very 
many  years,  considers  that  his  country  has  a 
national  art  which  he  divides  into  four  cycles. 
The  last  of  these  cycles,  one  of  com- 
parative distinction,  lasted  from  the  13th  to 
the  14th  century  when  Armenia  was  fast  dis- 
integrating politically.  I  cannot  adopt  his 
views  in  this  connection,  my  own  opinion  being 
that  Armenian  art  is  an  offshoot  of  Byzantine 
art.  It  is  true  that  it  developed  along  lines 
somewhat  its  own  and  was  subjected  to  foreign 
influence,  but  it  always  adhered  more  or  less 
closely  to  the  standards  of  Constantinople. 


Byzantine  art,  like  that  of  the  Greeks 
and  Romans,  took  on  especially  in  Asia 
and  Africa  a  very  characteristic  provin- 
cial complexion.  The  Roman  sculptural 
remains  of  Egypt  are  a  striking  example. 
These  essentially  local  tastes  have  been 
conspicuous  in  Armenia  almost  down  to 
the  present  day.  The  same  is  the  case 
with  Russia  where  Byzantine  art  devel- 
oped  along  quite    special   lines,   both    in 


ROUSSOUDAN,  QUEEN  OF 
GEORGIA 


387 


RELIQUARY  AT  ETCHMIADZIN 


—  388 


GIORGI  VIII. 
KING    OF    GEORGIA 


architecture    and   sculpture,    as    also    in 
mosaic. 

I  would  be  the  last  to  wish  to  deny 
the  Armenians  some  originality  in  their 
architecture.  They  adapted  Byzantine  art 
to  their  own  preferences,  and  made  skill- 
ful use  of  what  they  learned  from  their 
Persian  neighbors,  but  Armenian  art 
must,  I  consider,  be  looked  on  as  a  branch 
of  Byzantine,  in  the  same  manner  as  the 
Coptic,  the  Rumanian,  and  the  Russian. 

From  our  knowledge  of  the  goldsmith's 
INDUSTRIAL  ARTS  work,  the  weaving  of  cloth  and  carpets,  em- 
broidery, and  other  branches,  of  Armenian 
craftsmanship,  this  people  stands  out  as  proficient  in  those  minor  arts, 
at  any  rate  since  the  Middle  Ages.  Today  they  may  be  safely  said  to  be 
almost  the  only  people  in  the  Turkish  empire  engaged  in  fine  artistic 
handicrafts. 

The  libraries  and  churches  of  the  East  all  contain  triptychs,  icons, 
bookbindings,  sacred  vessels,  reliquaries,  church  vestments,  and  tapestries, 
rugs,  and  fabrics  of  Armenian  workmanship,  and  among  them  all  it  is  easy 
to  pick  out  those  expressing  native  culture  (mostly  Byzantine)  and  those 
fashioned  or  woven  along  Moslem  lines,  the  latter  having  been  wrought 
presumably  for  Turkish  or  Persian  patrons. 

At  Constantinople,  Smyrna,  Trebizond,  Teheran,  Hamadan,  Tabriz, 
Erzerum,  Erivan,  Tiflls  and  nearly  all  the  northern  centers  of  western 
Asia,  jewelry  and  goldsmith's  work  is  produced  in  the  "Armenistan",  or 
Armenian  quarter,  of  each  city  while  Inside  the  Armenian  homes  the 
womenfolk  weave  and  embroider  rugs,  carpets,  and  the  like,  which  go  out 
into  the  world  including  European  centers  where  both  commercial  houses 
and  the  general  public  are  under  the  impression  they  are  Moslem  work- 
manship. The  Armenians  put  their  individual  native  stamp  on  what  they 
produce  for  themselves,  and,  naturally  enough,  meet  the  customer's  prefer- 
ences as  regards  the  remainder  placed  on  sale.  These  industrious  people 
have  always  shown  themselves  assiduous  and  progressive  artisans,  and 
we  can  be  sure  that  numbers  of  the  goldsmiths  and  engravers  who  worked 
for  the  Byzantine  emperors  were  Armenians. 


—  389  — 


In  the  higher  sphere  of  architecture,  Armenians  likewise  have  played 
an  important  part  in  the  East.  It  is  known  that  the  architect  Tiridates, 
who  built  so  many  of  the  Ani  churches,  restored  the  magnificent  cupola  of 
St.  Sophia  at  Constantinople,  which  was  originally  constructed  by  the 
Greek  architects  Anthemius  of  Tralles  and  Isidorus  of  Miletus,  and  which 
collapsed  during  the  earthquake  that  struck  the  city  in  A.D.  989.  This 
new  cupola,  which  we  still  admire,  is  in  the  form  of  an  elliptical 
arch,  and,  built  of  light  material,  is  still  cited  today  as  an  outstanding 
model,  in  classes  dealing  with  the  stonecutter's  art.  Tiridates  had  a  large 
number  of  emulators  in  the  Byzantine  empire. 

Furthermore,  the  Arabs,  Turks,  and  Mongols, — who  were  incompetent 
themselves  to  build  the  fine  structures  which  we  mistakenly  ascribe  to 
them  and  whereon  weie  inscribed  in  gold  the  names  of  their  Caliphs, 
Sultans,  or  Khans, — entrusted  to  Christians  the  task  of  immortalizing 
their  great  men.  According  to  the  different  countries,  Greeks,  Syrians,  and 
Armenians  were  the  master-builders  throughout  western  Asia  and  as  far 
east  as  India,  with  the  one  exception  of  Persia.  In  the  latter  country 
the  Iranian  traditional  skill  handed  down  from  their  great  architects  of 
old  had  been  preserved. 

Love  of  art  has  never  died  out  among  the  Armenians,  whether 
as  applied  to  their  own  requirements  or  as  exercised  in  working  for  their 
Moslem  rulers,  and  in  every  branch  of  it  which  they  have  maintained 
since  the  Middle  Ages  they  have  retained  their  preeminence  of  old.  Until 
the  18th  century,  they  clung  to  their  ancient  styles  of  work  imposed  on 
them  by  tradition  or  necessity,  but  with  the  19th  century  an  era  of  progress 
opened  up  for  them,  and  as  the  case  with  their  literature  and  music,  they 
launched  out  into  fresh  modes  of  expression  under  Europe's  influence. 
Architects,  painters,  and  sculptors,  all  subscribed  to  the  western  schools, 
received  instruction  in  Art's  larger  unfoldment,  and  kept  pace  with  its 
forward  movement. 

In  the  18th  century,  Stepanos  of  Poland,  an  Armenian  painter,  exe- 
cuted for  the  monastery  of  Etchmladzin  some  paintings  in  which  the 
Italian  school  predominates. 

Since  the  early  nineteenth  century,  a  whole  generation  of  workers 
have  striven  with  success  to  assimilate  European  standards  in  sculpture, 
painting,  engraving,  and  dancing.  Yervant  Osgan,  a  talented  sculptor, 
has  for  many  years  been  the  Director  of  the  Ottoman  School  of  Fine  Arts 
at  Constantinople,  and  many  Armenian  names  are  to  be  seen  on  the  roll 
of  our  leading  European  artists,  e.g.  Aivazovsky,  the  best  Russian  marine 

—  390  — 


painter,  Edgar  Chahine,  whose  paintings  and  etchings  are  known  to  every- 
one in  Paris,  Zakarian  and  his  still-life  productions,  Mahokian  and 
Chabanian,  marine  artists,  landscape-painters  such  as  Alhasian  of  Paris, 
Bachindjaghian  and  Thadevossian  of  Tiflis,  Terlemesian  of  Van,  Surian  of 
Moscow,  and  many  more,  without  forgetting  the  many  young  pupils  of 
our  western  Art  schools  whose  future  is  still  ahead  of  them. 

Dancing,  formerly  restricted  to  folk-dancing,  and 
DANCING  ever  popular  throughout  the  countryside,  has  acquired 
social  standing  and  increasing  vogue  in  the  salon  as  also 
on  the  stage,  where  recent  performances  of  Mile.  Armene  Ohanian  have 
been  acclaimed  by  the  Paris  public,  appreciative  of  her  charming  and 
graceful  adaptations  of  the  Terpsichorean  art. 


*      *      * 
* 


—  391  — 


"  CHAPTER  XII 

Events  in  Armenia  subsequent  to  the  fall  of  the 
Czar  in  Russia  (1917-1918). 

While  this  book  was  in  the  press,  grave  events  in  Russia  have  thrown 
turmoil  into  Eastern  affairs  and  once  more  caused  the  Armenian  people 
to  weep,  inflicting  on  them  one  of  the  most  frightful  crises  in  history. 

Ever  mindful  of  Peter  the  Great's  testament  to  his  successors,  the 
Czars  aimed  at  the  possession  of  Constantinople  and  the  Straits.  Finding 
themselves  blocked  of  late  years  in  their  attempts  to  reach  the  shores  of 
the  Bosphorus  via  Europe,  the  Bulgarians  and  the  Rumanians  having 
been  freed  from  Turkish  rule  and  secured  national  independence,  Russian 
diplomacy  was  seeking  to  achieve  its  purpose  by  way  of  Asia,  and  as  a 
step  toward  the  century-old  goal  of  the  Romanoffs,  it  coveted  Turkish 
Armenia  and  Anatolia.  From  1914  on,  Russian  armies  in  Asia  strove  to 
that  end,  in  furtherance  of  which  France,  England,  and  Italy  gave 
Petrograd  a  free  hand.  Under  the  conviction  that  German  military  power 
was  invincible,  the  Young  Turks  confident  of  Berlin's  victory  were  Im- 
prudent enough  to  declare  war  on  the  Entente,  a  step  which  threw  open 
the  door  to  the  Russian  generals  and  gave  the  subjugated  Christians  of 
Turkey  the  opportunity  to  rise  and  assert  their  freedom. 

But  although  the  Armenians  had  openly  espoused  the  cause  of 
Germany's  enemies,  Petrograd  did  not  see  eye  to  eye  with  Tiflis  and 
Erzerum.  Russia  did  not  intend  to  grant  political  liberty  to  Armenia, 
whose  liberal  and  home-rule  notions  were  in  high  Czarist  circles  looked 
on  as  dangerous  to  the  Imperial  regime  and  the  Romanoff  dynasty. 
Furthermore  an  independent  Armenia  would  have  blocked  the  road  to  the 
Straits  via  Asia  Minor,  just  as  Rumania  and  Bulgaria  by  gaining  national 
freedom  had  closed  the  way  through  Thrace.  The  Armenians  were  con- 
sidered, therefore,  from  the  Russian  Government's  standpoint,  as  future 
subjects  of  the  Czar,  just  as  the  many  other  subject  peoples  of  that 
Empire.  This  prospect,  although  not  the  one  nearest  to  right  and  justice, 
had  at  least  the  merit  of  delivering  the  Armenians  from  Turkish  tyranny, 

—  392  — 


and  the  Russian  rule  was  looked  on  as  a  stepping-stone  to  further  later 
developments.  The  progress  achieved  by  their  people  in  the  Russian  Trans- 
caucasian  provinces,  despite  their  relative  unpopularity  there,  encouraged 
them  to  look  forward  self-reliantly  to  their  national  future.  Conscious  of 
their  own  energy,  they  felt  that  the  above  outlook  was  only  temporary  and 
that  changes  would  occur  after  the  war.  Anyone  with  perspicacity  could 
see  that  the  Russian  empire,  seriously  affected  by  its  agrarian  and  social 
difficulties  and  ill-supported  by  a  decadent  government,  must  inevitably 
undergo  a  very  severe  crisis  as  the  outcome  of  which  the  causes  of  the 
various  nationalities  would  come  to  the  fore,  for  they  were  bound  to  be 
upheld  by  the  western  democracies.  It  was  felt  also  on  the  other  hand 
that  the  Czar's  government,  to  save  itself,  would  be  forced  to  grant  large 
concessions.  In  view  of  all  this,  Armenia's  future  despite  the  uncertainty 
seemed  auspicious. 

The  Russian  troops  had  already  seized  the  majority  of  the  Turkish 
vilayets  of  Armenia.  Erzerum,  Van,  Mouch,  Erzindjan,  Baibourt,  and 
Trebizond  had  all  just  been  snatched  from  the  infamous  Turkish  rule, 
when  at  the  beginning  of  the  year  1917  there  ensued  the  frightful  catas- 
trophe of  the  Russian  revolution. 

Petrograd's  foreign  policy  thereupon  entered  on  a  new  phase,  that  of 
defeatism.  Imperial  trends,  i.e.  desire  for  conquest,  gave  way  abruptly 
to  the  abandonment  of  centuries  of  tradition.  Peter  the  Great's  testament 
was  torn  up,  and  at  Berlin's  orders,  the  new  Government  in  Germany's 
pay,  forsaking  all  Russian  views  concerning  Constantinople,  gave  up  any 
interest  in  Asia.  As  a  matter  of  form,  it  did  enunciate  the  principle  of  the 
liberation  of  oppressed  peoples  (the  guiding  principle  of  the  Entente 
against  the  Central  Powers),  but  this  lip-service,  too  lofty  to  maintain 
the  Russian  masses,  soon  gave  way  to  the  crass  selfishness  and  greed  of 
the  new  masters  in  Petrograd.  Their  pious  utterance  remained  just  words 
and  soon  were  flagrantly  contradicted  by  the  frenzied  acts  of  those  who 
seized  power  with  Germany's  aid. 

The  Russian  debacle  was  not  long  in  assuming  incredible  proportions; 
its  extent  was  vividly  brought  out  in  the  treaty  of  Brest-Litowsk,  where 
the  lawless  Soviet  government  abjectly  surrendered  to  Berlin's  imperious 
orders.  From  then  on,  amid  the  most  terrible  disorders,  the  various  peo- 
ples felt  abandoned,  isolated;  each  nationality,  thrown  back  on  its  own 
resources  and  home  forces,  imagined  it  could  save  itself  from  the  tempest 
by  proclaiming  its  independence.  An  ephemeral  republic  was  formed  in 
Transcaucasia  composed  of  Armenians,  Georgians,  and  Tartars,  but  this 

—  393  — 


political  amalgam  had  no  possibility  of  lasting.  The  Moslem  Tartars  had 
hated  the  Armenians  for  centuries,  and  serious  dissensions  had  recently 
cropped  up  between  the  Moslems  and  the  Georgians.  The  result  was  that 
the  Tartars  espoused  the  cause  of  Islam  and  took  sides  with  the  Turks 
against  their  allies  of  the  day  before.  As  for  the  Georgians,  they  took 
part  in  the  defense  of  Transcaucasia  against  the  Ottomans,  but  then  for- 
sook the  Armenians  who  were  left  to  face  the  enemy  alone. 

The  Soviet  Government,  however,  though  ready  for  any  act  of  be- 
trayal, thought  it  might  be  to  its  interest  to  have  it  believed  that  it  en- 
tertained liberal  views  regarding  the  freedom  of  oppressed  nations,  and 
therefore  on  January  13th,  1918,  the  following  Decree  was  published  in 
Petrograd: 

"The  Council  of  Commissaries  of  the  People  declares  to  the  Armenian 
"people  that  the  Government  of  Workers  and  Peasants  of  Russia  upholds 
"the  right  of  the  Armenians  in  Turkish  Armenia  occupied  by  Russia  to 
"make  free  choice  of  country  and  even  to  choose  independence.  The 
"Council  of  Commissaries  considers  that  this  right  may  be  realized  by 
"drawing  up  a  list  of  preliminary  guarantees,  which  are  absolutely  re- 
"quisite  for  a  referendum  on  the  part  of  the  Armenian  people.  The  Council 
"of  Commissaries  recognizes  the  following  conditions  to  be  partial  guar- 
"antees  to  this  end: 

ART.  I. — Evacuation  of  Armenia  by  the  Russian  troops  and  Immediate 
"formation  of  an  army  of  Armenian  militia  In  order  to  guarantee  the 
"safety  of  the  lives  and  property  of  the  inhabitants  of  Turkish  Armenia. 

ART.  II. — Return  to  Armenia,  without  hindrance,  of  the  Armenian 
"fugitives,  as  well  as  of  the  Armenian  emigrants  dispersed  In  different 
"countries. 

ART.  III. — Return  to  Armenia,  without  hindrance,  of  the  Armen- 
"lans  driven  out  by  force  during  the  war  by  the  Turkish  authorities  into 
"the  Interior  of  Turkey.  The  Council  of  Commissaries  will  insist  on  this 
"condition  in  the  peace  negotiations  with  the  Turkish  delegates. 

ART.  IV. — An  Armenian  provisional  government  will  be  created  in 
"Turkish  Armenia  in  the  form  of  a  Council  of  Delegates  of  the  Armenian 
"people,  elected  on  a  democratic  basis.  Stepan  Chahoumanlan,  who  has 
"been     appointed     provisional     Commissary     Extraordinary     for     Cau- 

—  394  — 


"caslan  affairs,  is  entrusted  with  the  task  of  giving  all  assistance  to  the 
"inhabitants  of  Turkish  Armenia  for  carrying  out  Articles  II  and  III, 
"and  for  the  creation  of  a  mixed  commission,  in  order  to  appoint  a  date  for 
"and  means  of  evacuation  of  the  Russian  troops  in  accordance  with  Art.  I. 
"The  geographical  frontiers  of  Turkish  Armenia  will  be  determined  by  the 
"representatives  of  the  Armenian  people  elected  according  to  democratic 
"procedure  in  agreement  with  the  Moslem  and  other  inhabitants  of  the 
"border  provinces  in  dispute,  also  with  Commissary  Chahoumanian." 

This  monstrous  document  recognized  the  right  of  the  Armenians  to 
live  and  govern  themselves,  but  imposed  on  them  an  anarchic  form  of 
government,  i.e.  one  contrary  to  the  interests  of  the  Armenian  nation  whose 
capitalists  were  one  of  their  chief  sources  of  strength,  and  it  handed  over 
the  organization  of  an  incipient  State  to  the  will  of  the  ignorant  masses. 
It  proclaimed,  moreover,  the  Soviets'  intention  to  withdraw  the  Russian 
troops  from  Turkish  Armenia  and  to  abandon  that  country  consequently 
to  the  fury  of  the  Ottomans  who  would  not  forgive  the  Armenians  for 
having  sided  with  the  Entente  armies.  This  was  the  basest  treason,  the 
vilest  crime  imaginable,  and  the  Bolshevists  cynically  added  that  they 
expected  to  enter  into  negotiations  with  the  Turks  who  had  not  yet  even 
been  consulted  regarding  the  future  of  the  Christian  vilayets  about  to  be 
surrendered  to  them.  The  People's  Commissaries  merely  gave  a  vague 
promise  that  they  would  seek  to  negotiate. 

It  meant  delivering  up  Armenia  to  new  massacres,  to  slavery  even 
more  frightful  than  that  endured  by  the  unhappy  country  for  so  many  cen- 
turies. How  indeed  could  the  Armenian  people  struggle  to  any  purpose 
against  the  Sultan's  armies  aided  by  the  Kurdish  tribes  and  led  by  German 
officers  ? 

That  was  but  the  beginning  of  Bolshevist  infamy,  for  two  months  after 
the  above  disgraceful  decree  was  issued,  the  Maximalist  government  signed 
(in  March  1918)  the  shameful  treaty  of  Brest-Litowsk  giving  up  Russia  to 
Germany,  and  Armenia  and  Transcaucasia  to  Turkey.  Not  satisfied  with 
undoing  with  one  stroke  of  the  pen  the  whole  work  achieved  by  the  Grand 
Duke's  army  in  Asia  and  thus  abandoning  the  Christians  of  Turkish  Ar- 
menia to  their  tormentors,  they  actually  added  at  the  dictation  of  the 
German  and  Turkish  plenipotentiaries  an  even  more  despicable  paragraph, 
one  sacrificing  former  Russian  territories  peopled  with  Christians  and 
throwing  the  door  to  the  Transcaucasian  provinces  wide  open. 

—  395  ~ 


This  shameful  capitulation  reads,  Art.  IV.: 

"Russia  will  do  all  in  her  power  to  ensure  the  rapid  evacuation  of 
"the  eastern  provinces  of  Anatolia  and  their  restoration  to  Turkey.  Arda- 
"han,  Kars,  and  Batum  will  be  evacuated  without  delay  by  the  Russian 
"troops." 

The  name  of  Armenia  even  is  no  longer  mentioned  in  this  enemy- 
dictated  text;  instead  we  read  "eastern  provinces  of  Anatolia."  It  is  equival- 
ent to  saying  that  the  Armenian  people  do  not  exist;  they  are  officially 
handed  over  to  the  hatred  of  their  former  rulers.  Thus  the  Bolsheviks 
denied  the  most  sacred  rights  of  humanity  and  trampled  on  their  own 
professed  principles. 

The  blow  was  a  terrible  one  for  the  Armenians,  for  not  only  were 
the  vilayets  to  be  re-invaded,  but  the  evacuation  of  Batum,  Ardahan,  and 
Kars  insisted  on  by  the  Turks  showed  beyond  doubt  that  they  expected 
at  least  the  Ottoman  reoccupation  of  their  districts  lost  in  the  war  of  1878. 
They  even  went  so  far  in  Constantinople  as  to  say  that  "the  natural 
boundary  of  the  Ottoman  Empire  is  the  Greater  Caucasus  chain." 

Confronted  with  such  a  menace,  the  Armenians  resolved  to  defend 
their  homes  to  the  death,  and  they  therefore  armed  themselves  while  the 
Russian  troops  were  evacuating  Ottoman  territory  and  the  western  districts 
of  Russian  Armenia.  But  of  what  avail  were  a  handful  of  brave  men 
against  the  Turkish  armies?  The  fight  began  in  April.  Trebizond  fell,  as 
also  did  Erzlndjan  despite  the  desperate  resistance  put  up  by  five  thousand 
Armenian  volunteers  defending  the  latter  city;  then  Erzerum,  Mouch, 
Van,  in  turn  were  the  scenes  of  stubborn  battles  which  sometimes  ended 


r:zm 


THE  ISLAND  AND  MONASTERY  OF  LAKE  SEVAN 
(RUSSIAN  ARMENIA) 

—  396  — 


successfully  for  the  Armenians.  These  local  successes  did  not  affect  the 
outcome,  however,  and  gradually  the  battle  turned  to  the  north,  to  the 
former  Russian  provinces. 

Batum  had  just  been  captured  by  the  Turks  from  the  Georgians,  and 
the  victors  had  besieged  Kars,  were  by-passing  that  city  and  laying  waste 
the  regions  of  the  Lesser  Caucasus,  when  the  Georgians  forsook  the  com- 
mon Christian  cause  and  started  negotiations  with  the  enemy.  The  Armen- 
ians themselves  had  to  be  satisfied  with  a  tiny  portion  of  their  country,  in 
the  region  of  Erivan  and  Lake  Sevan.  There  they  formed  a  small  republic, 
pending  better  days.  These  latter  seem  to  be  drawing  near,  now  that  Brit- 
ain has  intervened  in  northern  Persia  and  has  gone  so  far  as  to  seize 
Baku  for  the  present  in  her  intention  of  closing  the  way  to  India, — and 
now  that  great  events  are  occurring  in  the  west.  Meanwhile,  small  Armen- 
ian forces  are  still  fiercely  defending  themselves  in  the  mountains  against 
the  Tartars,  for  the  struggle  is  still  far  from  finished. 

By  occupying  Baku,  the  important  Caspian  port,  Britain  secured  a 
most  vital  point  on  the  transcontinental  route  to  India  but  her  intervention 
would  have  meant  so  much  more  had  she  given  assistance  a  few  months 
before  to  the  Armenians,  who  were  then  still  in  considerable  numbers. 
The  Transcaucasian  natural  stronghold  would  have  been  secured,  intercept- 
ing communications  between  Turkey  and  the  eastern  Moslems, — Tartar, 
Turkish,  Azerbaidjanian,  and  Turcoman. 

As  I  have  already  said,  the  historian  is  not  entitled  to  speak  of  the 
future.  Whatever  the  outcome  of  this  merciless  war  between  the  Armenian 
nation  and  its  oppressors,  the  memory  of  this  struggle  will  remain  one  of 
the  finest  pages  in  the  annals  of  the  Haikian  people.  Her  steadfastness, 
courage,  and  nameless  woes  have  earned  Armenia  a  glorious  niche  in  the 
record  of  the  World  War, 


-^      *      * 
* 


397  — 


DRAGON 

(Armenian  Iconography,  from  Alishan) 


—  398 


APPENDICES 


CHRONOLOGY  (1) 


REMOTEST    TIMES 


LEGENDARY  DATA 


Patriarchs. 

1.    Haik,  2350  B.C. 

19. 

Ampak 

2.    Armenak 

20. 

Arnak 

3.    Armai's 

21. 

Chavarche 

CJ 

4.    Amassia 

o 
o 

22, 

Norair 

n 

5.    Guegham 

»^d 

^ 

23. 

Vestam 

o 

6.    Harma 

o 

o 

24. 

Kar 

o 

7.    Aram 

CO 
94 

25. 

Gorak 

8.    Ara  the  Handsome 

?s  ^ 

26. 

Hrant 

o 

9.    Ara  Araian,  or 

is 

27. 

Endzak 

Kardos 

)  c^ 

28. 

Gueghak 

10.    Anouchavan 

29. 

Horo 

" 

11.    Paret 

o 

30. 

Zarma'ir 

12.    Arbak 

o 

3L 

Pertch 

13.    Zavan 

32. 

Arboun 

14.    Pharnas 

00 

33. 

Hoi- 

15.    Sour 

1— 1 

34. 

Houssak 

16.    Havanak 

35. 

Kaipak 

17.    Vachtak 

J§ 

36. 

Ska'iordi 

-' 

18.    Haikak  I 

b 

Kings. 


1. 

Paroui'r 

2. 

Hratchia 

3. 

Pharnouas 

4. 

Patchouitch 

5. 

Kornak 

6. 

Phavos 

7. 

Haikak   II 

d 

8. 

Erouand  I 

«■ 

9. 

Tigranes  I 

^^ 

10. 

Vahagn 

f<5 

11. 

Aravan 

O 

12. 

Nerseh 

13. 

Zareh 

O 

14. 

Armog 

co 

15. 

Bagam 

16. 

Van 

17. 

Vahe 

(None  of  the  above  dates  should  be  given  undue  consideration.) 


(1)   We  are  indebted  for  this  appendix      VOrient    chretien.   Vol.    XIX,   1914.     My 


entirely  to  the  fine  work  by  K.  J. 
Basmadjian,  Chronologie  de  THistoire 
de  I'Armenie,  published  in  the  Revue  de 


only  contribution  to  it  is  the  data  we 
have  on  events  prior  to  the  4th  century 
B.C. 


—  401 


HISTORICAL  DATA 


Earliest  times. 


(?) 

ca. 

1250  B.C 

1000  (?) 

ca. 

800 

ca. 

600 

ca. 

590-559 

ca. 

559-330 

ca. 

330-315  (?) 

Arrival   of  the  Armeno-Phrygians   in  Thrace         ^    . 
Crossing  of  the  Bosphonis  by  the  Armeno-Phrygians 
Settlement  of  the  Armeno-Phrygians  in  Phrygia 
The  Armenians  separate  from  the  Phrygians 
Occupation   of   the   Ararat   region 
Median  rule    (Cyaxares)  ... 

Achaemenian  rule  of  Persia 
Macedonian  rule  (?)       . 


FIRST  PERIOD   OF  INDEPENDENCE 

1.  Phraataphernes  or  Neoptolemy  seizes  Armenia,  323  B.C. 

2.  Orontes  I  Hrant  or  Ervand,  322-301. 

3.  Ardoates  or  Artavazd,  301. 

4.  Artabazanes  or  Artavaz,  239-220   (?). 

5.  Orontes  II,  220   (?)-215   (?). 


RULE  OF  THE  SELEUCIDS  215    (?)-190  B.C. 

SECOND  PERIOD   OF  INDEPENDENCE 
Dynasty  of  Artaxias 

1.  Artaxias  or  Artashes  I,  190-159  (?)   B.C. 

2.  Artavazd  L  159    (?)-149. 

3.  Tigranes  I.  149-123. 

4.  Artavazd  II  or  Artoadistus,  123-94. 

5.  Tigranes  II  The  Great,  94-54. 

6.  Artavazd  III,  56-34. 

7.  Alexander,  34-31. 

8.  Artashes  II.  30-20. 

9.  Tigranes  IH,  20-12. 

10.  Tigranes  IV     )      j2.5  B.C.  and  A.D.  2-1. 

11.  Erato  3 

12.  Artavazd  IV,  5-2  B.C. 


Foreign  Dynasty 


1.  Ariobarzanes,  Median,  A.D.  2. 

2.  Artavazd  V,  Median,  2-11. 

3.  Tigranes  V,  Jewish,  11-14. 
Erato   (again).  14-15. 

4.  Vonones,  (Parthian),  16-17. 


—  402  — 


5.  Artashes  III  or  Zeno,  Roman,  18-34. 

6.  Arsaces  or  Archak  I,  Parthian,  34-35. 

7.  Mithidrates,  Georgian,  35-37  and  47-51. 

8.  Rhadamistus,  Georgian,  51-53. 


Armenian  Absacids 

1.  Tiridates  I,  53-59  and  66-100. 

2.  Tigranes  VI,  60-62. 

3.  Exedares,  100-113. 

4.  Parthamasiris,  113-114. 

5.  Parthamaspates,  116-117. 

6.  Vologeses  or  Vagharch  I,  117-140. 

7.  Sohemus,  140-162  and  163-178. 

8.  Pacorus,  162-163. 

9.  Sanatrnces,  178-216. 

10.  Vologeses  or  Vagharch  II,  178-217. 

11.  Tiridates  II  or  Chosroes  I  the  Great,  217-238. 
End  of  the  Parthian  Kingdom,  226. 

Rule  of  the  Sassanids,  238-250,  252-261  ,272-282  and  294-298. 

12.  Tiridates  III,  A.D.  250-252,  283-294,  and  298-330. 

13.  Artavazd  VI,  252-261. 
Palmyrian  rule,  261-272. 

14.  Chosroes  II  the  Younger,  331-339. 

15.  Tiran,  340-350. 

16.  Arsaces  or  Archak  II,  351-367. 

17.  Pap  369-374. 

18.  Varazdat,  374-378. 

19.  Arsaces  or  Archak  III,  378-386. 

20.  Vagharchak,  378-386. 

21.  Chosroes  III,  386-392  and  414415. 

Division  of  Armenia  between  the  Romans  and  the  Sassanids,  A.D.  317. 

22.  Vramchapouh,  392-414. 

Invention  of  the  Armenian  alphabet,  A.D.  414, 

23.  Sapor  or  Chapouh,  416-420.  /,^ 

24.  Artashes  IV.  423-429.  ^  ^ 


PERSIAN  RULE 
Marzpans  or  Governors-General 

1.  Vehmihrchapouh,  Persian,  430-438. 

2.  Vassak  Suni,  Armenian,  438-451. 

Vardan  the  Great,  died  451    (great  battle  of  Avarair). 

3.  Atrormizd,  Armeno-Persian,  451-465. 

4.  Atrvechnasp,  Persian,  465-481. 


(1)   As  regards  the  above  lists,  consiilt:  hungen    zwischen    Armenien    und    Rom, 

F.  JvsTi,  Iranisches  Namenbuch,MaT\mrg  Venice,   1911;    J.    Marquart,  Philologus, 

1895:    E.   Babelon,    Les   Rois   de    Syrie,  Gottingen,  1896;  K.  J.  Basmadjian,  The 

d'Armenie  et  de  Commagene,  Paris,  1890;  True  History  of  Armenia  (in  Armenian), 

H.     AsTURiAN,    Die    politischen    Bezie-  Constantinople,  1914. 

—  403  — 


5.  Sahak  Bagratuni,  Armenian,  481-482. 

6.  Chapouh  Mibranian,  Persian,  483484. 

7.  Andekan,  Persian,  484483* 

8.  Vahan  Mamikonian,  Armenian,  485-505. 

9.  Yard  Mamikonian,  Armenian,  505-509. 

(?) 

10.  X.  Nikhorakan,  Persian,  548-552    (?). 

11.  Vechnasp  Bahram,  Persian,  552-554  (?). 

12.  n«nchapouh,  Persian,  554-560  (?). 

13.  Varazdat,  Persian,  560-564  (?). 

14.  Suren,  Persian,  564  (?)-572. 

Vardan  V  Mam,ikonian,  Armenian  general,  572-578. 

15.  Vardan  Vechnasp,  Persian,  572-573. 

16.  Colon  Mihrah,  Persian,  573. 

17.  Philippus,  Lord  of  Snnik,  Armenian,  573-578. 

18.  Tam  Khosrov,  Persian,  578-580. 

19.  Varaz  Vezur,  Persian,  580-581. 

20.  The  Great  Parthian  Generalissimo,  Persian,  581-588. 

21.  Frahat,  Persian,  588. 

22.  Frartin  Datan,  Persian,  588-590. 

23.  Vendatakan  Nikhorakan,  Persian,  591-?. 

24.  Merakbout,  Persian,  594-598. 

25.  Yazden,  Persian,  598-600. 

26.  Boudmah,  Persian,  600   (?)-604. 

27.  Foyiman,   Persian,   A.D.    604-608. 

28.  Ashtat  Yeztainr.  Pprsian,  608-610. 

29.  Chahen,  Persian,  611-612. 

30.  Chahrai'anpet,  Persian,  612-613. 

31.  Parseanpet  Parchenazdat,  Persian,  613-?. 

32.  Namgarun  Chonazp,  Persian,  616-619  (?). 

33.  Chahraplakan,  Persian,  620-624   (?). 

34.  Tchrotch  or  Rotch  Vehan,  Persian,  624   (?)-627 

35.  Varaztirotz  Bagratuni,  Armenian,  628-634. 
Fall  of  the  Persian  Empire,  A.D.  652. 


Governors-General  of  Byzantine  Armenia 


1.  John  the  Patrician,  Armenian,  591. 

2.  Heraclius,  general,  Armenian,  father  of  Emperor  Heraclius  I,  594. 

3.  Suren,  general,  Persian  (?),  604. 

(?). 

4.  Mejej  Gnuni,  general,  Armenian,  630-635. 

5.  David  Saharuni.  Curopalatus,  Armenian,  635-638. 
The  Arabs  break  into  Armenia,  A.D.  636. 

6.  Theodorus  Rechtuni,  general  and  patrician,  Armenian,  641-646. 

7.  Thomas.  Byzantine   (?).  640-646. 

8.  Varaztirotz  Bagratuni,  Curopalatus.  Armenian,  646-646. 

9.  Sembat  Varaztirotzian,  Curopalatus,  Armenian,  646-656    (?). 
Theodorus  Rechtuni  comes  back,  (general),  Armenian,  646-653. 

10.  Maurianus.  general.  Byzantine,  653. 

11.  Hamazasn  Mamikonian.  Curopalatus  and  Patrician.  Armenian,  658-661. 

12.  Sembat  Bagratuni  Sembatian,  Curopalatus,  Armenian,  703-705. 


404 


ARAB  RULE 


OsTiKANS  OR  Governors-General  (i) 


1.  Theodorus  Rechtuni,  Armenian,  654-658, 

2.  Mouchegh  Mamikonian,  Armenian,  658-660. 

3.  Grigor  Mamikonian,  Armenian,  661-685. 


under 
Othman 


(1)  To  complete  the  list  of  Arab  gov- 
ernors of  Armenia  from  Armenian 
sources,  we  give  the  following  roll  of 
the  same  period  as  taken  by  K.  J.  Bas- 
MADjiAN  from  Arabic  writers  such  as 
Al-Belasdori,  Tabari,  Ibn-Khaldun,  Ibn- 
Al-Athir,  etc.  The  numbers  in  brackets 
preceded  by  =  refer  to  the  correspond- 
ing name  on  the  Armenian  list. 

1.  Abd-er-Rahman,  636    (?)-644. 

2.  Welid,  son  of  Oqba,  644-?, 

3.  Hozeifa  ?  under  Othman,  644-656. 

4.  Moghira,     son     of     Choba,     ?  under 

Othman. 

5.  Qacim    (=  7   ?)    son] 

of    Rabia    or    Amrj- 
son    of    Moawiya     J 

6.  El-Oqaxli    ?   under  Othman. 

7.  Achath,    son    of    Qais    ?    under    Ali, 

656-661. 

8.  Habib,    son    of    Maslama,    died    663 

under  Moawiya  L  660-680. 

9.  Abd- Allah    (=   6    ?)    son   of  Hatim 

?-?  under  Moawiya  I. 

10.  Abd-el-Aziz    (=    8)     son    of    Hatim 

?-?  under  Moawiya  I. 

11.  Othman,    son    of    Welid,    ?-?,    under 

Abd-elMelik,  685-705. 

12.  Mohammed  I,  son  of  Merwan,  broth- 

er   of    Abd-el-Melik,    692-700     (?) 
and  704-710    (?),  died  719. 

13.  Abou-Cheikh,  son  of  Abd-AUah,  701- 

702. 

14.  Maslama  I,  brother  of  Welid,   710-? 

15.  Adi.   son   of   Adi,   or   Hatim,   son   of 

Noman,   ?-?,  under  Soleiman,  715- 
717. 

16.  Milaq,    son    of   Isafar    Behrani,    ?-?, 

under  Yezid  II,  720-724. 

17.  Harith,  son  of  Amr,  ?-?,  under  Yezid 

II. 


18.  Djerrah,   son   of   Abd-Allah   Hakami, 

723-725  and  730. 

19.  Maslama     II,    son    of    Abd-el-Melik, 

725-730. 

20.  Said  I  el-Harichi   (=  9),  730-732. 

21.  Merwan    (=  10),  732-744. 

22.  Thabit,  744, 

23.  Ishaq    (=  son  of  Moslim),  744-749, 

24.  Abou-Djafar    el-Mansur,    749-753. 

25.  Yezid   I    (:=    12),    son    of   es-Seyyid 

Selami,  753-? 

26.  Hassan  (=:  14),  son  of  Qahtaba,  ?-?, 

under  Mansur,  754-775. 
37,    Othman   (=:  16),  son  of  Omara,  ?-?, 
under    Mohammed    el-Mahdi,    775- 
785 

28.  Raouh    (=   17),   son   of   Hatim,    ?-?, 

under  Mohammed  el-Mahdi. 

29.  Khozeima    (=   18),  son   of   Khazim, 

?-?,  under  Moussa  el-Hadi,  785-786, 

30.  Yezid    II    (=    19),   son   of   Mezyed, 

?-?,    under  Harun-er-Raschid,    786- 
809. 

31.  Obeid-Allah,  son  of  Mahdi,   ?-?,  un- 

der Harun-er-Raschid. 

32.  Fadi.  son  of  Yahya,  792-? 

33.  Sa'i'd    II,    son    of    Salim,    ?-?,    under 

Harun-er-Raschid. 

34.  Mohammed    II,    son    of    Yezid,    ?-?, 

under    Mohammed    el-Emin?,    809- 
813. 

35.  Khalil,  son  of  Yezid,  ?-?,  under  Ab- 

dallah   el-Mamoun,   813-833. 
(?) 

36.  Haider,    son    of    Kaous,    ?-?.    under 

Mohammed-el-Motecim,  833-842. 

(?) 

under    Harun-el-W athiq,    842-847. 

37.  Yussuf    (=  26),  son  of  Mohammed, 

849-856  (?) 

38.  Bogha,  856   (?)-? 


—  405   — 


Rule  of  the  Khazars,  A.D.  685. 

4.  Ashot  Bagratuni,  Armenian,  685-688. 

5.  Sembat  Bagratuni  Sembatian,  688-703. 
Mohammed,  Arab  general. 

6.  Abd-Allah,  Arab,  703-705. 

7.  Qacim,  Arab,  705-706. 

8.  Abd-el-Aziz,  Arab,  706-730. 

9.  Seth  Karachi,  Arab,  730-732. 

10.  Meruan,  Arab,  732-744. 

Ashot  Bagratuni,  Armenian  Patrician. 

11.  Ishaq,  Arab,  745-750. 

Grigor  Mamikonian,  Armenian  general. 
Mouchegh  Mamikonian,  Armenian  general. 

12.  Yezid  I,  Arab,  751-760  (?). 

Sahak  Bagratuni,  Armenian  general. 

13.  Bekr,  ^ra6,  760  (?)-761  (?). 

14.  Hassan,  ^ra6,  762  (?) -775. 

Sembat  Bagratuni,  Armenian  generalissimo,  died  775. 

15.  Yezid  II,  Arab,  775-780. 

16.  Othman,  ^ra6,  780  (?)-785. 

Bagarat  Bagratuni.  Armenian  generalissimo. 

17.  Rob,  Arab,  785. 

18.  Kbazim,  Arab,  785-786. 

19.  Yezid  III,  Arab,  786-787. 

20.  Abd-el-Kebir,  Arab,  787. 

21.  Soleiman,  Arab,  787-790. 

22.  Yezid  IV,  Arab,  790-795. 

23.  Khozeima,  Arab,  796-806. 

24.  Hoi,  Arab,  807-847. 

Sembat  Bagratuni,  Armenian  generalissimo. 
Bagarat  Bagratuni,  Armenian  prince  of  Taraun. 
Ashot  Artzruni,  Armenian  prince  of  Vaspurakan. 

25.  Abou-Seth,  Arab,  847-851. 

26.  Yussuf,  Arab,  851. 

Bogha,  Arab  general.  ,     .  .        mt>  •  »t 

Ashot    Bagratuni    Sembatian,    generalissimo     (856)     and    Armenian      Prmce    of 

Princes."  (1). 

THIRD  PERIOD  OF  INDEPENDENCE 
Dynasty  of  the  Armenian  Bacratids 

1.  Ashot  I,  A.D.  885-890. 

2.  Sembat  I,  890-914. 

3.  Ashot  II,  The  Iron,  914-929. 
Ashot  the  Usurper,  921. 


(1)   Concerning    the    Persian    rule    of  nian),  Vienna,  1852;  K.  J.  Basmadjian, 

Armenia,    consult:    M.    Portoukal,    Cri-  i,a    Vraie    Histoire   cCArmenie,    Constan- 

tique    dElise     (in    Armenian),    Venice,  ^j       j      1914^     por   the  period   of   Arab 
1903:  P.  GuLESSERiAN,  Etude  critique  sur  ,  . 

Elisi     (in     Armenian),     Vienna,     1909;  •""le'   8e«=    Ghevond,    History   of   Arme- 

Sebeos,    History    of    Heraclius     (in    Ar-  nia      (in     Armenian),     St.     Petersburg, 

menian),    Constantinople,    1851;    J.    Ca-  1887;    S.    Assoghik,    Universal    History 

TERCiAN,    Universal    History     (in    Anne-  (in   Armenian),   St.   Petersburg,   1885. 

—  406  — 


4.  Abas,  929-953. 

5.  Ashot  III,  the  Merciful,  953-977. 

6.  Sembat  II,  the  Conqueror,  977-989. 

7.  Gaghik  I,  Shah-en-Shah,  989-1020. 

8.  Sembat  III  or  John  Sembat,  1020-1042. 

9.  Ashot  IV,  1020-1042. 

10.  Gaghik  II,  1042-1045,  (died  1079  at  Cyzistra). 


Kingdom 

of  Vaspurakan   (1) 

1.  Khatchik   ■   Ghakik, 

914-943. 

2.  Derenik-Ashot,     943- 

958. 

3.  Abussahl  •  Hamazasp, 

958-968. 

4.  Ashot-Sahak,  968-990. 

5.  Gourgen  -  Khatchik  , 

990-1003. 

6.  John  Senecherim,  990- 

1006,  died  1026. 

7.  David,  at  Sivas,  1027. 

1037. 

8.  Atom,  at  Sivas,   1037- 

1080. 

9.  Abussahl,     at      Sivas, 

1037-1080. 


Kingdom 
of  Kars. 

1.  Mouchegh,  962-984. 

2.  Abas,  984-1029. 

3.  Gaghik,  1029-1064, 

died  in  Greece  1080. 


Kingdom  of 

Armenian  Albania    (2) 

1.  David,  died  1046. 

2.  Korike,      or      Korike, 

1046-1082   (?). 


FOURTH  PERIOD  OF  INDEPENDENCE 

Dynasty  of  the  Rupenians   (3)    In  New  Armenia    (Cilica) 

1.   Barons. 

1.  Rupen  I,  A.D.  1080-1095. 

2.  Constantine  I,  1095-1099. 

3.  Thoros  I,  1099-1129.  Leo  I,  1129-1137,  died  1141  at  Constantinople. 


(1)  Cf,  Thomas  Artzruni,  History  [of 
the  House  of  the  Artzrunis]  (in  Arme- 
nian), Constantinople,  1852;  S.  As- 
SOGHIK,  Histoire  Universelle,  St.  Peters- 
burg, 1885;  K.  J.  Basmadjian,  The  True 
History  of  Armenia,  Constantinople,  1914. 

(2)  Concerning  the  Bagratids,  the 
kingdom  of  Kars,  and  that  of  Albania, 
see:  M.  Brosset,  Histoire  de  la  Georgie, 
St.  Petersburg,  1851 ;  S.  Assoghik,  His- 
toire   Universelle,    St.   Petersburg,    1885; 


Aristaces  of  Lastivert,  History  [of  Ar- 
menia] (in  Armenian),  Venice,  1844; 
and  HovHAN  Catholicos,  History  (in 
Armenian),  Jerusalem,  1867. 

(3)  L.  Alishan,  Sissouan,  Venice, 
1899;  E.  Dulaurier,  Hist,  des  Croisades, 
Documents  armeniens,  vol.  1,  Paris,  1869; 
Ch,  KoHLER,  Histoire  des  Croisades, 
Documents  armeniens,  vol.  II,  Paris, 
1906;  K.  J.  Basmadjian,  Leo  V  of  Lu- 
sigan,  last  king  of  Armenia,  (in  Arme- 
nian), Paris,  1908. 


—  407  — 


4.  Leo  I,  1129-1137,  died  1141  at  Constantinople. 
Rule  of  the  Byzantines.  1137-1145. 

5.  Thoros  II,  1145-1169. 

6.  Meleh,  1170-1175. 

7.  Rupen  II,  1175-1187. 

8.  Leo  n,  1187-1196,  then  as  King  Leo  I,    1196-1219. 


II.   Kings. 

1.  Leo  I,  1196-1219. 
Isabel,  A.D.  1219-1252. 

2.  Philip,  1222-1225. 

3.  Hetum  I,  1226-1270. 

4.  Leo  II,  1270-1289. 

5.  Hetum  IL  1289-1297. 

6.  Thoros,  1293-1295. 

7.  Sembat,  1296-1298. 

8.  Constantine  I,  1298-1299. 

9.  Leo  m,  1301-1307. 

10.  Ochin,  1308-1320. 

11.  Leo  rV,  1320-1342. 

12.  Guy  or  Constantine  II,  1342-1344. 

13.  Constantine  III,  1344-1365. 
Leo  the  Usurper,  1363-1365. 

14.  Constantine  IV,  1365-1373. 
Marinm,  1373-1374. 

15.  Leo  V,  1374-1375,  died  1393  at  PariB. 


408  — 


ECCLESIASTICAL  CHRONOLOGY 


I.    CATHOLICI  (1) 


Catholici  of  Etchmiadzin 


1. 

Grigor  I  the  Illuminator, 

302-325. 

27. 

2. 

Aristaces  I  the  Parthian, 

325-333. 

28. 

3. 

Verthanes  I  the  Parthian, 

333-341. 

4. 

Houcik  I  the  Parthian, 

341-347. 

5. 

Pharene  I  of  Achtichat, 

348-352. 

6. 

Nerses  I  the  Great, 

353-358. 

29. 

—                — 

363-373. 

30. 

7. 

Chahak  I  of  Manazkert, 

373-377. 

31. 

8. 

Zavene  I  of  Manazkert, 

377-381. 

32. 

9. 

Aspuraces  I  of  Manazkert, 

381-386. 

33. 

10. 

Sahak  I  the  Great, 

387428. 

—                — 

432-439. 

34. 

11. 

Surmak   (Anti-Patriarch) 

428429 

35. 

—                    — 

437439. 

36. 

—                    — 

440444. 

37. 

12. 

Berkicho  the  Syrian   (Anti- 

38. 

Patriarch), 

429432. 

39, 

13. 

Chemul  the  Syrian  (Anti- 

40, 

Patriarch), 

432437. 

41, 

14. 

Hosvep  I  of  Hoghotzime, 

440452. 

42. 

15. 

Melite   of  Manazkert, 

452456. 

43, 

16. 

Movses  I  of  Manazkert, 

456461. 

44. 

17. 

Gut  I  of  Araheze. 

461478. 

45. 

18. 

Hovhannes  I   Mandakuni, 

478490. 

46, 

19. 

Babguen  I  of  Othmous, 

490-515. 

47. 

20. 

Samuel  I  of  Artzke, 

516-526. 

48. 

21. 

Mouche  I  of  Adaberk, 

526-534 

49, 

22. 

Sahak  II  of  Oughki, 

534-539. 

50, 

23. 

Christaphorus  I  of  Tiraritch, 

539-545. 

51, 

24. 

Ghevond  of  Erast, 

545-548. 

52, 

25. 

Nerses  II  of  Bagrevand 

548-557. 

53, 

26. 

Hovhannes  II  Gabeghian, 

557-574. 

54, 

Movses  II  of  Eghivard,  574-604. 

Hovhannes  of  Bagaran  (Anti- 
Patriarch),  590-611. 

Verthanes  the  Poet  {locum 

tenens,  604-607. 

Abraham   I   of  Aghbathank  607-615. 

Komitas  I  of  Aghtsik,  615-628. 

Christaphorus   II   Apahuni,  628-630. 

Ezr  I  of  Pharajnakert,  630-641. 

Nerses  III  the  Builder,  641-652. 

—                   —  658-661. 

Anastasius  I  of  Akori,  661-667. 

Israel   I  of  Othmous,  667-677. 

Sahak  III  of  Dzorapor,  677-703. 

Eghia  I  of  Artchech,  703-717. 

Hovhannes  III  of  Odzun,  712-728. 

David  I  of  Aramonk,  728-741. 

Tiridates  I  of  Othmous,  741-764. 

Tiridates  II  of  Dasnavork,  764-767. 

Sion  I  of  Bavonk,  767-775. 

Essai  I  of  Eghipatruch,  775-788. 

Stephanus  I  of  Dovine,  788-790. 

Hovab  I  of  Dovine,  790-791. 

Soghomon  I  of  Garni,  791-792. 

Gueorg  I  of  Ochakan,  792-795. 

Hovsep  II  of  Parpi,  795-806. 

David  II  of  Kakagh,  806-833. 

Hovhannes  IV  of  Ova,  833-855. 

Zacharia  I  of  Dzag,  855-877. 

Gueorg  II  of  Garni,  878-898. 

Matchtotz  I  of  Eghivard,  898-899. 

Hovhannes  V  the  Historian,  899-931. 


(1)  Mgr.  Malachia  Ormanian  in  his 
work  Eglise  Armenienne  (Paris,  1910) 
gives  a  list  of  the  first  preachers  of  the 
gospel  in  Armenia,  viz:  St,  Thaddeus, 
martyred  at  Ardazus  about  A.D.  50;  St. 
Bartholomew,  martyred  at  Albacus  about 
A.D.    68;    St.    Zakaria,    martyred    about 


A.D.  76;  St.  Zementos,  died  about  A.D. 
81;  St.  Atirnerseh,  martyred  about  A.D. 
97;  St.  Mousche,  died  about  A.D.  128; 
St.  Schachen,  died  about  A.D.  154;  St. 
Schavarche,  died  about  A.D.  175;  St. 
Ghevondios,  martyred  about  A.D.  193; 
and  St.  Mehroujan  230-260. 


—  409 


55. 
56. 
57. 
58. 
59. 
60. 
61. 
62. 
63. 

64. 

65. 


66. 
67. 

68. 

69. 

70. 


71. 


Stephanus  II  Rechtuni, 
Tbeodorus  I  Rechtuni, 
Eghiche   I   Rechtuni, 
Anania  I  of  Moks, 
Vahan  I  Suni, 
Stephanus  III  of  Sevan, 
Khatchik  I  Archaruni, 
Sarguis  I  of  Sevan 
Petrus  I  Guetadardz, 

Dioscorus      of      Sanahin 
(Anti-Patriarch) 

Khatchik    II    of    Ani,    as 
Coadjutor, 
alone, 

(vacancy) , 

Grigor  II  or  Vahram, 

Gueorg    III   of    Lori,   co- 
adjutor, 

Sarguis    of    Honi     (Anti- 
Patriarch), 

Theodorus      Alakhocik 
(Anti-Patriarch) 

Barsegh   I   of   Ani   as 
coajutor, 
alone, 

Poghos  of  Varag  (Anti- 
Patriarch) 

72.  Grigor  III  Pahlavuni, 

73.  David  Thornikian  (Anti- 

Patriarch), 

74.  Nerses  IV  the  Gracious, 

75.  Grigor  IV  the  Younger, 

76.  Grigor  V  or  Vahram, 

77.  Grigor  VI  the  Wicked, 

78.  Barsegh  II  of  Ani  (Anti- 

Patriarch), 

79.  Hovhannes  VI  of  Sis, 

80.  Anania    of    Sivas    (Anti- 

Patriarch), 

81.  David     III     of    Arkaka- 

ghine,  coadjutor, 

82.  Constantine  I  of  Partzer- 

pert, 

83.  Hakob  I  the  Learned, 

84.  Constantine  II  of  Katuk, 

85.  Stephanus    IV    of   Rum- 

kale, 

86.  Grigor  I  of  Anavarza, 

87.  Constantine        III        of 

Caesarea, 

88.  Constantine  IV  of  Lam- 

pron, 

89.  Hakob  II  of  Tarsus, 

90.  Mekhithar  I  of  Grner, 

91.  Mesrop  I  of  Artaze, 

92.  Constantine  V  of  Sis, 


931-932. 

932-938. 

938-943. 

943-967. 

967-969. 

967-971. 

972-992. 

992-1019. 

1019-1036. 

1038-1054. 

1036-1037. 

1049-1054. 
1054-1060. 
1060-1065. 
1065-1105. 

1069-1072. 

1076-1077. 

1077-1090. 

1081-1105. 
1105-1113. 

1086-1087. 
1113-1166. 

1114-? 

1166-1173. 

1173-1193. 

1193-1194. 

1194-1203. 

1195-1206. 
1203-1221. 

1204-1206. 

1204-1206. 

1221-1267. 
1267-1286. 
1286-1289. 

1290-1293. 
1293-1307. 

1307-1322. 

1322-1326. 
1327-1341. 
1355-1359. 
1341-1355. 
1359-1372. 
1372-1374. 


93. 
94. 

95. 
96. 
97. 

98. 

99. 
100. 
101. 
102. 
103. 

104. 

105. 

106. 

107. 

108. 

109. 
110. 
111. 
112. 
113. 
114. 
115. 

116. 


117. 
118. 


119. 

120. 
121. 

122. 


Poghos  I  of  Sis,  1374-1377. 

Theodorus  II  of  Cilicia,  1377-1392. 

(Vacancy),  1392-1393. 

Karapet  I  of  Keghi  1393-1408. 

Hakob  III  of  Sis,  1408-1411. 

Grigor  VIII  of  Khandzo- 

ghat,  1411-1416. 

Poghos  II  of  Garni,  1416-1429. 

Constantine  VI  of  Vahka,  1429-1439. 

Grigor  IX  Mussabegian,  1439-1441. 

Kirakos  I   of  Virap,  1441-1443. 

Grigor  X  of  Makou,  1443-1466. 

Karapet  of  Tokat,  (Anti- 
Patriarch),  1446-1447. 

Aristaces  II  as  coadjutor,  1448-1466 

alone,  1466-1470. 

Zacharia     of    Akhtamar 

(Anti-Patriarch)  1461-1462. 

Sarguis  II,  as  coadjutor,  1462-1470. 

alone,  1470-1474. 

Stephanos    of  Akhtamar 

(Anti-Patriarch)  1467-1468. 

Hovhannes  VII,  as 

coadjutor,  1470-1474. 

alone,  1474-1484. 

Sarguis  III,  as  coadjutor,  1474-1484. 
1484-1515. 


alone, 
Aristaces    III     of    Etch- 
miadzin,  coadjutor, 
Thadeus    I     of    Vaghar- 

chapat,  coadjutor, 
Eghiche  II  of  Etchmiad- 

zin,  coadjutor, 
Hovhannes  VIII  of  Etch- 

miadzin,   coadjutor, 
Nerses    V   of   Etchmiad- 

zin,  coadjutor, 
Zacharia    II    of    Vaghar- 

chapat,  as  coadjutor, 
alone, 
Sarguis   IV   of   Georgia, 

as  coadjutor, 

alone. 

Grigor  XI  of  Byzantium,  1537-1542 
Stephanus  V  of  Salmasd, 

as  coadjutor, 

alone, 
Michael    I    of    Sivas,   as 

coadjutor, 

alone, 
Barsegh     III     of     Etch- 

miadzin.  coadjutor,      1549-1567  (?) 
Grigor    XII    of    Vaghar- 

chapat,   coadjutor,  1552-1570. 

alone,  1570-1587. 

Aristaces  IV  of  Vaghar- 

chapat,  coadjutor,       1555-1563 (?) 


1484-1499. 

1499-1504. 

1505-1515. 

1505-? 

1506-? 


1507-1515. 
1515-1520. 

1515-1520. 
1520-1537. 


1540-1542. 
1542-1564. 

1542-1564. 
1564-1570. 


—  410 


123.  Stephanas  VI  of  Arindj,  142. 

coadjutor,  1567-1575. 

124.  Thadeas   II,  coadjutor,  1571-1575.      143. 

125.  Arakel  of  Vagharchapat, 

coadjutor,  1575-1579.      144. 

126.  David     IV     of    Vaghar-  145. 

chapat,  coadjutor,  1579-1587. 

alone,  1587-1629. 

127.  Melchidesech  I  of  Garni, 

coadjutor,  1593-1628.       146. 

128.  Avelick,  coadjutor,        1602  (?).l 620.      147. 

129.  Grigor     XIII     Serapion,  148. 

coadjutor,  1603-1605. 

130.  Sahak  IV   of   Garni,  co- 

adjutor, 1624-1628.      149. 

131.  Movses  III   of  Tathev,  1629-1632. 

132.  Philip  I  of  Albac,  1633-1655.       150. 

133.  Hahok  IV  of  Julfa,  1655-1680      151. 

134.  Eghiazar  I  of  Aintab  152. 

(Anti-Patriarch),  1663-1682. 

Eghiazar     I     of     Aintab  153. 

(the  same),  1682-1691. 

135.  Nahapet  I  of  Edessa,  1691-1705.      154. 
(Vacancy),  1705-1706.      155. 

136.  Alexander  I  of  Julfa,  1706-1714. 

137.  Astvatzatour  I  of  Ham- 

adan,  1715-1725.      156. 

138.  Karapet  II  of  Zeitun,  1726-1729.      157. 

139.  Abraham  II  of  Khochab,  1730-1734.      158. 

140.  Abraham  III  of  Crete,  1734-1737.      159. 

141.  Ghazar   I   of   Djahouk,  1737-1751. 


Hovhannes     of     Agoulis 

(Anti-Patriarch)  1740-1741. 

Petrus  II  Kntour  (in- 
terim   catholicos),  1748-1749. 

Minas  I  of   Eghine,  1751-1753. 

Alexander  II  of  Con- 
stantinople, 1753-1753. 

Sahak     of    Keghi     (not 

consecrated),  1755-1759. 

Habok  V  of  Chamakhi,  1759-1763. 

Simeon  I  of  Erivan,  1763-1780. 

Ghoukas  I  of  Erzerum,  1780-1799. 

Hovsep    Arghouthian, 

(not   consecrated),  1800-1801. 

David      V      Ghorganian 

(usurper),  1801-1804. 

Daniel   I  of  Soumari,  1801-1804. 

Eprem  I  of  Dzoraguegh,  1809-1831. 

Hovhannes     VIII     (IX) 

of  Karbi,  1831-1842. 

Nerses       V       (VI)       of 

Achtarak,  1843-1857. 

Matheos  I  Tchouhadjian,  1858-1865. 

Gueorg  IV   Kerestjian,  1866-1882. 

Nerses  Varjapetian,  (not 

consecrated).  1884-1884. 

Makar  I  Ter-Petrossian,  1885-1891. 

Mkrtitch  I  Khrimian,  1892-1907. 

Matheos  II   Izmirlian,  1908-1910. 

Guevorg       V,       present 

Catholicos,  1912- 


Catholici  of  Cilicia 


1.  Karapet  I  of  Tokat,  14461477. 

2.  Stephanus  I  of  Saradzor,  1478-1488. 

3.  Hovhannes  I   of  Antioch,  1488-1515. 

4.  Hovhannes    II    of   Telgu- 

ran,  1515-1525. 

5.  Hovhannes   III  of  Kilis,  1525-1539. 

6.  Simeon   I   of   Zeitoun,  1539-1545. 

7.  Ghazar  I  of  Zeitoun,  1545-1547. 

8.  Thoros  I  of  Sis,  1548-1553. 

9.  Khatchatour   I  Tchorik,  1553-1560. 

10.  Khatchatour   II   or   Khat- 

chik  of  Zeitoun,  1560-1584. 

11.  Azaria   of  Julfa,  1584-1601. 

12.  Tiratour    (Anti-Patriarch)  1586-1593. 

13.  Hovhannes  —do—  1588-1590. 

14.  Petros  I  of  Karkar,  1602-1609. 

15.  Hovhannes  IV  of  Aintab,  1602-1622. 

16.  Minas   I   of  Erzerum,  1622-1626. 

17.  Simeon   II   of   Sivas,  1626-1636. 

18.  Nerses  I  of  Sivas,  1636-1643. 

19.  Thoros  II  of  Sis,  1643-1658. 


20.  Khatchatour   III   of  Sivas.  1658-1673. 

21.  David  I  of  Aleppo  (Anti- 

Patriarch),  1663-1673. 

22.  Sahak   I,  1673-1683. 

23.  Azaria  II  (Anti-Patriarch),  1683-1688. 

24.  Grigor    I   of   Adana,  1683-1689. 

25.  Astvatzatour  I  of  Sassoun,  1691-1694. 

26.  Matheos   I   of   Caesarea,  1694-1701. 

27.  Petros  II   of  Aleppo,  co- 

adjutor,  1701-1705. 

28.  Hovhannes  V  of  Hadjine,  1705-1721. 

29.  Grigor  II   of  Caesarea,  1721-1727. 

30.  Hovhannes  VI  of  Hadjin 

Ter-Adam,  1727-1734. 

31.  Ghoukas  I  of  Sis,  1734-1737. 

32.  Michael  I  of  Sis,  1737-1758. 

33.  Gabriel  I  of  Sis,  1758-1770. 

34.  Ephrem   I   of   Sis,  1771-1785. 

35.  Thoros  III  of  Sis,  1785-1791. 

36.  Kirakos   I  of  Sis.  1791-1822. 


411 


37. 

Ephrem  II, 

1822-1833 

41, 

38. 

Michael  II  of  Sis, 

1833-1853. 

42, 

39. 

Kirakos   II, 

1853-1866, 

40. 

Kirakos  III, 

1866-1871  (?). 

43. 

Mkrtitch  I  Kefsizian,  1871-1894. 
Grigoris  Aleatdjian,  (not 

consecrated ) ,  1 895 . 

Sahak   II   Khaba'ian,  1902. 


Catholici  of  Akhtamar 


1. 

David  I  Thornikian, 

1113-? 

26. 

2. 

Stephanus  I, 

?.1276. 

27. 

3. 

Stephanus   II   Sefedinian, 

1288-1292. 

4. 

Zacharia   I   Sefedinian, 

1301-1336. 

28. 

5. 

Stephanus   III   Sefedinian, 

1336-1346. 

29. 

6. 

David  II  Sefedinian, 

1346-1368. 

30. 

7. 

Nerses  I  Polad, 

1369-1378. 

31. 

8. 

Zacharia  II  the  Martyr, 

1378-1393. 

32. 

9. 

Nerses  II, 

1393-1395. 

33. 

10. 

David  III  of  Akhtamar, 

1395-1433. 

34. 

11. 

Zacharia  III  of  Akhtamar, 

.  1434-1464. 

35. 

12. 

Stephanus      IV      Gurdji- 

36. 

beguian, 

1464-1487. 

37. 

13. 

Nerses  III  Curdjibeguian, 

1487-1489. 

38. 

14. 

Zacharia   IV, 

1489-1495. 

39. 

15. 

Atom  I, 

1496-1510. 

40. 

16. 

Grigoris  I   of  Akhtamar, 

1510-1534. 

41. 

17. 

Grigoris  II  the  Younger, 

1542-1612. 

42. 

18. 

Stephanus  V, 

1612-? 

19. 

Karapet  I, 

?-1661. 

43. 

20. 

Martyros  I  of  Moks, 

1652-1663. 

21. 

Hovhannes   I, 

1669-1683. 

44, 

22. 

Thomas      I      Doghlanbe- 

45. 

guian. 

1683-1698. 

46. 

23. 

Sahak  I  of  Artzke, 

1698-1704. 

47. 

24. 

Hovhannes  II, 

1698-1704. 

48, 

25. 

Hairapet   I   Verdanessian, 

1705-? 

Grigoris  III  of  Gavach,       1711-? 
Hovhannes  III  of  Haiotz 

Dzor, 
Thomas  II  of  Amuk  ?-? 

Ghazar  I  of  Moks, 
Grigor   IV   of   Hizan, 
Paghtasar  I  of  Bitlis, 
Sahak  II   of  Albac, 
Hakob  I  of  Amid, 
Nikoghaios  I  of  Sparkert, 
Grigor  V, 

Thomas  III  of  Akhtamar,  1762 
Karapet  II  of  Van,  1783 

Markos  I  of  Chatak,  1788 

Hovhannes  IV  of  Sparkert,       ? 


1720- 
?. 

9. 

1735. 

V. 
9. 

1738- 
1751. 


Theodorus  I, 
Michael  I  of  Van, 
Karapet  III   of  Chatak, 


1792. 

1796 

? 

1814 


Khatchatour  I  the  Mir- 
acle-worker, 1803- 
Haruthium  I  of  Taraun,  1816 
Hovhannes  V  of  Chatak,  1825- 
Khatchatour  II  of  Moks,  1844- 
Petros  I  Bulbulian,  1859- 
Khatchatour  III  Chiroian,  1864. 
Vacant  from  1895  to  the  present 


9 
,v 
1736. 

,9 

1738. 
1751. 
1762. 
1783, 
1787. 
1791. 

.9 

1794. 

.9 

■1803. 
1816. 

1814. 
■1823. 
•1843. 
1851. 
1864. 
■1895. 
time. 


Catholici  of  Aghouan 


1. 

Ehgiche   the  Apostle, 

died   79. 

19. 

Eghiazar, 

2. 

X.  X.  consecrated  by  Grigor 

20. 

Nerses  I, 

I  the   Illuminator, 

(302-325). 

21. 

Simeon  I, 

3. 

Grigoris  I  the  Parthian, 

340-342. 

22. 

Michael, 

4. 

Matheos  I, 

342-? 

23. 

Anastas, 

5. 

Sahak    I, 

?-? 

24. 

Hovsep  I, 

6. 

Movses  I, 

?-? 

25. 

David  II, 

7. 

Pant, 

?-? 

26. 

David  III, 

8. 

Ghazar, 

?-? 

27. 

Matheos  II, 

9. 

Zacharia  I, 

?-? 

28. 

Movses  II, 

10. 

David  I, 

?-399. 

29. 

Aharon, 

11. 

Hovhan  I, 

400(?)-? 

30. 

Soghomon  I, 

12. 

Eremia  I, 

423. 

31. 

Theodoros, 

13. 

Choup'haghicho, 

500-551  (?). 

32. 

Soghomon  II, 

14. 

Abas, 

552-594. 

33. 

Hovhannes  III, 

15. 

Viro, 

596-630. 

34. 

Movses  III, 

16. 

Zacharia  II, 

630-645. 

35. 

David  IV, 

17. 

Hovhan  II, 

645-670. 

36. 

Hovsep  II, 

18. 

Ukhtanes, 

670-682. 

37. 

Samuel, 

682-688. 
688-700. 
700-702. 
702-737. 
737-741. 
741-758. 
758-762. 
762-771. 
771-773. 
773-774. 
774-776. 
776-776. 
777-781. 
782-794. 
794-819. 
820-820. 
820-848. 
848-873. 
873-888. 


412 


38. 

Hovnan, 

886-896. 

39. 

Simeon  II, 

896-917. 

40. 

David  V, 

917-923. 

41. 

Sahak  II, 

923-941. 

42. 

Gaguik  II   (Anti.Patriarch)       941-958 

43. 

Hovhannes  IV, 

941-961. 

44. 

David  VI 

961-968. 

45. 

David  VII, 

968-974. 

46. 

Petros  I, 

974-990. 

47. 

Movses  IV, 

990-996. 

48. 

Markos  I, 

996-? 

49. 

Hovsep  III, 

1038. 

50. 

Markos  II, 

?-1077. 

51. 

Stephanos  I, 

1077-1103. 

52. 

Hovhannes  V, 

1103-1130. 

53. 

Stephanos  II, 

1130-1132. 

Vacancy, 

1132-1140. 

54. 

Grigoris  II  or  Caghik 

II,      1140-? 

55. 

Bejguene, 

? 

56. 

Nerses  II, 

1171(?). 

57. 

Stephanos  III, 

1155 (?). 1195. 

58. 

Hovhannes  VI, 

1195-1235. 

59. 

Nerses  III, 

1235-1262. 

60. 

Stephanos  IV, 

1262-1323. 

61. 

Soukias, 

1323-? 

62. 

Petros  II, 

M406. 

63. 

Karapet, 

1406-1411. 

64. 

David  VIII. 

1411-1411. 

65. 

Matheos  III, 

1412-1440. 

66. 

Athanasius, 

1440-1441. 

67. 

Grigor  I, 

1441-? 

68. 

Hovhannes  VII, 

?.1470. 

69. 

Matheos  IV, 

1470-? 

70. 

Aristaces   I, 

?-1478. 

71. 

Nerses  IV, 

1478-1481. 

72. 

Chmavon  I, 

1481-? 

73. 

Thomas, 

?-1495. 

74. 

Arakial, 

1495-1511. 

75. 

Aristaces   II, 

1511-1521. 

76. 

Sarguis  I, 

1521-1555. 

77. 

Grigor  II, 

1556-1573. 

78. 

David  IX, 

1573-1574. 

79. 

Philippos, 

1563(?).? 

80. 

Hovhannes  VIII, 

?-1586. 

81. 

Chmavon    II. 

1586-16n. 

82. 

Aristaces   III, 

1588-1593. 

83. 

Melchiseth, 

1593-1596. 

84. 

Simeon  III, 

1596-? 

85. 

Hovhannes  IX, 

1633-1634. 

86. 

Grigor  III, 

1634-1653. 

87. 

Petros  III, 

1653-1675. 

88. 

Simeon     IV     (Anti 

■Patri- 

arch). 

1675-1701, 

89. 

Eremia  II, 

1676-1700. 

90. 

Essai", 

1702-1728. 

91. 

Nerses      V       (Anti 

■Patri- 

arch-, 

1706-1763. 

92. 

Israel  (Anti-Patriarch), 

1763-1765. 

93. 

Hovhannes  X, 

1763-1786. 

94. 

Simeon  V, 

1794-1810. 

96. 

Sarguis    II    Hassan-Djala- 

liantz. 

1794-1815. 

—                        — 

died  1828. 

II.   PATRIARCHS 


Patriarchs  of  Jerusalem 


1. 

Abraham  I. 

637-669. 

17. 

Abraham  IV, 

1295-? 

2. 

Grigor  I  Ezekielan, 

669-696. 

18. 

Arakel, 

1218-1230, 

3. 

Gueorg, 

696-708. 

19. 

Hovhannes  II  of  Erzerum, 

,  1230-1238. 

4. 

Mkrtitch   I, 

708-730. 

20. 

Karapet  I  of  Jerusalem, 

1238-1254. 

5. 

Hovhannes  I, 

730-758. 

21. 

Hakob  I, 

1254-1281. 

6. 

Stephanos, 

758-774. 

22. 

Sarguis    I, 

1281-1313. 

7. 

Eghia, 

774-797. 

23. 

Astvatzatour  I, 

1313-1317. 

797-885. 

24. 

David  I. 

1317-1321. 

8. 

Abraham   II, 

885-916. 

25. 

Poghos  I, 

1321-1331. 

916-981. 

26. 

Vardan, 

1331-1341. 

9. 

Grigor  II, 

981-1006. 

27. 

Hovhannes  III, 

1341-1353. 

10. 

Arsene, 

1006-1038. 

28. 

Barsegh, 

1353-1358. 

1038-1090. 

29. 

Grigor  III, 

1358-1366. 

11. 

Simeon, 

1090-1109. 

30. 

Mkrtitch  II, 

1366-1381. 

12. 

Movses, 

1109-1133. 

31. 

Hovhannes  IV  of  Poland, 

1381-1385. 

13. 

Essai  I, 

1133-1152. 

32. 

Grigor  IV  of  Egypt, 

1385-1390. 

14. 

Sahak  I, 

1152-1180. 

33. 

Essai  II, 

1390-1393. 

15. 

Abraham  III  of  Jerusalem, 

,  1180-1191. 

34. 

Sarguis  II, 

1395-1417. 

16. 

Minas  I, 

1191-1205. 

35. 

Poghos  II  of  Garni, 

1417-1419. 

—  413 


36. 

Martyros  I   of  Egypt, 

1419-1430. 

56 

37. 

Essai  III, 

1430-1439. 

38. 

Hovhannes  V, 

1441-1445. 

57 

39. 

Abraham  V, 

1445-1454. 

58 

40. 

Mesrop, 

1454-1461. 

41. 

Petros  I, 

1461-1476. 

59 

42. 

Mkrtitch  III, 

1476-1479. 

60 

43. 

Hovhannes  VI, 

1479-1491. 

61 

44 

Martyros  II  of  Brusa, 

1491-1501. 

62 

45. 

Petros  II, 

1501-1507. 

63 

46. 

Sarguis  III, 

1507-1523. 

47. 

Astvatzatour  II  of  Mardin, 

1523-1544. 

64. 

—                        — 

1564-1568. 

65 

48. 

Philippos, 

1544-1564. 

66 

49. 

Andreas   of   Mardin, 

1566-1595. 

50. 

David  II  of  Mardin, 

1595-1615. 

67 

51. 

Grigor  IV  Margarian 

68 

"Baron-Ter" 

1615-1647. 

69 

52. 

Astvatzatour   III    of 

70 

Taraun, 

1647-1666. 

71 

—                    — 

1667-1668. 

7? 

— 

1670-1672. 

i  it 
73 

74 

53. 

Eghiazar  of  Aintab, 

1666-1667. 

— 

1668-1669. 

— 

1672-1682. 

75 

54. 

Martyros  III  of  Kafa, 

1669-1670. 

76 

—                    — 

1682-1684. 

77 

55. 

Hovhannes    VII    of    Con- 

78 

stantinople, 

1684-1691. 

79 

Mines  II  of  Amid, 

Caloust,  coadjutor, 
Avetik, 

Grigor  VI  "Pitzak" 
Matheos  of  Caesarea, 
Martyros  IV, 
Michael  of  Kharput 
Sahak  II  of  Aboutchek, 

Hovhannes  VIII  of  Smyrna, 
Hovhannes  IX  of  Gandzak, 
Grigor    VII    of    Chirvan 

"Cheghthaiakir", 
Hakob  II  Nalian, 
Theodorus  I, 
Karapet  II  of  Gandzak, 
Poghos  III  of  Van, 
Hovakim  of  Kanaker, 
Petros  III  of  Tokat, 
Theodorus  II  of  Van, 
Gabriel  of  Nicodemia, 
Zacharia  Ter-Grigorian, 
Kirakos  Mnatzakanian, 
Hovhannes  X  Movsessian, 
Essai  IV  Karapetian, 
Haruthioun  Vehapetian, 


1689-1701. 
1703-1704. 
?-1701. 
1701-1703. 
1704-1705. 
1705-1707. 
1705-1706. 
1706-1706. 
1706-1707. 
1707-1707. 
1708-1714. 
1707-1708. 
1714-1715. 

1715-1749. 
1749-1752. 
1752-1761. 
1761-1768. 
1768-1775. 
1775-1793. 
1793-1800. 
1800-1819. 
1819-1840. 
1840-1846. 
1846-1850. 
1850-1860. 
1864-1885. 
1885-1910. 


Patriarchs  of  Constantinople 


9. 
10. 
11. 
12. 

13. 
14. 
15. 
16. 


Hovakim  of  Brusa, 
Nikoghaios, 
Karapet  I, 
Martyros  I, 
Grigor  I, 
Astvatztour  I, 
Stephanus  I, 
Tiratour, 

Hakob  I, 

Hovhannes  I  of  Diarbekir, 

Thomas  I, 

Sarguis  I  of  Zeitoun, 


Hovhannes  II, 
Azaria  of  Julfa, 
Melchisedech  I 
Hovhannes    III 
stantinople. 


of  Garni, 
of  Con- 


17.  Grigor  II  of  Caesarea, 


1461 
1478 
1489 
1509 
1526 
1537 
1550 
1561 
1596. 
1563 
1573 
1581 
1587 
1592 
1590 
1591 
1599 

1600 
1610 
1621 
1631 
1601 
1611 
1623 


1478. 
1489. 
1509. 
1526. 
1537. 
1550. 
1561. 
1563. 
1599. 
1573. 
1581. 
1587. 
1590. 
1596, 
1591. 
1592. 
1600. 

1601. 
1611. 
1623 
1636. 
1608. 
1621. 
1626. 


18.  Zacharia  I  of  Van, 

19.  David, 


20.  Kirakos  of  Erivan, 

21.  Khatchatour  I  of  Sivas, 

22.  Thomas  II  of  Aleppo, 

23.  Eghiazar  of  Aintab, 

24.  Hovhannes  IV  of  Moghni, 

25.  Martyros  II  of  Kafa, 

26.  Ghazar  of  Sivas, 

27.  Hovhannes  V, 

28.  Sarguis  II  of  Rodosto, 

29.  Stephanus  II  of  Meghri, 

30.  Hovhannes  VI  of  Amassia, 

31.  Andreas  of  Constantinople, 

32.  Karapet  II  of  Caesarea, 


1626-1631. 
1636-1639. 
1639-1641. 
1643-1644. 
1644-1649. 
1650-1651. 
1641-1642. 
1642-1643. 
1644-1644. 
1657-1659. 
1651-1652. 
1652-1655. 
1659-1660. 
1660-1663. 
1663-1664. 
1665-1667. 
1664-1665. 
1667-1670. 
1670-1674. 
1674-1675. 
1675-1676. 
1676-1679. 
1680-1681. 
1681-1684. 
1686-1687. 


—  414 


33.  Sarguis  III. 

34.  Thoros  of  Constantinople, 

35.  Ephrem, 


36.  Khatchatur  II, 

37.  Matheos  I  of  Caesarea, 

38.  Mekhisedech  II  "Soiibhi", 


39.  Mekhithar, 

40.  Avetik, 

41.  Galoust  of  Amassia, 

42.  Nerses  I  of  Balat, 

43.  Martyros  III  of  Erzindjan, 

44.  Michael  of  Kharput, 

45.  Sahak  of  Aboutchek, 

46.  Hovhannes  VII  of  Smyrna, 

47.  Hovhannes  VIII  of  Gand- 

zak, 

48.  Hovhannes    IX    of    Bitlis 

"Kolot", 

49.  Hakob  II,  Nalian, 

50.  Prokhoron    of    Silistria, 

51.  Minas  of  Eghine, 

52.  Gueorg  I, 

53.  Grigor  III,  Basmadjian, 

54.  Zacharia  II  of  Kaghizman, 

55.  Hovhannes  X  of  Hamadan, 


10B8-100V. 

1679-1680. 

DO. 

57. 

1681-1681. 

1687-1688. 

58. 

1684-1686 

59. 

1694-1698. 

60. 

1701-1702. 

61. 

1688-1688. 

62. 

1692-1694. 

1698-1699. 

1700-1701. 

63. 

1699-1700. 

1702-1703. 

64. 

1704-1706. 

1703-1704. 

65. 

1704-1704. 

66. 

1706-1706. 

67. 

1706-1707. 

1707-1707. 

1708-1714. 

1707-1708. 

68. 

69. 

1714-1715. 

70. 

71. 

1715-1741. 

72. 

1741-1749. 

73. 

1752-1764. 

74. 

1749-1749. 

1749-1751. 

75. 

1751-1752. 

76. 

1764-1773. 

77, 

1773-1781. 

1782-1799. 

78, 

1781-1782. 

Daniel  of  Surmeli, 
Hovhannes  XI  of  Baibourt, 

Grigor  IV, 
Abraham  of  Tatheve, 
Poghos   I,  Grigorian, 
Karapet  III  of  Balat, 
Stephanos    III,   Zacharian 
"Aghavni", 

Hakobos  Serobian 

Astvatzatur  II  of  Constan- 
tinople, 
Matheos  II,  Tchoukadjian, 
Gueorg   II,   Kerestidjian, 
Sarguis    IV,    Couyounmd- 

jian, 
Stephanos  Maghakian,   lo- 
cum tenens, 
Poghos  II,  Taktakian, 
Ignatios    Kakmadjian, 
Mkrtitch  Khrimian. 
Nerses  II,  Varjapetian, 
Harouthioun  Vehapetian, 
Khoren  Achekian. 
Matheos  III,  Izmirlian, 

Maghachia  Ormanian, 
Eghiche  Tourian, 
Hovhannes    XIII,    Archa- 

runi, 
Zavene    Eghaian,   present 

patriarch. 


1799  1800. 
1801-1802. 
1802-1813, 
1801-1802. 
1813-1815. 
1815-1823. 
1823-1831. 

1831-1839. 
1840-1841, 
1839-1840. 
1848-1858. 

1841-1844. 
1844-1848. 
1858-1860. 

1860-1861. 

1861-1863. 
1863-1869. 
1869-1869. 
1869-1873. 
1874-1884. 
1885-1888. 
1888-1894. 
1894-1896. 
1908-1908. 
1896-1908. 
1909-1911. 

1912-1913. 

1913. 


—  415  — 


LIST  OF  ILLUSTRATIONS 


Chapter  I. 


The  two  Ararals,  view  taken  from  the  Araxes  valley  —  15 

The  city  of  Samosata  and  the  Euphrates,  allegorical  figure  on  an  old  coin  _.  30 

Map:    region    of   Lake   Van — 31 

Map:  position  of  the  Armenian  plateau  compared  to  neighboring  countries 34 

Map:   the   Armenian    stronghold   — —  .. 35 

Map :    Armenia   in   Roman  times  - 41 

Map:    provinces    of    Greater    Armenia    - 43 

Map  of  the  regions  of  western  Asia  inhabited  by  the  Armenians  46 

Map    of   Cilicia    47 

The  river  Cydnus,  allegorical  figure  on  an  old  coin  _ 48 

The    river    and    city    of    Tarsus,    allegorical    figure    on    a    coin    of    Emperor 

Commodus    - - 48 

The  river  Pyramis,  allegorical  figure  on  an  old  coin —  48 

The  city  of  Anazarbus,  allegorical  figure  on  an  old  coin  — _ _ -  49 


Chapter  II. 

Map:    Armenia    and   adjoining   countries,   according    to    Herodotus    _ _  51 

Map:    Migrations    of    the    Armenians 52 

Coins  ascribed   to   Croesus,  king   of  Lydia — - - 55 

Vannic    winged    bull    - - - — 58 

Map:  Armenia  and  neighboring  countries  according  to  the  Assyrians 60 

Ethnography  of  western  Asia,  from  Genesis,  chapter  X  _ 62 

Hieroglyphic    inscription    at    Ani    - 68 

Pagan  Bas-relief  at  Bagrevant  near  Bayazid 71 

Double   golden   daric   of  the   Achaemenids — 73 

Coin  of  the  Achaemenean   satrap   Pharnabazus  — 75 

Tetradrachma    of    Alexander    the    Great ~ 78 

Tetradrachma    of    Seleucus    I    Nicator    79 

Tetradrachmas    of   Antiochus    the    Great 81 

Coin  of  Sames,  king  of  Cornmagene  81 

Coin   of   Charaspes,   king    of   Armenia    - 83 

Coin   of   Arsames,   king   of   Armenia    - — - - ~ —  83 

Coin    of    Abdissares,    king    of    Armenia ~ — 84 

Coin    of    Xerxes,    king    of    Armenia - 84 


—  417  — 


Chapter  III. 

Effigy   of   King   Tigranes    II   the    Great,   from    a    tetradrachma    in   the    British 

Tetradrachma  of  Mithidrates  the  Great  _ 86 

Drachma  of  the  Parthian   king   Mithidrates   II  - —  88 

Tetradrachma  of  the  Parthian  king  Orodes  I  - -  88 

Map:    Kingdoms    of    the    Pontus    and    Armenia    during    the    wars    with    the 

Coin  of  Antiochus  Theos,  king  of  Commagene  _ — -  93 

Tetradrachma  of  the  Parthian  king  Phraat  III  .„ — 94 

Tetradrachma  of  king  Tigranes  II  of  Armenia — 98 

Bronze  coin   of  Tigranes   II   _ _ - ~ 99 

Coin  of  the  Parthian  king  Mithidrates  III  ~ —  100 

Coin   of  king   Artavazd   III    of   Armenia   _ — 103 

Drachma  of  the  Parthian  ruler  Pacorus  I  103 

Tetradrachma  of  Phraat  IV,  Arsacid  king  of  Persia  ._ _ 104 

Denarius  of  Mark  Antony  and  Cleopatra,  ARMENIA  DEVICTA  ....„ 105 

Coin  of  Tigranes  II,  king  of  Armenia  - 107 

Denarius  of  Augustus,  ARMENIA  CAPTA  „. _ - 108 

Coin  of  Tigranes   III,  king   of   Armenia   ~~ -  108 

Coin  of  Tigranes  III,  king  of  Armenia,  with  his  sister  Erato  - 109 


Chapter  IV. 

Drachma  of  Onones  or  Vodones  as  king  of  Persia  ~ — 110 

Imitation  of  a  denarius  of  Augustus  struck  in  Transcaucasia  110 

Coin   of   Augustus   and    Artavazd   V Ill 

Coin  of  Abgar  XI  of  Osrhoene  and  Gordian  III  _ -~  112 

Denarius  of  Germanicus  with,  reverse,  the  crowning  of  Artaxias  113 

Coin  of  Antiochus  IV  Epiphanus  with  lotape  — _~ 114 

Coin   of   Antiochus  IV   Epiphanus,   king    of   Commagene   114 

Coin  with  head  of  lotape,  sister  and  wife  of  Antiochus  IV  Epiphanus 115 

Silver  coin  of  Lucius  Verus  showing   captive  Armenia   116 

Bronze  coin  showing  Lucius  Verus  giving  Armenia  a  king  _„ 116 

Coin  of  Antoninus  Pius  showing  him  crowning  the  king  of  Armenia 116 

Coins  of  Emperor  Trajan  commemorating  his  Armenian  campaigns  117 

Tetradrachma  of  Vologeses  I,  Arsacid  king   of  Persia  117 

Statue  of  Tiridates,  king  of  Armenia    (Louvre  Museum)    119 

Drachma  of  Artaxerxe.s  I,  first  Sassanid  king  of  Persia  _ _. 120 

Coin  of  Artaban  V,  last  of  the  Arsacid  kings  of  Persia  „ _ 120 

The    Zoroastrian    Fire-Temple,    reverse    of    a    tetradrachma    of    the    rulers    of 

Persis  .„ „.. — -. 121 

St.  Gregory  from  a  miniature  of  the  10th  century  123 

Drachma  of  the  Sassanid  type  of  the  Georgian  Eristhaw  Gourgen 129 

Drachma  of  the  Sassanid  type  of  the  Georgian  Eristhaw  Stephanos  I  — 130 

Drachma  of  Sapor  I,  Sassanid  king  of  Persia  ...._ 131 

Coin  of  Vabalath,  son  of  Zenobia,  queen  of  Palmyra  132 

Coin  of  Zenobia,  queen  of  Palmyra  „ 132 

Gold  coin  of  Chosroes  II,  Sassanid  king  of  Persia  _ 133 

Armenian   inscription   at   Ani    (A.D.   662) 134 

—  418  — 


Chapter  V. 

Map :    Arab   Empire - - ••— ?^ ' 

Coin  of  the  last  Sassanid  king  of  Persia,  Yezdedjerd  IV  1^» 

Coin    of    Constans   II,    Byzantine    emperor    --  1^9 

Coin  of  Justin  II,  Byzantine  emperor  -. :_ - - — 1^'| 

Coin  of  Justinian  II,  Byzantine  emperor  -• 141 

Coin    of   the   Oramiad    Caliph    Abd-el-Melek    ~ •- - j^l 

Ruins  of  the  Castle  of  Ani  — -• •  j^f 

Sketch-Map  of  the  site  of  the  city  of  Ani ~ - - -- 146 

Coin  of  Basil  I,  Byzantine  emperor  - — • —  1^9 

Castle  of  Khochab  in  Kurdistan .» ~ - -••  l^^ 

Armeno-Byzantine   capital  from  Etchmiadzin  - ~ 1^2 

Chapter  VI. 

Map  of  the  Ararat  region  - - - 1?^ 

Coin  of  Leo  the  Philosopher,  Byzantine  emperor - - ~ l^o 

View  of  the  fortress  of  Van - — |^^ 

Plan  of  the  former  city  of  Melazkert  — - - -• -  1^^ 

Coin  of  Constantine  XI  Porphyrogenetus ~ - ~ 1^2 

Miniature  painting  from  an  Armenian  Gospel-book  A.D.  966  _ - 162 

Tomb  of  king  Ashot  III  the  Charitable,  at  Horomos  Monastery  near  Ani —  164 

Map:  the  Armenian  kingdoms  of  the  10th  century  _ -. - - 16j 

Coin  of  David  Curopalatus,  king  of  Georgia  (993-1001)  166 

View  of  the  ramparts  &  chief  gate  of  the  city  of  Ani  

View  of  the  castle  of  Ani  taken  from  outside  the  city  „ 

View  of  Ani  cathedral  _ 

Coin  of  Bagrat  IV,  king  of  Georgia,  (1026-72)  JJJ 

Coin  of  Giorgi  II,  king  of  Georgia  (1072-89)  ~~ - - ••- -  l^l 

Gold  solidus  of  Emperor  Basil  II  — - ~ 1^1 

Coin  of  Gorige,  king  of  Albania  (1046-1082)  -.. - 1^2 

Gold  solidus  of  Emperor  Michael  IV  the  Paphlagonian  _ - --  176 

Gold  solidus   of  Emperor  Constantine   XII   Monomachus  177 

Coin  of  the  Ortokid  Sultans  of  Mardin  ~ - - l^O 

Tombstone  of  Hairapet,  Bishop  of  Siuniq -•• - - 1°6 

Chapter  VII. 

Map  of  CUicia  •••- - }^J 

Coin  of  Emperor  Nicephorus  Phocas  - - - 1°^ 

Coin    of   John   Zimisces    ~ - —  1°^ 

Castle  of  Lampron  in  Cilicia  — ~.~ - j^^ 

Coin  of  Alexis  I  Comnenus  . — ~ - j^l 

Plan  of  the  ruins  of  Aias — 1^1 

Plan  of  Megarsus  _ — - - 1^2 

Plan   of  Alaya 1^2 

Plan  of  Side  .„..„ - - ; ~ -• -• J^^ 

Coin  ascribed  to  the  Armenian  rulers  of  Asia  Minor — -  193 

Coin  of  unnamed  baron  of  New  Armenia - - ••  1^4 

Coin  of  Thoros,  baron  of  Armenia  — — ~ ~ - 194 

Coin  of  Tancred  of  Antioch  -. — 196 

Coin  of   Baldwin  of  Edessa   - - - 198 

—  419  — 


166 
167 
169 


Coin  of  Alexis  I  Comnenus  . — ....- - 198 

Coin  of  Raymond  of  Poitiers,  prince  of  Antioch  — „ _ 199 

Coin  of  Emperor  John  II  Comnenus  . — 199 

Coin  of  Emperor  Manuel  I  Comnenus  200 

View  of  Castle  of  Anazarbus   (Cilicia)   204 

Coin  of  Eimad-ed-Din  Zangui,  Sultan  of  Iconium  205 

Coin  of  Rokn-ed-Din  Masaoud,  Sultan  of  Iconium  — - 205 

Coin  of  Emperor  Andronicus  I  Comnenus  ..- — 205 

Coin  of  Richard  of  Marasch   - 206 

Plan  of  the  Castle  of  Moute  (Cilicia)   207 

Coin  of  Amaury  I,  king  of  Jerusalem -  207 

Coin  of  Sultan  Nur-ed-Din  Mahmoud  _ ™. 208 

Coin  of  El  Salih-Ismail,  Zenguid  Atabek  of  Aleppo  208 

Gold  coin  of  Emperor  Michael  Ducas  209 

Coin  of  Kilidj-Arslan  II,  sultan  of  Iconium 210 

Coin  of  Emperor  Isaac  Angelus  _ _ 211 

Coin  of  Bohemond  III  of  Antioch  . — 212 

Coin  of  Saladin  (Salah-ed-Din)  „ 212 

Coins  of  John  of  Brienne  and  the  Holy  Sepulchre  — -  213 

Map:  Latin  principalities  of  the  East 214 

Com  of  Leo  II,  baron  of  New  Armenia  _ 214 

Coin  of  Isaac  Ducas  Comnenus,  despot  of  Cyprus _ _ _ _ 215 

Coin  of  Guy  of  Lusignan,  first  king  of  Cyprus _ 215 

St.  Nerses  (from  the  Armenian  iconography)   „ 216 

Signature  of  Leo  I,  first  king  of  New  Armenia _ _ —  218 

Handwriting  of  St.  Nerses  of  Lampron  on  a  Greek  MS ~ 219 

Coin  of  Emperor  Alexis  Comnenus 220 

Coin  of  Henry  of  Champagne ~ 220 

Seal    of   Raymond-Rupen   _„ 221 

Coin  of  Tripoli,  without  ruler's  name _ _» -...  221 


Chapter  VIII. 

EflRgy  of  Leo  I,  king  of  New  Armenia  „ ~ 222 

Coins  of  king  Leo  I — 223 

Gold  Bulla  of  king  Leo  I ..- 224 

Gold  coin  of  Hugh  I,  king  of  Cyprus 224 

Coin    of   Bohemond   IV,   prince   of    Antioch   225 

Coin  of  Raymond-Rupen,  prince  of  Antioch  - 225 

Coin  of  Theodore  Lascaris,  Emperor  of  Nicaea  _.„ 226 

Imitations  by  the  Crusaders  of  Moslem  coins 226 

Coin   of   Kaikhosrou,   Sultan    of   Iconium - 228 

Coin  of  Soleiman-Shah,  Sultan  of  Iconium ~ 228 

Effigy  of  Hetum  I,  king  of  New  Armenia  „ - - 230 

Coin  of  Hetum  I,  king  of  New  Armenia — 230 

Coins  with  names  of  Hetum  I  and  Sultans  of  Iconium _... _ 231 

Handwriting  of  Hetum  I  - -  232 

Coin  of  Hetum  I  and  Isabel  _ — 233 

Seal  of  Constantine  I,  patriarch   of  Partzerpert   ..._ „ 233 

Coin    of    Rousondan,    queen    of    Georgia 233 

Coin  of  Kaikobad  I,  Sultan  of  Iconium  234 

Coin  of  Kaikhosrou  II,  Sultan  of  Iconium  234 

Coin   of   Mango-Khan    235 

Coin  of  David  V,  king  of  Georgia,  and  Mango-Khan  — 235 

Coin  of  Honlago  235 

—  420  — 


Coin  of  Michael  VIII  Palaeologus,  Byzantine  emperor  236 

Coins  of  Leo  II,  king  of  New  Armenia  _ 236 

Coins  of  Emperor  Andronicus  II „ „ 238 

Signature  of  king  Leo  II  ...._ 240 

Coins  of  Hetum  II,  king  of  New  Armenia  241 

Seal  of  Brother  Ian    (Hetum  II)    241 

Lead  Bulla  of  Thoros  _ 242 

Coins  of  Sempad,  king  of  New  Armenia „_ ...._ 242 

Coins  of  Constantine  II.  king  of  New   Armenia   _._ _ _ 243 

Map :    Empire    of    Nicaea    _ _ „ _.._  244 

Coins  of  Leo  III,  king  of  New  Armenia _. 245 

Coins  of  Ochin,  king  of  New  Armenia   _..  246 

Coins  of  Henry  II  of  Lusignan,  king  of  Cyprus  „ 247 

Coins  of  Leo  IV,  king  of  New  Armenia _„ „ 248 

Leo  IV  of  Armenia  administering  justice,  contemporary  miniature  painting  249 

Escutcheons   of   Tarsus   „. _ „ „ 249 

Coin  of  Emperor  Michael  IX  Palaeologus _ _ 251 

Coin  of  Emperor  John  V  Palaeologus  „ 251 

Coin  of  Emperor  Andronicus  III  Palaeololgus  „_ _ _ 251 

Coin  of  Guy  of  Lusignan  (Constantine  II),  king  of  New  Armenia  252 

Coins  of  Constantine  III,  king  of  New  Armenia _  253 

Coin  of  Dieudonne  of  Gozon,  Grand  Master  of  Rhodes „ „..  253 

Coin  of  Peter  I,  king  of  Cyprus  „ „.„ „ _  254 

Coins  of  Constantine  IV,  king  of  New  Armenia „ _  257 

Coins  of  Leo  V.  of  Lusignan,  king  of  New  Armenia  _  259 

Coin  of  Peter  II  of  Lusignan,  king  of  Cyprus  „ „ „ „.  260 

View  of  the  ruins  of  the  city  and  castle  of  Gorigos  260 

Tombstone  at  Nicosia  _ 261 

Plan  of  the  port  of  Gorigos  „ _ 261 

View   of   Castle   of   Gorigos   _ 262 

Castle  of  Chahi-Maran    ( Cilicia ) 263 

Ruins  of  the  fortress  of  Sis  „ 267 

Escutcheon  on  tombstone  of  Leo  V.  of  Lusignan,  king  of  New  Armenia „.  272 

Tomb  of  Leo  V  of  Lusignan,  at  St.  Denis _. 272 

Seal  and  signature  of  king  Leo  V  of  Lusignan  „ 274 

Chapter  IX. 

Coin  of  Giorgi  III.  king  of  Georgia,  with  Al  Moktafy 277 

Coin  of  Djelal-ed-Din,  Sultan  of  Charesm  „ 279 

Coin  of  David  V.  Solsan,  king  of  Georgia  _ 279 

Coin  of  Arghoun-Khan  and  Demetri   II   of  Georgia   279 

Coin  of  Ghazan-Khan  and  Wakhtang  HI,  king  of  Georgia 279 

Coin  of  Bagrat  V,  king  of  Georgia „ 280 

Coin  of  Giorgi  VIII,  king  of  Georgia  _ _ 280 

Georgian  coin   (uncertain)    14th  century 280 

Coins  of  Erekle,  king  of  Georgia 284 

Map :    Russia's   advances   in   Armenia   _ _ „  286 

Russian  coin   of  Georgia   _ „ _  286 

Chapter  X. 

Coins  of  Emperor  Mauricius  Tiberius  316 

Coin  of  Mauricius  Tiberius,  Constantine,  and  Theodosius  317 

Coin  of  Heraclius  I,  as  Consul ._ _  318 

—  421  — 


Coin  of  Heraclius  I,  as  Emperor  ~ 318 

Coin  of  Heraclius  I,  Heraclius  Constantine,  and  Eudoxia 318 

Coin  of  Heraclius,  Heraclius  Constantine,  &  Heracleonas  „ 319 

Coin  of  Heracleonas,  David  Tiberius,  and  Constans  II 319 

Coin  of  Heraclius  Constantine  and  Heracleonas  — 319 

Coin  of  Heraclius  I,  Heraclius  Constantine,  &  Martina 319 

Coin  of  Heracleonas    alone    — 319 

Coin  of  Constans    II   and    Constantine   Pogonatus    „ „...» 320 

Coin  of  Constans  II,  Constantine  Pogonatus,  Heraclius  and  Tiberius  _ 320 

Coin  of  Constans  II,  Heraclius,  and  Tiberius  320 

Coin  of  Constantine  IV  Pogonatus - 320 

Coin  of  Filepicus  Bardanes  _ - ~ 321 

Coin  of  Artavazdus  and  Constantine  V ~ 321 

Coin  of  Artavazdus    and    Nicephorus    _ 322 

Coin  of  Leo  V  the  Armenian  and  Constantine  VII  - 322 

Coin  of  Leo  V  the  Armenian  alone  — ~ 322 

Coin  of  Basil    I,    alone    . — 322 

Coin  of  Basil  I  and  Constantine  IX  322 

Coin  of  Emperor   Leo   the   Philosopher   __— 323 

Coin  of  Leo   VI   and   Alexander   323 

Coin  of  Leo  VI  and  Constantine  X  -..  323 

Coin  of  Alexander    alone    ~ - — —  323 

Coin  of  Constantine    X   and   Zoe    323 

Coin  of  Constantine   X   and   Romanus   I   323 

Coin  of  Constantine   X   and   Romanus   II 324 

Coin  of  Romanus  I   alone   324 

Coin  of  Romanus  I.   Constantine  X,  and  Christophorus  — 324 

Coin  of  Romanus  II  alone  - 324 

Coin  of  Romanus  II  and  Basil  II  325 

Coin  of  Empress    Theophanon -....  325 

Coin  of  Basil  II  and  Constantine  XI  325 

Coin  of  John    Zimisces    „ 325 

Coin  of  Constantine  XI  alone  325 

Coin  of  Theodora,   wife   of   Constantine  XII   326 

Coin  of  Theodora   and    Michael    III    326 

Narses  and  Theodora    (Mosaic  at   Ravenna)    _ 327 

Sarcophagus   of  Isaac  the   Armenian   _ 328 

Architectural  design  on  the  Church  at  Safar 337 


Chapter  XI. 

Armenian  Pharagir   Writing    _ 338 

Armenian  carved    stone,    Ergathagir    writing    .„ _ „ 340 

Armenian  Ergathagir  writing   of   10th   cent.    (966) „  342 

Armenian  Ergathagir  writing   of   10th   cent.    (989) _ 343 

Armenian  Notragir  writing,  most  recent  form    (1596)    .......  344 

Armenian  Bolorgir  writing   „ „ _ 345 

Portrait  of  Monsignor  Khriraian  „ _ _ _...  360 

The  Island  of  St.  Lazarus  at  Venice  _ _ — 363 

Stamp  of  the  Armenian  printer  Hakob   (Venice  1513)   364 

Page  from  the  Calendar  published  at  Venice  in  1513  by  the  Armenian  printer 

Hakob   „ 366 

The   Armenian   printer   Abgar   of   Venice   presenting  his   psaltery  to   Pope  IV 

Plan  of  the  Church  of  St.  Gregory  (Zvartsnots),  near  Etchmiadzin  372 


—  422 


Plan  of  the  present  monastery  of  Etchmiadzin 373 

View   of   the   Cathedral   of   Etchmiadzin 373 

Plan  of  the  Cathedral  of  Etchmiadzin  374 

"View  and  plan  of  the  church  of  St.  Ripsime  at  Valarsapat 374 

Monastery  of  St.  Varag  at  Van  _ __ 375 

Church  of  St.  Stepanos  and  monastery  of  Maghard _ ..._  375 

Monastery    of    Narek _ „ „ 376 

Church  of  St.   George   at  Ani .„ 377 

Church  of  Akhtamar,  near  Van  ™„ 378 

Lion  carved  on  the  ramparto  of  Ani  „_ 379 

Christ,  the  Virgin,  and  St.  Gregory  (stone  carving  at  Ani.)  _ _  379 

Tombstones   at   Ani _ 380 

Armenian  tombstones „ _ „ _. _ „ 382 

Descent  from  the  Cross,   (wooden  carving  in  Etchmiadzin  treasure-house)    383 

Carved   door  of  Sevan   monastery   383 

Falling  Asleep  of  the  Virgin,  from  Armenian  iconography __. _  384 

Miniature  painting  on  Sissouan  MS  dated  1330  384 

Animals  fighting    (from  Armenian  iconography)    „ 385 

The  Virgin   (miniature  painting  on  MS  of  king  Hetum  II)    385 

Silver  coin  of  Gourgen,  Eristhaw  of  Georgia  386 

Coin  of  Bagrat  IV,  king  of  Georgia 386 

Coin  of  Giorgi   II,  king   of   Georgia   - „ 386 

Coin  of  Giorgi  III,  king  of  Georgia,  and  Al  Moktafy ™ _ „  387 

Coin  of  Roussoudan,    queen   of   Georgia   - _ 387 

Coin  of  Giorgi   VIII,   king    of   Georgia    „ 388 

Reliquary  at   Etchmiadzin   ^ 389 

The  Island  and  Monastery  of  Lake  Sevan   (Russian  Armenia)    396 

Dragon   (from  Armenian  iconography)    „_ 398 


*       * 
*       * 
* 


—  423  — 


CONTENTS 


Dedication  „  _         5 

Preface  7 

Foreword 9 

Chapter  I. 

Physical  features  of  Armenia.  —  Geography.  —  Generalities ....15-49 

Ararat,  15.  —  The  Alagheuz,  16,  —  The  Gheuk-tchai  or  Sevanga,  20.  —  The 
Araxes.  21.  —  The  plain  of  Erivan,  22.  —  The  Qara-bagh  and  the  Qara-dagh,  24.  — 
The  plain  of  Moughan,  27.  —  Azerbaidjan,  28.  —  Persian  Kurdistan,  29.  — 
The  Erzerum  plateau,  30.  —  Lazistan  and  the  Pontic  Alps,  32.  —  Climate  of  the 
Armenian  plateau,  34.  —  The  Armenian  stronghold,  35.  —  Southern  Armenia, 
37.  —  Turkish  Kurdistan,  38.  —  Western  Armenia,  39.  —  Frontiers  of  Armenia, 
41.  —  The  provinces  of  Armenia,  43.  —  Greater  and  Lesser  Armenia,  45.  —  New 
Armenia  or  Sissouan,  45.  —  The  three  Armenias,  49. 

Chapter  II. 

Origin  of  the  Armenian  people.  —  Sojourn  of  the  Armeno-Phrygians  in 
Thrace.  —  Their  crossing  into  Asia.  —  Their  march  to  the  Ararat 
country.  —  Conquest  of  the  Erzerum  plateau.  —  The  Haikian 
patriarchs.  —  The  legendary  dynasty.  —  Median  ascendancy.  —  The 
kingdom  of  Armenia  under  Achaemenean  suzerainty.  —  The  Macedon- 
ian conquest.  —  The  dynasty  of  Phraataphernes.  —  Rule  of  the 
Seleucids  of  Syria .50-84 

Armenian  beginnings,  51.  —  The  Armeno-Phrygians  of  Herodotus,  52.  —  The 
Armenians  of  the  12th  to  the  8th  century  B.C.,  53.  —  The  Iranians  in  the  8th 
century  B.C.,  54.  —  The  Urartaeans  not  the  ancestors  of  the  Armenians,  55.  — 
Armenian  traditions  concerning  the  kingdom  of  Urartu,  58.  —  Migration  of  the 
Armenians,  59.  —  Legendary  dynasties,  62.  —  The  invasion  of  the  Scythians, 
65.  —  Conquest  of  Armenia  by  Haik,  65.  —  The  Armenian  language,  67.  — 
The  religion  of  the  Armenians  in  ancient  times,  69.  —  Armenia  subdued  by  the 

—  425  — 


Persian  Achaemeneans,  72.  —  The  Anabasis  of  the  Ten  Thousand  through 
Armenia,  75.  —  The  Alexandrian  conquest,  78.  —  Armenia  under  Alexander's 
successors,  79.  —  Erivan  founded,  79.  —  Ervand  (Orontes),  governor  of  Ar- 
menia, 79.  —  Artaxias,  king  of  Armenia,  81.  —  Zariadras,  82.  —  Numismatic 
records,  Charaspes,  Arsames,  Abdissares,  and  Xerxes,  kings  of  Armenia,  known 
only  from  their  coins,  83.  sq.  — 


Chapter  III. 

Reign  of  Tigranes  II  the  Great,  —  Lucullus  and  Pompey  in  Armenia.  — 
The  country  divided  by  the  Romans.  —  The  last  kings  of  the  dynasty 
of  Artaxias - — - — - 85-109 

Artavazd  II,  86.  —  Tigranes  II  the  Great,  87.  —  Mithidrates  V.  defeated  by  Sulla, 
89.  —  Lucullus,  90.  —  Battle  of  Tigranocerta,  91.  —  Recall  of  Lucullus,  94.  — 
Pompey  in  Armenia,  95.  —  Submission  of  Tigranes  II,  96.  —  Armenia  under 
Tigranes  II,  98.  —  Marcus  Crassus  in  Asia,  100.  —  Artavazd  III,  100.  —  Defeat  of 
Crassns,  101.  —  Mark  Antony  in  Asia,  104.  —  Alexander,  son  of  Antony  and 
Cleopatra,  king  of  Armenia,  107.  —  Artashes  II,  107.  —  Last  successors  of 
Artaxias,    108.   —   Tigranes   III   and   Tigranes    IV,    108. 

Chapter  IV. 

The  foreign  dynasty  {A.D.  2-53).  —  The  Arsacids  of  Armenia  {A.D.  53- 
429).  —  Tiridates  II  the  Great  {A.D.  217-238).  —  Conversion  of 
Armenia  to  Christianity.  —  Saint  Gregory  the  Illuminator 110-136 

Ariobaizanes,  110.  —  Artavazd  V,  111.  —  Tigranes  V,  111.  —  Erato,  111.  —  Vonones, 

111.  —  Artashes  III,  112.  —  Archak  I,  112.  —  Mithidrates,  112.  —  Rhadamistus, 

112.  —  Tiridates  I,  115.  —  Corbulo,  116.  —  Tigranes  VI,  116.  —  Exedares, 
117.  —  First  Arsacids  of  Armenia,  118.  —  Tiridates  II  (Chosroes  I),  118.  —  Ac- 
cession of  the  Sassanids  to  the  Persian  throne,  226.  —  Tiridates  III  and  St. 
Gregory  the  Illuminator,  124.  —  Conversion  of  Armenia  to  Christianity,  124.  — 
Founding  of  the  Patriarchal  See  of  Etchmiadzin,  127.  —  The  Armenian  Church, 
130.  —  Artavazd  VI,  132.  —  Chosroes  H,  Tiran,  Archak  II,  Pap,  Varazdat,  Archak 
III,  Chosroes  III,  Vrampachouh,  132.  —  St.  Sahak  and  St.  Mesrop  133.  —  In- 
vention of  Writing,  133.  —  Last  Arsacid  kings  of  Armenia,  135.  —  The  Marzpans, 
135.  —  Vardan  Mamikonian,  135.  —  Vahan  Mamikonian,  136. 

Chapter  V. 

The  Arab  conquest.  —  Armenia  a  province  of  the  Empire  of  the 
Caliphs - -.- - 137-152 

End  of  the  Sassanid  Empire,  Yezdedjerd  IV,  138.  —  Abd-er-Raham  enters  Armenia, 
139.  —  Struggle  between  the  Byzantines  and  Arabs  in  Armenia,  140.  —  Arab 
government  set  up  in  Georgia  and  Armenia,  142.  —  Ashot,  governor  of  Armenia 
for  the  Arabs,  143.  — Description  of  the  site  of  Ani,  144.  —  Ashot,  "prince  of 
princes",  (king  of  Ani),  148.  — 

—  426  — 


Chapter  VI. 
The  Dynasty  of  the  Bagratids - 153-186 

Origin   of   the   Bagratids,   153.  —   Aehot   I,    154.  —  Sembat   I,   157.   —  Khatchik- 

Gaghik,  king  of  Vaspurakan,  159 Ashot  II,  king  of  Ani,  161.  —  Abas,  163.  — 

Ashot  III,  163.  —  Division  of  Armenia  into  seven  kingdoms,  165.  —  Sembat  II, 
167.  —  Gaghik  I,  168.  —  Sembat  III,  172.  —  Arrival  of  the  Turks  in  Armenia, 
173.  —  Armenian  principality  of  Sivas,  174.  —  Gaghik  II,  176.  —  Exile  of  Gaghik 
II,  177.  —  Assassination  of  Gaghik  II,  179.  —  Taking  of  Ani  by  the  Seljuk 
Turks,  182.  —  Role  of  the  Armenian  nobility,  184. 

Chapter  VII. 

The  Barony  of  New  Armenia  - 187-221 

Revolt  of  Rupen,  188.  —  Cilicia,  190.  —  Constantine  I  and  Thoros  I,  barons,  194.  — 
Arrival  of  the  Second  Crusade,  195.  —  Leo  I,  baron,  198.  —  Captivity  of  Leo  I, 
200.  —  Thoros  II,  baron,  201.  —  Mleh,  baron,  209.  —  Rupen  II,  baron,  211.  — 
Leo  II,  baron,  212.  —  Arrival  of  the  Third  Crusade,  212. 

Chapter  VIII. 

The  Kingdom  of  New  Armenia 222-274 

Leo  I,  king  of  Armenia,  222.  —  The  Court  of  Armenia,  227.  —  The  Commerce 
of  the  Armenians,  228.  —  Isabel,  queen,  231.  —  Hetum  I,  king  of  Armenia,  232.  — 
Leo  II,  king  of  Armenia,  237.  —  Helum  II.  240.  —  Thoros,  242.  —  Sempad  and 
Constantine,  usurpers,  242.  —  Return  of  Hetum  II  to  power,  244.  —  Leo  III,  245. 
—  Ochin,  246.  —  Leo  IV,  247.  —  Guy  of  Lusignan  (Constantine  II),  250.  — 
Constantine  III,  253.  —  Constantine  IV,  255.  —  Leo  V.  of  Lusignan  258.  —  Leo 
V  in  Cyprus,  260.  —  Crowning  of  Leo  V,  265.  —  Siege  of  Sis,  266,  —  Taking 
of  Sis  by  the  Moslems,  269.  —  Capitulation  of  the  Castle  of  Sis,  269.  —  Captivity 
of  Leo  v.,  270.  —  Liberation  of  Leo  V,  271.  —  Death  of  Leo  V,  271, 


Chapter  IX. 
Armenia,  after  the  loss  of  its  independence 275-314 

Moslems'  attitude  to  Christians  in  conquered  countries,  275.  —  Turkish  domina- 
tion in  Armenia,  278.  —  The  Mongols  in  Armenia,  278.  —  Persian  rule,  281.  — 
The  Armenians  appeal  to  Europe,  282.  —  Peter  the  Great  and  Catherine,  283.  — 
Conquest  of  Upper  Armenia  by  Russia,  285.  —  Treaty  of  Adrianople,  287.  — 
Zeitoun,  290.  —  Treaty  of  San  Stefano,  291.  —  Congress  of  Berlin,  292.  —  Cyprus 
Agreement,  293.  —  The  causes  of  the  massacres,  296.  —  Armenian  nobility  in 
the  20th  century,  298.  —  The  Patriarchs,  300.  —  The  Young  Turks,  303.  —  The 
massacres,  304.  —  The  population  of  the  Ottoman  Empire,  313.  —  The  Armenian 
population,  313. 

—  427  — 


Chapter  X. 

The  Armenians  outside  of  Armenia.  —  The  population  of  Armenia  and  of 
the  Armenian  Colonies - _ 315-337 

The  Armenian  Emperors  of  Byzantium,  315.  —  Manricius  Tiberius,  317.  —  Flavius 
Heraclius  I,  318.  —  Constans  II,  320.  —  Constantine  IV  Pogonatus,  320.  —  Jus- 
tinian II,  321.  —  Tiberius  IV,  321.  —  Filepicus  Bardanes,  321.  —  Artavazdus,  321. 

—  Leo  V  the  Armenian,  322.  —  Michael  III  and  Basil  I,  322.  —  Alexander,  323. 

—  Constantine  X.  Porphyrogenetus,  323.  —  Romanus  I,  324.  —  John  Zimesces, 
325.  —  Constantine  XI  Porphyrogenetus,  325.  —  Armenian  Empresses  and 
Princesses,  326.  —  The  Armenian  officials  of  the  Greek  Empire,  326.  —  The 
Bagratid  dynasty  of  Georgia,  327.  —  The  Armenians  in  Persia  and  Constantinople, 
328.  —  The  Armenians  in  Poland,  330.  —  The  Armenians  in  western  Europe,  333. 

—  The  Armenians  in  India  and  the  Far-East,  334.  —  The  Armenians  in  Venice, 
the  Mekhitharists,  334.  —  The  Armenians  in  Russia,  334.  —  Russian  administra- 
tion of  the  Armenians,  335.  —  The  Armenians  in  America,  336. 

Chapter  XL 

Literature,  Science,  and  Art  among  the  Armenians  — 338-391 

Ancient  writing  of  Asia,  338.  —  Armenian  writing,  340.  —  Mesrop,  341.  —  Ancient 
Armenian  literature,  345.  —  Moses  of  Khoren,  351.  —  Liturgical  poetry,  352.  — 
Secular  poetry,  353.  —  Armenian  troubadours,  355.  —  Modem  Armenian  litera- 
ture, 356.  —  Armenian  versification,  362.  —  The  Sciences,  363.  —  Printing,  364. 

—  Newspapers  and  Reviews,  364.  —  Music,  368.  —  The  Stage,  370.  —  Architec- 
ture and  Sculpture,  370.  —  Frescoes  and  Icons,  381.  —  Illumination  of  Manu- 
scripts,    381.  —  Coining  of  money  in  Georgia,  385.  —  The  industrial  arts,  389. 

—  Dancing,  391. 

Chapter  XII. 

Events  in  Armenia,  since  the  fall  of  the  Czar's  government  in  Russia 
(1917-1918) '. - -- 392-397 


*      * 


—  428 


APPENDICES 


Chronology.  —  Remotest  times.  —  Legendary  data,  401.  —  Historical  data.  Earliest 
times,  402.  —  First  Period  of  Independence,  402.  —  Rule  of  the  Seleucids,  402. 
Second  period  of  Independence,  Dynasty  of  Artaxias,  402.  —  Foreign  Dynasty, 
402.  —  Arsacids  of  Armenia,  403.  —  Persian  Rule,  Marzpans  or  Governors-Gen- 
eral, 403.  —  Governors-General  of  Byzantine  Armenia,  404.  —  Arab  rule,  Os- 
tikans  or  Governors-General,  405.  —  Third  Period  of  Independence,  Dynasty 
of  the  Armenian  Bagratids,  407.  —  Fourth  Period  of  Independence,  Dynasty  of 
the  Rupenians  in  New  Armenia,  I,  the  Barons,  II.  the  Kings,  407-8. 

Ecclesiastical  Chronology.  —  Catholici  of  Etchmiadzin,  409.  —  Catholici  of  Cilicia, 
411.  —  Catholici  of  Akhthamar,  412.  —  Catholici  of  Aghouan,  412.  —  Patriarchs  of 
Jerusalem,  413.  —  Patriarchs  of  Constantinople,  414. 


430  — 


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